Pontianak Teochew
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| Pontianak Teochew | |
|---|---|
| 坤甸潮州話 kung¹ diêng⁶ dio⁵ ziu¹ uê⁷ (Peng'im) Khun-tiān Tiô-tsiu-uē (PUJ) | |
| Native to | Indonesia (West Kalimantan) |
| Region | Pontianak and the surrounding regions |
| Ethnicity | Pontianak Chinese |
Native speakers | 550,000 (2012)[1] |
Sino-Tibetan
| |
Latin script
| |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | nan for Southern Min / Min Nan which encompasses a variety of languages and dialects including "Teochew".[2] |
| Glottolog | chao1238 |
Pontianak Teochew (simplified Chinese: 坤甸潮州话; traditional Chinese: 坤甸潮州話; Peng'im: kung¹ diêng⁶ dio⁵ ziu¹ uê) is a dialect of Teochew primarily spoken by the Chinese community in Pontianak, West Kalimantan, Indonesia. Pontianak Teochew was originally spoken by the Teochew people who migrated from the Chaoshan region in Guangdong, China. These migrants and their descendants constitute the majority of the Chinese population in Pontianak and its surrounding areas.[3] Today, however, it serves as the lingua franca for the entire Chinese community in Pontianak.[4] Pontianak Teochew has also become a common trade or marketplace language in Pontianak and its surrounding areas.[5] The Pontianak Teochew dialect has undergone significant assimilation into the local languages, making it significantly different from the original Teochew dialect spoken in Guangdong. This variation is primarily due to the influence of language assimilation processes involving Pontianak Malay and Indonesian.[6] Many Chinese people in Pontianak are multilingual, speaking not only Teochew but also Hakka, Mandarin, Pontianak Malay, and Indonesian.
Unlike in Java, where the use of Chinese languages has declined due to language shift and past discouragement by the Indonesian government, the Chinese dialects spoken in Pontianak and West Kalimantan remain well-preserved. Pontianak Teochew continues to be spoken across generations of the Chinese community in Pontianak, including by younger people. It is used in schools and markets, although there is a gradual shift toward Indonesian, particularly among the youth. Code-mixing between Pontianak Teochew and Indonesian is also a common phenomenon.[7]
History
[edit]| Pontianak Teochew | |||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Traditional Chinese | 坤甸潮州話 | ||||||||||||||
| Simplified Chinese | 坤甸潮州话 | ||||||||||||||
| |||||||||||||||
The Teochew people began migrating to what is now West Kalimantan during the 19th century. Originating from the Chaoshan region in southern Guangdong, they were part of a larger migration wave and typically passed through the port of Shantou on their journey.[8] Initially, not all Chinese migrants to West Kalimantan were part of the middle class. Many traveled in groups, and it was common for some to work as farmers or small traders, placing them in the lower class. In contrast to Java and Sumatra, where Cantonese and Hokkien make up the majority of the Chinese population, these two groups form only a small minority in West Kalimantan. The majority in this region are Hakka, who settled in West Kalimantan much earlier, followed by the Teochew.[9] These Chinese migrants began arriving when the Pontianak Sultanate invited them to engage in mining activities and help revitalize trade.[10] The Teochew people have generally steered clear of politics, focusing primarily on trade. As a result, they were largely excluded from the establishment of the Lanfang Republic in the 19th century, which was almost entirely composed of Hakka.[4]
The use of Teochew and other Chinese dialects was significantly discouraged following Indonesia's independence. In the 1950s, several policies were introduced across the archipelago targeting Chinese language and culture. In the summer of 1957, military commanders, intent on eliminating foreign ideologies, closed all Chinese-language schools. Then, in April 1958, a military decree was issued prohibiting the publication of newspapers and periodicals in Chinese.[11] With the onset of the New Order, the government under Suharto introduced the official national policy regarding Chinese religion, beliefs, and traditions through Presidential Instruction No. 14/1967 (Inpress No. 14/1967).[12] This policy mandated that all Chinese rituals and activities be confined to the family and not take place publicly. For more than thirty years, Teochew, along with other Chinese dialects, was explicitly discouraged in Indonesian-medium schools. Teachers encouraged the use of Indonesian and discouraged students from speaking their native languages.[12]
