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Slavic migrations to the Balkans

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Slavic migrations to Southeast Europe.

Early Slavs began mass migrating to Southeastern Europe in the mid-6th century and first decades of the 7th century in the Early Middle Ages. The rapid demographic spread of the Slavs was followed by a population exchange, mixing and language shift to and from Slavic.

The settlement was facilitated by the substantial decrease of the Southeastern European population during the Plague of Justinian. Another reason was the Late Antique Little Ice Age from 536 to around 660 CE and the series of wars between the Sasanian Empire and the Avar Khaganate against the Eastern Roman Empire. The backbone of the Avar Khaganate consisted of Early Slavic tribes. After the failed siege of Constantinople in the summer of 626, they remained in the wider Southeast Europe area after they had settled the Byzantine provinces south of the Sava and Danube rivers, from the Adriatic towards the Aegean up to the Black Sea.

Exhausted by several factors and reduced to the coastal parts of the Balkans, Byzantium was not able to wage war on two fronts and regain its lost territories, so it reconciled with the establishment of Sklavinias influence and created an alliance with them against the Avar and Bulgar Khaganates.

Background

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Before the great migration period, the population of the Southeast Europe was composed of Ancient Greeks, Illyrians and Thracians who had been Romanized and Hellenized, as well as of Roman Imperial subjects. There may have also been small communities of Heruli, Bastarnae, Langobards and Sciri. After the destructive campaigns of Attila the Hun and the Goths, who were previously foederati, which resulted in the fall of the Western Roman Empire, Eastern Roman Emperor Justinian I began the reconstruction of fortresses, cities, and Christianity. However, the Plague of Justinian (from 541–549 until the mid-8th century[1]) decimated the native population, resulting in the weakening of the Pannonian and Danubian Limes. Various factors, including the Late Antique Little Ice Age and population pressure, pushed the migration of the Early Slavs, who were also led by the Pannonian Avars.[2][3][4][5]

Early Slavs could have been sporadically present in the Carpathian Basin during the time of Sarmatian Iazyges (and related to Limigantes).[6] They possibly also participated in the campaigns of the Huns and of various Germanic tribes from the end of the 5th century CE (evidence being recorded words "medos, kamos, strava" in a Hunnic camp[7]).[8][9]

History

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Main articles: Antae and Sclaveni
Historical situation in cca. 560 AD before the invasion of the Pannonian Avars, according to Francis Dvornik (1949-56).

The Slavs who settled in Southeast Europe comprised two groups: the Antae and the Sclaveni. The first certain Slavic raids date to the early 6th century during the time of the Eastern Roman Emperor Justin I (r. 518–527), coinciding with the end of the Vitalian revolt of 511–518.[10] Procopius recorded that in 518 a large army of the Antae, "who dwell close to the Sclaveni", crossed the Danube River into Roman territory. Raids continued with ever-faster and stronger incursions during the time of Justinian I (r. 527–565),[11] with Procopius recording that the whole of Illyricum and Thrace was pillaged almost every year by Huns,[nb 1] Sclaveni, and Antae, who did enormous damage to the native Roman population, making the region a "Scythian desert".[14] As the Danubian Limes lacked garrisons, in 545 Justinian I made an alliance with the Antae to stop barbarian intrusions from Antae territory in the Lower Danube area. This caused more Sclaveni intrusions from the region of Podunavlje,[15] with the intruders spending in 551 their time in Dalmatia "as if in their own land",[16] but also occasioned peaceful permanent settlement on Byzantine territory, which began around the same time.[17] Things changed with the arrival of the Pannonian Avars (after fall of Gepids (567) and departure of Lombards in 568), who fought against the Antae and subjugated masses of both Antae (562, but maintained independence as Byzantine allies until 602) and Sclaveni (Pannonian-Middle Danubian Slavs lost independence to Avars between 571-578, while Lower Danube/Wallachian Slavs were active on their own although as Avar allies since 585).[18] Andrej Pleterski considers as unlikely that the Avars at one time ruled over all Slavs in the Danube region.[19]

After the death of Justinian I, the new Roman Emperor Justin II (r. 565–574) halted the payment of subsidies to the Avars, thus sparking an almost century-long war (568-626). With the Byzantines preoccupied with the 572–591 and 602–628 wars with the Sasanian Empire, Avars and Slavs made devastating intrusions along the Byzantine borders from Northern Italy to Southern Greece, and by the mid-7th century, the Slavs had settled in all the Balkans and Peloponnese.[15] Based on the archaeological research of forts Avar-Slav devastation of Dalmatia happened in late 560s and early 570s, with a limited inhabitation until the end of the 6th century.[20]

The Byzantine Emperor Maurice (r. 582–602) in his Balkan campaigns (582–602) did not manage to stop the successful siege of Sirmium (580 to 582), though his generals triumphed at Viminacium (599). Subsequently the siege of Thessalonica (617; causing complete collapse of minting coins there[21]), and the destruction of various cities including Justiniana Prima and Salona, culminated with the unsuccessful Siege of Constantinople (626).[22][23] After the siege, somewhere between 628–629, George of Pisidia reported that the Slavs and Avars were fighting "which prevented them from waging a common war", and the Pannonian Slavs managed to liberate themselves from the Avar rule (which itself coincides with the account in De Administrando Imperio about the war between the Croats and Avars in Roman province of Dalmatia).[24]

According to Procopius, Slavic social and political organization was a kind of demokratia in which a council of nobles ruled the tribal community. This allowed Slav tribes to stay together regardless of environmental factors, but according to Johannes Koder, "impeded coordinated military resistance against the enemy", which put them in a situation of being under foreign political leadership.[23][25] When the Slavs and later the Avars entered the southeast of Europe they lacked advanced siege-warfare tactics, but around 587 they acquired this knowledge from contact with Byzantine culture, and because of this no urban settlement or fort could oppose them any more.[26] With the destruction of Roman fortifications came a loss of Byzantine military and administrative power in Roman provinces. The native population was often decimated, and smaller or larger groups of Slavs settled in the devastated lands. Settlement among the natives, often replacing them, happened in the autumn, when winter supplies were secured for the people and animals. After mixing with the natives who survived in smaller communities, depending on the region, the Slavic tribes mostly had names of toponymic origin.[27]

Approximate location of South Slavic tribes, per V. V. Sedov 1995.

Slavs established dense settlements in Southeast Europe, more precisely in the Praetorian prefecture of Illyricum:

Eventually the Slavs settled in the former Roman provinces of Pannonia and Dalmatia reached a substantial amount of autonomy or independence, establishing Sklavinias influenced both by Francia and by the Byzantine Empire. In most parts of the former dioceses of Dacia and Thracia the Sklavinias fell under the rule of the First Bulgarian Empire, while in the diocese of Macedonia they lacked political organization, because of which the Byzantine Empire regained control there, and after 200 years the Slavs in the southern Balkans became assimilated by the Greek-speaking majority. In the territory of present-day Albania, the Albanian-speaking majority assimilated the local Slavic settlers.[29][30][31]

Christianization

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After the settlement of the Slavs, Church administration – which was controlled by a thick network of Roman bishoprics – collapsed,[32] and most of Southeast Europe turned to paganism and entered the Dark Ages, alongside most of post-Roman Europe. Many Slavs soon began to accept the cultural customs of the highly civilized Roman provinces,[9] and in order to expand their cultural and state influence on the South Slavs, the Roman Church and Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople began the process of Christianization of the Slavs.[33] Martin of Braga already in 558 listed Slavs among baptized barbarians, most probably a reference to the Pannonian Slavs.[34][35] Pope Gregory I in May 591 advised bishops of Illyricum to accept their colleagues who taken refuge from invasions, in March 592 wrote to prefect of Illyricum about barbarian devastations, and by July 600 the Slavs were already attacking Eastern Adriatic coast.[36] Pope Agatho in a letter to Byzantine emperor Constantine IV regarding the Third Council of Constantinople (680–681) mentioned that many Roman Church bishops are active "in the middle of the barbarians - the Lombards and Slavs, as well as the Franks, Goths and Britons".[37] A mid-8th century episcopal notitia mentions Slavs among many others as part of the territorial jurisdiction of the Roman Church.[37]