Following the fall of the New Order, President Abdurrahman Wahid initiated significant reforms for the Chinese community by repealing the 1967 national policy through Presidential Decision No. 6/2000 (Keppres No. 6/2000).[13] This was further supported by President Megawati Soekarnoputri, who issued Presidential Decision No. 19/2002 (Keppres No. 19/2002), declaring Chinese New Year a national holiday. These changes marked a shift toward greater acceptance and expression of Chinese culture and language. With Mandarin reintroduced in schools, Teochew is no longer as strictly prohibited as it once was.[13]
Geographic distribution and usage
[edit]In Pontianak, two varieties of Chinese are spoken: Teochew and Hakka. The Teochew dialect is the most widely spoken among the Chinese community in Pontianak.[14] The Teochew population primarily resides in the urban areas of southern Pontianak, whereas those in northern Pontianak, as well as the suburbs and rural areas, predominantly speak Hakka.[15][16] However, many Hakka speakers in Pontianak are bilingual, fluent in both Hakka and Teochew—and the same is true vice versa.[17] The Teochew are primarily urban dwellers, including plantation workers, shopkeepers, and traders, while the Hakka were traditionally rural inhabitants, working as miners, farmers, and small traders. However, following the forced migration of the 1960s, predominantly involving Hakka, this pattern was disrupted. The Teochew, being relatively better off and long-established residents of the city, saw their language gradually become the common spoken language for both Teochew and Hakka communities.[4]
Teochew is so deeply embedded in Pontianak that many non-Chinese individuals, especially business owners, can speak it to some extent. Teochew speakers in the region take great pride in their dialect, with younger generations often making a conscious effort to avoid code-mixing with Malay or Indonesian.[1] Besides being native Teochew speakers, many also speak their local Malay variety fluently and can communicate in varying degrees of Standard Indonesian, as well as other Chinese dialects like Mandarin and Hokkien. Proficiency in Mandarin is especially common among older generations and younger speakers who are actively working to reconnect with their cultural roots.[1]
Teochew has become the lingua franca of the Chinese community in Pontianak, serving not only the Teochew population but also the Hakka and other Chinese ethnic groups. Code-mixing and code-switching between Teochew, Hakka, Pontianak Malay, and Indonesian are prevalent in daily interactions.[18] In addition to learning Teochew as their mother tongue or first language, many Chinese youths in Pontianak also study Mandarin, which serves as the unifying language for ethnic Chinese communities.[14] Indonesian, the national language, is used in formal contexts such as schools, government institutions, and interethnic communication. Additionally, many Chinese people in Pontianak are fluent in Pontianak Malay, the local Malay dialect. While the majority of Pontianak Malay speakers are ethnically Malay, many non-Malay residents, including Chinese, also speak the local language.[17] The use of Teochew is under threat due to a shift in language preferences. Currently, in daily life, many Chinese people in Pontianak prefers and uses Indonesian or Pontianak Malay. This indicates that the language used by the Chinese community in Pontianak has undergone a shift, especially among the younger generation.[5]
Phonology
[edit]Consonants
[edit]In Pontianak Teochew, there are 18 distinct consonants. They are: [p], [pʰ], [b], [m], [t], [tʰ], [n], [l], [z], [ts], [tsʰ], [s], [k], [kʰ], [g], [ŋ], [h], and [∅].[19]
| Labial | Alveolar | Velar | Glottal | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| plain | sibilant | |||||
| Nasal | m [m]
毛 (mo) |
n [n]
年 (ni) |
ng [ŋ]
硬 (ŋe) |
|||
| Plosive/ | plain | p [p]
飛 (pue) |
t [t]
中 (tong) |
ts [ts]
水 (tsui) |
k [k]
歌 (kua) |
|
| aspirated | ph [pʰ]
跑 (pʰau) |
th [tʰ]
看 (tʰoi) |
tsh [tsʰ]
秋 (tsʰiu) |
kh [kʰ]
去 (kʰu) |
||
| voiced | b [b]
賣(boi) |
z [d͡z]
热 (zuak) |
g [g]
玉 (gek) |
|||
| Fricative | s [s]
三 (sa) |
h [h]
何 (ho) | ||||
| Lateral | l [l]
路 (lou) |
|||||
| Approximant | ||||||
Additionally, the consonant zero sound [∅] is found in the vocabulary 我 [ua], 爷 [ia], 英 [iŋ] and 幼 [iu].[19]
Vowels
[edit]Pontianak Teochew has 11 vowels in total, comprising 6 simple vowels and 5 nasalized vowels.[19] It also features 20 diphthongs and 4 triphthongs.