Archaeology

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According to the archaeological and historical data the main movement of the Slavs was from the Eastern Carpathians to the Middle and Lower Danube valley.[38][39][40] The Ipotesti–Candesti culture was composed of a mixture of Sclaveni Prague-Korchak and Antae Penkovka culture with some elements of the so-called Martinovka culture.[41][42] V. V. Sedov considered that the majority of the Slavic population in Southeast Europe was descending from Antae,[43] while Michel Kazanski and Andrej Pleterski gave more emphasis on the Sclaveni as immigration started in Western Ukraine (river Dniester) and South(-eastern) Poland (around river Vistula).[44][45] A settlement pattern movement can be observed from lands north and northeast of the Carpathians, with Upper Tisza in the Carpathian Basin as transitory territory.[46] Pottery in Northwestern Romania can be grouped into (1) Prague-Korchak (2) Penkovka and Kolochin (3) and Lazuri-Pişcolt horizon from mid-6th century with analogies in Northwestern Ukraine, Southern Belarus, Southeastern Poland, and Slovakia (with Upper Vistula and San river Polish sites argued as a bridge to Northwestern Romania).[47] The distribution of clay "breadcakes", related to house ovens, found in the Upper Tisza and Lower Danube regions of Romania and to the north of the Carpathians (basins of Teteriv, Bug and Upper Vistula river) also show "probable indication of the territory of origin and the directions of the Early Slavs' migrations".[48] First wave of Slavic settlers in Bulgaria were around forts and related to Antae of Penkovka culture (probably as Byzantine foederati), while second wave by Sclaveni with different ceramics with analogies in Muntenia and Slovakia settled away of such locations.[49]

In the northern regions of the Carpathian Basin (from Tisza River to Western Slovakia) the presence of Slavs is archaeologically confirmed in the first half of the 6th century.[50] For now archaeologically the earliest Slavic sites and artifacts in Moldova are dated to the 5th century,[51] in Romania since 6th century (or not later than mid-6th century[50]), from there to Transylvania in mid-6th century (with Gepids assimilation and additional Slavic waves since mid-7th century).[52] In Southwestern Hungary (southwest of Lake Balaton) near the border with Slovenia and Croatia, specifically in Northeastern Slovenia, are radiocarbon dated to the first-third of the 6th century (and probably settled in the southwestern part of the Carpathian Basin before the arrival of Lombards[53][54]).[55][35] In Bulgaria and countries of former Yugoslavia since late 6th and early 7th century,[52][56] while Greece surely only since the 7th century (although military invasions could be argued since mid-6th century).[52]

The southeastern(-Romanian) part of the Carpathian Basin is usually considered to have been settled by a movement from Lower Danube in east-west direction, but is also possible a north-south direction along Tisza Plain.[57][46] Meanwhile, the area of Transylvanian Basin was settled from both west-east direction of intra-Carpathian Basin (Upper Tisza) and east-west direction of Eastern Carpathians (Upper Olt and mountain passes).[58][59] Based on findings of different types of fibulae and pottery identified with the Slavs on banks of Danube around Iron Gates, and their analogies, some archaeologists hypothesize movement of a part of Slavs from an area of today's Serbian Danube in southeast direction through Southern Bulgaria-Constantinople-Asia Minor, and south direction along Great Morava and Vardar river to Thessaly and Peloponnese.[60][61] Based on historical circumstances, another route of Slavic-Avar invasion went from Sirmium along Drina river (through Zvornik) to Bosnia and Salona in Dalmatia.[62] Based on archaeological and linguistical evidence (as Slovene language has many dialects and both South Slavic and West Slavic influences), the Ljubljana Gap could be considered as another crossroad of different tribal movements,[19][63] of at least two migrations, first after 500 AD and second before 700 AD.[64] The region north of Sava river was in the 6th century settled from the Middle Danube area, and then in the 7th century another group of Slavs with pottery made on a tournette settled the Sava river region (including Dalmatia and other parts of Western Balkans).[65]

The distribution of the cremation burials and archaic Prague-pottery associated with the early Slavs shows higher density at the periphery, especially western, of the Avar Khaganate in the Middle Danube region.[65] In the central-eastern part of the Carpathian Basin, the early Slavic and Avar settlements were separated by the Devil's Dykes (limes sarmaticus).[66] Avars also constructed a new dyke system in eastern Transylvania against the Slavs, but considering the amount of Slavic cultural remains in the Transylvanian Basin, that dyke didn't manage to serve its purpose.[67] The grave artifacts of the Slavic community and its tribal leaders of Nușfalău-Someșeni group in northwestern Romania showed close relations with the Avars. That community was identified by scholars with the West Slavs, White Croats and most probably East Slavs in general.[68] A mid-6th century graves with prestigious artefacts found at Regensburg-Grossprüfening in Bavaria indicate resettlement of an elite Pannonian-Middle Danubian Slavic military group running away from the Avar expansion in the western part of the Carpathian Basin.[69][70] Hans Losert also related the finding with a cremation cemetery at Enns near Linz in Upper Austria.[71]

Lifestyle

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According to archaeological data and historical sources, the Slavs mostly travelled along the river valleys, but in the Southern Balkans, they travelled where they encountered greater resistance by the native Byzantine Greek forces, along the mountain ranges.[72][73] Soon after their arrival the Slavic archaeological culture changed under the influence of native and Byzantine cultures.[74]

They mostly were engaged in agriculture, cultivating proso millet, which they introduced,[1] wheat, but also flax.[75] They grew various fruits and vegetables, and learned viticulture.[76] They were actively engaged in animal husbandry, using horses for military and agricultural purposes, and raising oxen and goats.[77] Those living in hilly terrain mostly lived as shepherds.[77] Those living near lakes, rivers, and seas also used various hooks and nets for fishing.[78] They were known to be especially skilled in woodworking and shipbuilding, but also knew about metalworking and pottery.[79]

Genetics

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Admixture analysis of autosomal SNPs of the Southeast Europe in a global context on the resolution level of 7 assumed ancestral populations: the African (brown), South/West European (light blue), Asian (yellow), Middle Eastern (orange), South Asian (green), North/East European (dark blue) and beige Caucasus component.[80]

According to the 2013 autosomal IBD survey "of recent genealogical ancestry over the past 3,000 years at a continental scale", the speakers of Serbo-Croatian language share a very high number of common ancestors dated to the migration period approximately 1,500 years ago with Poland and Romania-Bulgaria cluster among others in Eastern Europe. It is concluded to be caused by the Hunnic and Slavic expansion, which was a "relatively small population that expanded over a large geographic area", particularly "the expansion of the Slavic populations into regions of low population density beginning in the sixth century" and that it is "highly coincident with the modern distribution of Slavic languages".[81] According to Kushniarevich et al. 2015, the Hellenthal et al. 2014 IBD analysis,[82] also found "multi-directional admixture events among East Europeans (both Slavic and non-Slavic), dated to around 1,000–1,600 YBP" which coincides with "the proposed time-frame for the Slavic expansion".[83] The Slavic influence is "dated to 500-900 CE or a bit later with over 40-50% among Bulgarians, Romanians, and Hungarians".[81] The 2015 IBD analysis found that the South Slavs have lower proximity to Greeks than with East Slavs and West Slavs and that there's an "even patterns of IBD sharing among East-West Slavs–'inter-Slavic' populations (Hungarians, Romanians and Gagauz)–and South Slavs, i.e. across an area of assumed historic movements of people including Slavs". The slight peak of shared IBD segments between South and East-West Slavs suggests a shared "Slavonic-time ancestry".[83] According to a recent admixture analysis, the South Slavs show a genetic uniformity,[80][84] with a modeled ancestral genetic component in the study peaking in Baltic speakers, being high in East Slavs (80-95%) as well as Western and North-Western Europeans (Germans, Orcadians, Swedes), and between 55-70% among South Slavs.[83] According to 2017 admixture study of Peloponnesian Greek population, "the Slavic ancestry of Peloponnesean subpopulations ranges from 0.2 to 14.4%".[85]

The 2006 Y-DNA study results "suggest that the Slavic expansion started from the territory of present-day Ukraine, thus supporting the hypothesis that places the earliest known homeland of Slavs in the basin of the middle Dnieper".[86] According to genetic studies until 2020, the distribution, variance and frequency of the Y-DNA haplogroups R1a and I2 and their subclades R-M558, R-M458 and I-CTS10228 among South Slavs are in correlation with the spreading of Slavic languages during the medieval Slavic expansion from Eastern Europe, most probably from the territory of present-day Ukraine and Southeastern Poland.[87][88][89][90][91][92][93]

A 2022 archaeogenetic study published in Science compared ancient, medieval and modern population samples and found that the medieval Slavic migrations "profoundly affected the region", resulting in the reduction of Anatolian Neolithic ancestry in Southeastern Europe. Pre-Slavic Southeast European populations have the most Anatolian Neolithic component of ancestry, whereas present-day Slavs outside the Southeast Europe have the least, "with present-day people from Southeastern Europe intermediate between the two extremes". Among present-day populations "Greeks and Albanians have more Anatolian Neolithic ancestry than their South Slavic neighbors".[94] A 2023 archaeogenetic study published in Cell, based on 146 samples, confirmed that the spread of Slavic language and identity was because of large movements of people of both males and females with specific Eastern European ancestry and that "more than half of the ancestry of most peoples in the Balkans today comes from the Slavic migrations, with around a third Slavic ancestry even in countries like Greece where no Slavic languages are spoken today".[95][96] The big data set also showed that the Y-DNA haplogroups I2a-L621 and R1a-Z282 are absent in the antiquity and appear only since the Early Middle Ages "always associated with Eastern European related ancestry in the autosomal genome, which supports that these lineages were introduced in the Balkans by Eastern European migrants during the Early Medieval period".[96]