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In addition, Pontianak Teochew also includes two syllabic consonants, similar to those found in Taiwanese Hokkien.[20]
| Syllabic consonants | |
|---|---|
| m [m]
姆 (m) |
ng [ŋ]
黄 (ng) |
In Pontianak Teochew, certain vocabulary items are pronounced differently from others. For instance, in the Gu Shanshe (古山摄) group of vowel suffixes, the suffix [ŋ̍] is used, representing a unique vowel sound. Additionally, if the vowel [ɯ] is present, the vowel ending changes, with [-ŋ] or [-k] pronounced as [ɤ] by the informant.[21]
Suffixes within certain categories and groups are pronounced as [un]. Pontianak Teochew has distinct phonological characteristics, including its use of nasal finals, which consist of both front and back nasals, specifically [-m], [-n], and [-ŋ]. Moreover, the entering tone wods in this dialect are characterized by four types of plosive finals: [-p], [-t], [-k], and [ʔ].[21]
The dialect also includes several nasal rhymes, such as 钱 [tsĩ], 虎 [hõũ], and others.
Tones
[edit]Pontianak Teochew features a tonal system consisting of eight distinct tones, which are further categorized into "yin" and "yang" tones. These tones are classified into four categories: level tones, rising tones, falling tones, and entering tones. Each category includes both voiced and devoiced variations, resulting in a total of eight distinct tones.[21] Due to the influence of Indonesian and Malay, which are non-tonal languages, many Teochew speakers in Pontianak have gradually lost the distinct high and low tones that are characteristic of the original Teochew spoken in Guangdong.[20]
| Upper/Dark (陰) | Lower/Light (陽) | |||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| No. | Name | Contour | Tone types | Examples | No. | Name | Contour | Tone types | Examples | |
| Level (平) | 1 | 陰平
im-pêng |
[˧] (33) | Mid | 珠 [tsu], 知 [tsai] | 2 | 陽平
iang-pêng |
[˥] (55) | High | 铜 [taŋ], 陈 [tan] |
| Rising (上) | 3 | 陰上
im-siang |
[˧] (53) | Falling | 感 [kam], 早 [tsa] | 5 | 陽上
iang-siang |
[˧˥] (35) | High rising | 老 [lau], 坐 [tso] |
| Departing (去) | 5 | 陰去
im-khu |
[˨˩˧] (213) | Low rising | 吊 [tiau], 教 [ka] | 6 | 陽去
iang-khu |
[˩] (11) | Low | 地 [ti], 谢 [sia] |
| Entering (入) | 7 | 陰入
im-jip |
[˨˩] (21) | Low checked | 笔 [pit], 急 [kip] | 8 | 陽入
iang-jip |
[ʔ˦] (4) | High checked | 杂 [tsap], 合 [ap] |
Grammar
[edit]Perfective aspects
[edit]Similar to Mandarin and other Chinese varieties, Pontianak Teochew incorporates perfective aspects. In Pontianak Teochew, the perfective marker signifies that an event is completed, represents the event as lacking internal structure, or conveys the event without highlighting its continuing relevance to the present.[22] An example of the use of a perfective aspect marker is as follows:
Anna
Anna
Anna
去
kʰə
go
鋪頭
potʰau
shop
囉。
lou
PERF
Anna went to the shop .