See also

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Notes

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  1. ^ The ethnonym of the Huns, like those of Scythians and Türks, became a generic term for steppe-people (nomads) and invading enemies from the East, no matter their actual origin and identity.[12][13]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ a b Koder 2020, p. 84.
  2. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 206–207.
  3. ^ Lester K. Little, ed. (2007). Plague and the End of Antiquity: The Pandemic of 541-750. Cambridge University Press. pp. 15, 24, 116, 118, 125, 286–287. ISBN 978-0-521-84639-4.
  4. ^ Wright, David Curtis (1997). "The Hsiung-Nu-Hun Equation Revisited". Eurasian Studies Yearbook. 69: 77–112.
  5. ^ Ulf Büntgen; Vladimir S. Myglan; Fredrik Charpentier Ljungqvist; Michael McCormick; Nicola Di Cosmo; Michael Sigl; Johann Jungclaus; Sebastian Wagner; Paul J. Krusic; Jan Esper; Jed O. Kaplan; Michiel A. C. de Vaan; Jürg Luterbacher; Lukas Wacker; Willy Tegel (2016). "Cooling and societal change during the Late Antique Little Ice Age from 536 to around 660 AD". Nature Geoscience. 9 (3): 231–236. Bibcode:2016NatGe...9..231B. doi:10.1038/ngeo2652.
  6. ^ Dvornik 1956, p. 29.
  7. ^ Dvornik 1956, p. 30.
  8. ^ Dvornik 1962, p. 113.
  9. ^ a b Sedov 2013, p. 207.
  10. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 207–208.
  11. ^ Koder 2020, p. 82.
  12. ^ Beckwith, Christopher I. (2009). Empires of the Silk Road: A History of Central Eurasia from the Bronze Age to the Present. Princeton University Press. p. 99. ISBN 9781400829941. Like the name Scythian up to the early medieval period, the name Hun became a generic (usually pejorative) term in subsequent history for any steppe-warrior people, or even any enemy people, regardless of their actual identity.
  13. ^ Dickens, Mark (2004). Medieval Syriac Historians' Perceptions of the Turks. University of Cambridge. p. 19. Syriac chroniclers (along with their Arab, Byzantine, Latin, Armenian, and Georgian counterparts) did not use ethnonyms as specifically as modern scholars do. As K. Czeglédy notes, "some sources... use the ethnonyms of the various steppe peoples, in particular those of the Scythians, Huns and Turkic tribes, in the generic sense of 'nomads'".
  14. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 208.
  15. ^ a b Kazanski 2020, p. 12.
  16. ^ Curta 2001, p. 86.
  17. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 208–209.
  18. ^ Živković 2008, pp. 7–13, 18–26.
  19. ^ a b Pleterski 2015, p. 230.
  20. ^ Janković 2015, pp. 264–265.
  21. ^ Sedov 2013, pp. 127–128.
  22. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 209–212, 215.
  23. ^ a b Koder 2020, p. 83.
  24. ^ Živković 2008, p. 25.
  25. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 229.
  26. ^ Vryonis, Speros (1981). "The Evolution of Slavic Society and the Slavic Invasions in Greece. The First Major Slavic Attack on Thessaloniki, A. D. 597". Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens. 50 (4): 378–390. doi:10.2307/147879. JSTOR 147879.
  27. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 212, 215.
  28. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 212–218, 382, 413, 444, 458.
  29. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 229–232.
  30. ^ Vedriš 2015, p. 581–603.
  31. ^ Koder 2020, p. 91–95.
  32. ^ Fischer, Bernd J.; Schmitt, Oliver Jens (2022). A Concise History of Albania. Cambridge University Press. p. 25. ISBN 9781009254908.
  33. ^ Živković, Tibor (2013). "On the Baptism of the Serbs and Croats in the Time of Basil I (867–886)" (PDF). Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana (1): 33–53.
  34. ^ Pleterski 2015, p. 242–244.
  35. ^ a b Kazanski 2023, pp. 84–85.
  36. ^ Ferjančić 1984, p. 108.
  37. ^ a b Komatina 2015, p. 713.
  38. ^ Teodor 1984, p. 81.
  39. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 218, 220–221.
  40. ^ Kazanski 2020, p. 8.
  41. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 219, 221–222.
  42. ^ Kazanski 2020, p. 7–9.
  43. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 221.
  44. ^ Kazanski 2020, p. 7–8, 10.
  45. ^ Pleterski 1990, pp. 34, 50.
  46. ^ a b Stanciu 2015, p. 203.
  47. ^ Stanciu 2013, pp. 333–337.
  48. ^ Stanciu 2012, pp. 253–255, 269.
  49. ^ Hrisimov 2015, p. 309, 312–313.
  50. ^ a b Radičević 2015, p. 302.
  51. ^ Gavritukhin & Kazanski 2018, p. 227.
  52. ^ a b c Kazanski 2020, pp. 8–12.
  53. ^ Pleterski 2015, p. 241.
  54. ^ Pleterski 2024, p. 116.
  55. ^ Kazanski 2020, p. 13.
  56. ^ Radičević 2015, pp. 300–303.
  57. ^ Comșa 1972, pp. 23–24.
  58. ^ Stanciu 2013, pp. 326–328, 330, 361–362.
  59. ^ Stanciu 2015, pp. 205–206.
  60. ^ Radičević 2015, p. 303.
  61. ^ Janković 2015, p. 254, 260.
  62. ^ Janković 2015, p. 262.
  63. ^ Pleterski 2024, p. 115.
  64. ^ Štular & Lozić 2024, p. 86.
  65. ^ a b König 2022, pp. 46–52.
  66. ^ Vida 2021, pp. 182.
  67. ^ Vida 2021, pp. 183.
  68. ^ Cosma 2022, pp. 344–355.
  69. ^ Kazanski 2023, p. 77.
  70. ^ Curta, Florin (2015). "Four questions for those who still believe in prehistoric Slavs and other fairy tales". Starohrvatska prosvjeta. III (42): 296. By contrast, there are very good matches between traits in the cremation cemetery from Regensburg-Großprüfening and those from a number of similar sites in the western part of the Carpathian Basin34. Very similar urn cremations have been found on a number of sites in southwestern Hungary between the Zala and the Mura rivers. The earliest cremation burials of this group are dated to the early 7th century, and are therefore of the same age as those in Regensburg-Großprüfening35. To the same direction point some of the finds associated with cremations in Regensburg-Großprüfening, such as the trapeze-shaped36 and the double-spiral bronze pendants37. The urns have also good analogies among the handmade pots found in Pókaszepetk38. [references Eichinger-Losert 2003; Losert 2007-2008; Losert 2011]
  71. ^ Curta 2020, p. 103.
  72. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 216.
  73. ^ Koder 2020, p. 88–89.
  74. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 217.
  75. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 225–227.
  76. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 225–226.
  77. ^ a b Sedov 2013, p. 226.
  78. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 227.
  79. ^ Sedov 2013, p. 227–228.
  80. ^ a b L. Kovačević; et al. (2014). "Standing at the Gateway to Europe - The Genetic Structure of Western Balkan Populations Based on Autosomal and Haploid Markers". PLOS One. 9 (8): e105090. Bibcode:2014PLoSO...9j5090K. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0105090. PMC 4141785. PMID 25148043.
  81. ^ a b P. Ralph; et al. (2013). "The Geography of Recent Genetic Ancestry across Europe". PLOS Biology. 11 (5): e105090. doi:10.1371/journal.pbio.1001555. PMC 3646727. PMID 23667324.
  82. ^ "Companion website for "A genetic atlas of human admixture history", Hellenthal et al, Science (2014)". A genetic atlas of human admixture history.
    Hellenthal, Garrett; Busby, George B.J.; Band, Gavin; Wilson, James F.; Capelli, Cristian; Falush, Daniel; Myers, Simon (14 February 2014). "A Genetic Atlas of Human Admixture History". Science. 343 (6172): 747–751. Bibcode:2014Sci...343..747H. doi:10.1126/science.1243518. ISSN 0036-8075. PMC 4209567. PMID 24531965.
    Hellenthal, G.; Busby, G. B.; Band, G.; Wilson, J. F.; Capelli, C.; Falush, D.; Myers, S. (2014). "Supplementary Material for "A genetic atlas of human admixture history"". Science. 343 (6172): 747–751. Bibcode:2014Sci...343..747H. doi:10.1126/science.1243518. PMC 4209567. PMID 24531965. S7.6 "East Europe": The difference between the 'East Europe I' and 'East Europe II' analyses is that the latter analysis included the Polish as a potential donor population. The Polish were included in this analysis to reflect a Slavic language speaking source group." "We speculate that the second event seen in our six Eastern Europe populations between northern European and southern European ancestral sources may correspond to the expansion of Slavic language speaking groups (commonly referred to as the Slavic expansion) across this region at a similar time, perhaps related to displacement caused by the Eurasian steppe invaders (38; 58). Under this scenario, the northerly source in the second event might represent DNA from Slavic-speaking migrants (sampled Slavic-speaking groups are excluded