With a perfective marker, such as lou (囉) the sentence conveys the meaning "Anna went to the market." The perfective marker lou in this context highlights the temporal property of the event, specifically that it is completed.[23]
The perfective aspect stands in contrast to both the imperfective and prospective aspects. The imperfective aspect represents an event as having internal structure, such as being ongoing or habitual, while the prospective aspect describes actions or events that are about to occur. Similar to the perfective aspect, the imperfective aspect can also be indicated using various markers, time-related adverbs, and auxiliaries.[23]
Another examples of perfective markers in Pontianak Teochew are diau (掉) and dioh (著). Diau conveys meanings opposite to those associated with lou. While lou marks completed events, diau expresses that the event is unexpected, unplanned, or negative. However, it can also describe events that are neutral, meaning the interpretation can shift depending on the context, potentially conveying either a positive or negative connotation.[24] Similar to diau, dioh also indicates an unexpected and unplanned event. However, unlike diau, which generally conveys a negative tone from the speaker's perspective, dioh does not inherently carry a positive or negative value. The interpretation of whether the event is viewed as positive or negative depends on the context and the speaker's perspective.[25] Examples of the usage of diau and dioh are as follows:
我
ua
My
個
kai
POSS
目鏡
mak-kia
glasses
壞
pit
broke
掉。
diau
PERF
My glasses broke.
阿翔
Asiang
Asiang
撵
leng
push
著
dioh
PERF
侬囝。
nongkia.
child
Asiang pushed a child.
Each of these three markers conveys a specific meaning from the speaker’s perspective and is used with different types of verbs, such as transitive or intransitive. The marker lou indicates that the speaker expected the event to occur and views it positively. It can co-occur with both transitive and intransitive predicates. In contrast, the markers diau and dioh both express the speaker’s perception that the event was "unexpected."[26] However, diau generally conveys that the event is negative from the speaker’s perspective, while dioh is more neutral, with the meaning depending on the context to indicate whether the event is perceived as positive or negative. Moreover, diau and dioh exhibit complementary distribution in terms of syntactic properties: diau is used with intransitive unaccusative verbs, while dioh is used with transitive and dynamic predicates.[26]
Negations
[edit]The negations or negative markers in Pontianak Teochew can generally be categorized into two types: those beginning with 'b', such as bo (無), boi (𣍐), and bue (未), and those beginning with 'm', such as m (唔), mo (莫), and min (免). While some of these markers can be synchronically decomposed into two morphemes, others cannot.[27]
The negative marker bo originates from the morphemes b ‘not’, a bound negative marker that cannot stand alone, and u (有) ‘exist, have’. Based on its meaning, bo is closer to méiyǒu (沒有), meaning ‘not exist, not have’ in Mandarin. Similar to the morpheme yǒu in Mandarin, the morpheme u in Pontianak Teochew can express ‘possession’ or ‘having.’[28] Below is an example comparing the use of u and bo respectively:
我
Ua
I
有
u
have
鐳。
lui
money
I have money.
我
Ua
I
無
bo
not have
鐳。
lui
money
I don't have money.
The examples above demonstrate that the negive marker bo can negate an event that has an affirmative form of u (‘exist’).[29]
This negative marker boi expresses inability and negates epistemic modality. The declarative form using oi ‘able’ indicates ability, while its negative counterpart, boi, means ‘unable’.[30] For example:
伊
I
He
會
oi
able
泅水。
siu-cui
swim
He can swim.
伊
I
He
𣍐
boi
not able
泅水。
siu-cui
swim
He cannot swim.
Another modal auxiliary expressing ability is hiau (曉). The usage in affirmative sentences is generally the same as oi, with oi being replaced by hiau, and the negative form is boi hiau (𣍐曉). However, there is a slight difference between the affirmative sentences using oi and those using hiau. Hiau indicates a higher level of skill than oi when referring to ability.[31]
The negation bue means ‘not yet,’ similar to hái méi (還沒) in Mandarin. It grammatically negates transitive, intransitive unaccusative, or intransitive unergative predicates.[32] For example:
我
Ua
I
未
bue
not have
遇
ngo
meet
朋友。
pʰeng-iu
friend
I have not met a friend.
This negative marker m ‘not’ negates certain verbal or adjectival predicates, particularly stative verbs—those that describe a state or condition that is static and unchanging, such as know or believe. The negative marker m also negates the copula si (是), which appears optionally in the affirmative form. The key difference between sentences using si and those without it is that the former adds emphasis to the predicate.[33] It can also negate the modal hiau ‘can’ to form m hiau (唔曉) ‘cannot'. Example of its usage are shown below:
我
Ua
I
唔
m
not
是
si
COP
學生。
hak-seng
student
I am not a student.
伊
He
He
唔
m
not
歡喜。
huan-hi
happy
He is not happy.
The negative marker mo expresses the preference that something had better not happen. Mo is also used in negative imperatives. Similar to English imperatives, the implied subject ‘you’ is not pronounced.[34] For example:
莫
Mo
Don’t
呴薰
kuh-hun
smoke
在
to
PREP
只塊!
tsio
here!
Don’t smoke here!
The negation min means ‘no need’ and expresses a lack of necessity or requirement. Min can occur with a transitive, intransitive unergative, or intransitive unaccusative predicate.[35] For example:
許
Hi
DET
條
tiau
CL
船
tsun
ship
免
min
no need
沉。
tim
sink
The ship does not need to sink.
References
[edit]- ^ a b c Peng 2012, p. 5.
- ^ "Reclassifying ISO 639-3 [nan]" (PDF). GitHub. 31 August 2021. Retrieved 28 July 2022.
- ^ Aretha, Paula (2024-02-13). "The Spread of Chaoshan Food Culture in Pontianak: 潮汕饮食文化在坤甸的传播". Mandarinable: Journal of Chinese Studies. 3 (1): 104–111. doi:10.20961/mandarinable.v3i1.1144. ISSN 2962-4258.
- ^ a b c Chiang, Bien; Cheng, Jean Chih-yin (2017), Santasombat, Yos (ed.), "Ethnic Chinese Enterprises in Indonesia: A Case Study of West Kalimantan", Chinese Capitalism in Southeast Asia: Cultures and Practices, Singapore: Springer, pp. 131–153, doi:10.1007/978-981-10-4696-4_6, ISBN 978-981-10-4696-4, retrieved 2025-01-04
- ^ a b Thamrin, Lily; Suhardi; Veronica, Tjen; Lusi (2022). "Pergeseran Bahasa Teochew Pada Remaja Tionghoa Teochew di Pontianak". LOKABASA: Jurnal Kajian Bahasa, Sastra, dan Budaya Daerah serta Pengajarannya. 13 (1): 91–99. doi:10.17509/jlb.v10i1. eISSN 2528-5904. ISSN 2338-6193.
- ^ Thamrin 2020, p. 195.
- ^ Thamrin, Lily; Suhardi, S; Veronica, Tjen; Lusi, L (2021-12-24). "Persepsi remaja Tionghoa terhadap pembelajaran bahasa dialek Teochew". Linguista: Jurnal Ilmiah Bahasa, Sastra, dan Pembelajarannya. 5 (2): 106. doi:10.25273/linguista.v5i2.10845. ISSN 2579-9037.
- ^ Farinuddin, Harry; Pradjoko, Didik (2024-07-31). "Tek Seng Bio Temple as a Symbol of History and Locality of the Chinese Indonesian Community in Cikarang". International Review of Humanities Studies. 9 (2). doi:10.7454/irhs.v9i2.1303. ISSN 2477-6866.