from being donors in the EastEurope I analysis). To test consistency with this, we repainted these populations adding the Polish as a single Slavic-speaking donor group ("East Europe II" analysis; see Note S7.6) and, in doing so, they largely replaced the original North European component (Figure S21), although we note that two nearby populations, Belarus and Lithuania, are equally often inferred as sources in our original analysis (Table S12). Outside these six populations, an admixture event at the same time (910CE, 95% CI:720-1140CE) is seen in the southerly neighboring Greeks, between sources represented by multiple neighboring Mediterranean peoples (63%) and the Polish (37%), suggesting a strong and early impact of the Slavic expansions in Greece, a subject of recent debate (37). These shared signals we find across East European groups could explain a recent observation of an excess of IBD sharing among similar groups, including Greece, that was dated to a wide range between 1,000 and 2,000 years ago (37)
  83. ^ a b c A. Kushniarevich; et al. (2015). "Genetic Heritage of the Balto-Slavic Speaking Populations: A Synthesis of Autosomal, Mitochondrial and Y-Chromosomal Data". PLOS One. 10 (9): 6, 7. Bibcode:2015PLoSO..1035820K. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0135820. PMC 4558026. PMID 26332464.
  84. ^ P. M. Delser; et al. (2018). "Genetic Landscape of Slovenians: Past Admixture and Natural Selection Pattern". Frontiers in Genetics. 9: 551. doi:10.3389/fgene.2018.00551. PMC 6252347. PMID 30510563.
  85. ^ G. Stamatoyannopoulos; et al. (2017). "Genetics of the peloponnesean populations and the theory of extinction of the medieval peloponnesean Greeks". European Journal of Human Genetics. 25 (5): 637–645. doi:10.1038/ejhg.2017.18. PMC 5437898. PMID 28272534.
  86. ^ Rebała, K; Mikulich, AI; Tsybovsky, IS; Siváková, D; Dzupinková, Z; Szczerkowska-Dobosz, A; Szczerkowska, Z (2007). "Y-STR variation among Slavs: Evidence for the Slavic homeland in the middle Dnieper basin". Journal of Human Genetics. 52 (5): 406–14. doi:10.1007/s10038-007-0125-6. PMID 17364156.
  87. ^ A. Zupan; et al. (2013). "The paternal perspective of the Slovenian population and its relationship with other populations". Annals of Human Biology. 40 (6): 515–526. doi:10.3109/03014460.2013.813584. PMID 23879710. S2CID 34621779. However, a study by Battaglia et al. (2009) showed a variance peak for I2a1 in the Ukraine and, based on the observed pattern of variation, it could be suggested that at least part of the I2a1 haplogroup could have arrived in the Balkans and Slovenia with the Slavic migrations from a homeland in present-day Ukraine... The calculated age of this specific haplogroup together with the variation peak detected in the suggested Slavic homeland could represent a signal of Slavic migration arising from medieval Slavic expansions. However, the strong genetic barrier around the area of Bosnia and Herzegovina, associated with the high frequency of the I2a1b-M423 haplogroup, could also be a consequence of a Paleolithic genetic signal of a Balkan refuge area, followed by mixing with a medieval Slavic signal from modern-day Ukraine.
  88. ^ Underhill, Peter A. (2015), "The phylogenetic and geographic structure of Y-chromosome haplogroup R1a", European Journal of Human Genetics, 23 (1): 124–131, doi:10.1038/ejhg.2014.50, PMC 4266736, PMID 24667786, R1a-M458 exceeds 20% in the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland, and Western Belarus. The lineage averages 11–15% across Russia and Ukraine and occurs at 7% or less elsewhere (Figure 2d). Unlike hg R1a-M458, the R1a-M558 clade is also common in the Volga-Uralic populations. R1a-M558 occurs at 10–33% in parts of Russia, exceeds 26% in Poland and Western Belarus, and varies between 10 and 23% in the Ukraine, whereas it drops 10-fold lower in Western Europe. In general, both R1a-M458 and R1a-M558 occur at low but informative frequencies in Balkan populations with known Slavonic heritage.
  89. ^ O.M. Utevska (2017). Генофонд українців за різними системами генетичних маркерів: походження і місце на європейському генетичному просторі [The gene pool of Ukrainians revealed by different systems of genetic markers: the origin and statement in Europe] (PhD) (in Ukrainian). National Research Center for Radiation Medicine of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. pp. 219–226, 302.