- ^ Atmaja, Dwi Surya; Fachrurrazi (2018). "Escalating Threats on Chinese-Malay Interaction". Lembaga Penelitian dan Pengabdian Masyarakat (LP2M). Institut Agama Islam Negeri Pontianak.
- ^ Jailani, Muhammad; Dewantara, Jagad Aditya; Rahmani, Eka Fajar (2023-01-02). "The Awareness of Mutual Respect Post-Conflicts: Ethnic Chinese Strategy through Social Interaction and Engagement in West Kalimantan". Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment. 33 (1). doi:10.1080/10911359.2021.1990170. ISSN 1091-1359.
- ^ Purdey, Jemma (2006). Anti-Chinese violence in Indonesia, 1996-1999. Asian Studies Association of Australia Southeast Asia publications series. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press in association with Asian Studies Association of Australia. ISBN 978-0-8248-3057-1. OCLC 61724445.
- ^ a b Veniranda 2015, p. 20.
- ^ a b Veniranda 2015, p. 21.
- ^ a b Veronica, Tjen; Thamrin, Lily; Lusi, Lusi; Suhardi, Suhardi (2023-09-12). "The Mastery of The Teochew Dialect and Mandarin Chinese of Chinese Youths". JETL (Journal of Education, Teaching and Learning). 8 (2): 141–145. doi:10.26737/jetl.v8i2.3341. ISSN 2477-8478.
- ^ Davina, Shiranindita (2021). Sajian Kuliner Peranakan Tionghoa di Pontianak, Kalimantan Barat (Thesis). Politeknik Pariwisata NHI Bandung.
- ^ Heidhues, Mary Somers (2003). Golddiggers, Farmers, and Traders in the "Chinese Districts" of West Kalimantan, Indonesia. Cornell University Press. doi:10.7591/j.ctv1nhn2g. ISBN 978-0-87727-733-0.
- ^ a b Birnie-Smith, Jess (2020). "The impact of language and phenotype in classifications of ethnicity". Australian Journal of Linguistics. 40 (1). doi:10.1080/07268602.2019.1695581. ISSN 0726-8602.
- ^ Strangers at home: history and subjectivity among the Chinese communities of West Kalimantan, Indonesia. Chinese overseas. Leiden [etc.]: Brill. 2011. ISBN 978-90-04-17340-8.
- ^ a b c Thamrin 2020, p. 197.
- ^ a b Veniranda 2015, p. 24.
- ^ a b c Thamrin 2020, p. 199.
- ^ Veniranda 2015, p. 67.
- ^ a b Veniranda 2015, p. 68.
- ^ Veniranda 2015, p. 73.
- ^ Veniranda 2015, p. 76.
- ^ a b Veniranda 2015, p. 78.
- ^ Veniranda 2015, p. 95.
- ^ Veniranda 2015, p. 96.
- ^ Veniranda 2015, p. 97.
- ^ Veniranda 2015, p. 98.
- ^ Veniranda 2015, p. 99.
- ^ Veniranda 2015, p. 104.
- ^ Veniranda 2015, p. 105.
- ^ Veniranda 2015, p. 111.
- ^ Veniranda 2015, p. 114.
Bibliography
[edit]- Peng, Anne Elise (2012). Aspects of the Syntax of Indonesian Teochew (PhD thesis). University of Delaware. ISBN 978-1-267-96938-5.
{{cite thesis}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link) - Veniranda, Yohana (2015). Perfective Aspect and Negation in Pontianak Teochew (PhD thesis). University of Delaware.
{{cite thesis}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link) - Thamrin, Lily (2020-12-30). "Phonological Description of Teochew Dialect in Pontianak West Kalimantan". Lingua Cultura. 14 (2): 195–201. doi:10.21512/lc.v14i2.6600. ISSN 2460-710X.
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
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