  90. ^ Neparáczki, Endre; et al. (2019). "Y-chromosome haplogroups from Hun, Avar and conquering Hungarian period nomadic people of the Carpathian Basin". Scientific Reports. 9 (16569). Nature Research: 16569. Bibcode:2019NatSR...916569N. doi:10.1038/s41598-019-53105-5. PMC 6851379. PMID 31719606. Hg I2a1a2b-L621 was present in 5 Conqueror samples, and a 6th sample form Magyarhomorog (MH/9) most likely also belongs here, as MH/9 is a likely kin of MH/16 (see below). This Hg of European origin is most prominent in the Balkans and Eastern Europe, especially among Slavic speaking groups.
  91. ^ Pamjav, Horolma; Fehér, Tibor; Németh, Endre; Koppány Csáji, László (2019). Genetika és őstörténet (in Hungarian). Napkút Kiadó. p. 58. ISBN 978-963-263-855-3. Az I2-CTS10228 (köznevén „dinári-kárpáti") alcsoport legkorábbi közös őse 2200 évvel ezelőttre tehető, így esetében nem arról van szó, hogy a mezolit népesség Kelet-Európában ilyen mértékben fennmaradt volna, hanem arról, hogy egy, a mezolit csoportoktól származó szűk család az európai vaskorban sikeresen integrálódott egy olyan társadalomba, amely hamarosan erőteljes demográfiai expanzióba kezdett. Ez is mutatja, hogy nem feltétlenül népek, mintsem családok sikerével, nemzetségek elterjedésével is számolnunk kell, és ezt a jelenlegi etnikai identitással összefüggésbe hozni lehetetlen. A csoport elterjedése alapján valószínűsíthető, hogy a szláv népek migrációjában vett részt, így válva az R1a-t követően a második legdominánsabb csoporttá a mai Kelet-Európában. Nyugat-Európából viszont teljes mértékben hiányzik, kivéve a kora középkorban szláv nyelvet beszélő keletnémet területeket.
  92. ^ Fóthi, E.; Gonzalez, A.; Fehér, T.; et al. (2020), "Genetic analysis of male Hungarian Conquerors: European and Asian paternal lineages of the conquering Hungarian tribes", Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences, 12 (1), doi:10.1007/s12520-019-00996-0, Based on SNP analysis, the CTS10228 group is 2200 ± 300 years old. The group's demographic expansion may have begun in Southeast Poland around that time, as carriers of the oldest subgroup are found there today. The group cannot solely be tied to the Slavs, because the proto-Slavic period was later, around 300–500 CE... The SNP-based age of the Eastern European CTS10228 branch is 2200 ± 300 years old. The carriers of the most ancient subgroup live in Southeast Poland, and it is likely that the rapid demographic expansion which brought the marker to other regions in Europe began there. The largest demographic explosion occurred in the Balkans, where the subgroup is dominant in 50.5% of Croatians, 30.1% of Serbs, 31.4% of Montenegrins, and in about 20% of Albanians and Greeks. As a result, this subgroup is often called Dinaric. It is interesting that while it is dominant among modern Balkan peoples, this subgroup has not been present yet during the Roman period, as it is almost absent in Italy as well (see Online Resource 5; ESM_5).
  93. ^ Kushniarevich, Alena; Kassian, Alexei (2020), "Genetics and Slavic languages", in Marc L. Greenberg (ed.), Encyclopedia of Slavic Languages and Linguistics Online, Brill, doi:10.1163/2589-6229_ESLO_COM_032367, retrieved 10 December 2020, The geographic distributions of the major eastern European NRY haplogroups (R1a-Z282, I2a-P37) overlap with the area occupied by the present-day Slavs to a great extent, and it might be tempting to consider both haplogroups as Slavic-specic patrilineal lineages
  94. ^ Iosif Lazaridis; Songül Alpaslan-Roodenberg; Ayşe Acar; Ayşen Açıkkol; Anagnostis Agelarakis; Levon Aghikyan; Uğur Akyüz; Desislava Andreeva; Gojko Andrijašević; David Reich; et al. (26 August 2022). "A genetic probe into the ancient and medieval history of Southern Europe and West Asia" (PDF). Science. 377 (6609): 940–951. doi:10.1126/science.abq0755. PMC 10019558. PMID 36007020. S2CID 251844202.
  95. ^ "Ancient DNA analysis reveals how the rise and fall of the Roman Empire shifted populations in the Balkans". ScienceDaily. December 7, 2023. Retrieved December 8, 2023.
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