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Marzēaḥ was an ancient Northwest Semitic religious and social ceremony and institution. The marzēaḥ was related to wine-drinking, and at least sometimes had a presiding leader or master of ceremonies.[1] Some evidence relates the marzēaḥ to mourning and veneration of the dead, and the nature of this relationship is discussed by scholars;[2] the institution of the marzēaḥ was not necessarily static, and may have changed throughout the many centuries and locations of its existence.[3][4] Many of the attestations of the marzēaḥ do not provide sufficient context for conclusion about the nature of the ceremony.[4][5]

Etymology

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In the abgads of the Northwest Semitic languages – Ugaritic, Hebrew, Phoenician and Punic, Palmyrene, Nabataean and Official Aramaic – the marzēaḥ is spelled mrzḥ.[6] The Ugaritic pronunciation is sometimes referred to as marziḥu,[7] but the original pattern was *maqtal- (i.e. marzaḥu, as it was pronounced at Emar), and the form marziḥu reflected in some Akkadian tranliterations may be a result of vowel harmony near a guttural.[8] Marzēaḥ is the Tiberian Hebrew pronunciation.[6] The meaning of root of the word, RZḤ, is unclear.[9]

Epigraphic evidence

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Epigraphic evidence of the marzēaḥ were found in several Northwest Semitic cultures.

Ebla

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The earliest known appearance of the marzēaḥ is at Ebla,[4] written mar-za-u9, in a text that records a sheep brought to what seems to be a feast.[10][11]

Emar

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One month in the calendar of Emar, known from Akkadian texts and unattested elsewhere, was named Marzaḥānu. The last offering of this month is "brought" by LÚ.MEŠ mar-za-ḫu[12] (the men of the marzaḥu); the verb "brought" describing an offering is rare in Emar, and this is an indication for a procedure that is peculiar to the role of the marzaḥu. The data concerning the marzaḥu at Emar neither confirms nor discredits a connection with cult for the dead. The month Marzaḥānu was equivalent to month Abî, with its repeating contact with the netherworld, and this is an important consideration in favor of such connection.[13][14] The existence of marzaḥu at Emar is probably an influence of regions western to Emar.[15]

Ugarit

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In the mythology

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Among the Ugaritic poems, one text[16] deals with El sacrifices his hunting haul, and invites other deities to the feast while encouraging them to drink and become intoxicated. Meat, bread and wines are served. Yariḫ, who was not originally invited, is welcomed by El who recognizes him, but another figure – whose name is not mentioned – is beaten by El who didn't recognize him, and it appears that Anat and Astarte are aiding him and preparing weapons. El is then described "seating in his marzēaḥ" (yṯb b mrzḥh), and becomes drunk. A character named ḥby, who has horns and a tail, mocks El's uncontrolled excesses. The text is damaged from this point onward.[17]

El gets drunk in his grief in a text[18] from Baʿal Cycle as well, but the tablet is very damaged and no new information about the marzēaḥ can be learned from it.[19]

In the Tale of Aqhat, after Aqhat's death, a series of tablets called "Rapiuma Texts" are introduced.[20] The Rapiuma (who are related to the underworld) are invited to a feast by ỉl mrzʿy (the master of the marzēaḥ ceremony, whose name means "the marzēaḥic god" or "the god of the marzēaḥ"), who is possibly Danel himself, to his house. After a week, the Rapiuma arrive to the threshing floors and orchards of Danel, and he offers them summer fruits. The Rapiuma and Danel sacrifice a lamb, and possibly other sacrifices. The mourning ceremony is held for Baʿal, probably to help him after a defeat in one of his wars. The Rapiuma were called for their ability to cantact the deads and see the future, and Anat attends the ceremony as well, and holds the hands of Danel (although she muredred his son Aqhat). Aqhat is conjured by the Rapiuma, and they imply that Danel won't be abandoned again. The Rapiuma, now described as ġzrm (heroes in war), are asked to bless the name of El, and sacrifice cattles, sheeps, rams, calves and kids (yound goats). Then comes the sentence k ksp lʿbrm zt ḫrṣ lʿbrm k š, which was interpreted by A. Horon [he] as "for silver is to the ʿbrm – olive, gold to the ʿbrm – indeed lamb" – ʿbrm are Rapiuma, who get the fruit of the land.[21] The Rapiuma gat drunk with Danel for seven days, and in the seventh day Baʿal probably arrives; the rest of the texts are damaged and illegible.[22] The Rapiuma were summoned on real occasions as well, as indicated in the accetion ritual of ʿAmmurapiʾ[23] (that was compared to the Mesopotamian Kispu ritual[24]) in which the Rapiuma were sommoned and received sacrifices.[25]

In secular texts

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Four Akkadian texts fron Ugarit mention the marzēaḥ. One fragmental text[26] mentions the LÚ.MEŠ ma-ar-zi-ḫi (the men of the marzēaḥ) in financial context;[27] Na'aman sees it as a contract, and restores GAL before the LÚ, whoch creates the phrase rab amēlūti marziḥi – "the chief of the marzēaḥ", which corresponds with Ugaritic title rb.[28] Another text[29] documents that king Niqmepaʿ son of Niqmaddu confirmed the owenship of the É LÚ.MEŠ mar-za-i ("the house of the marzēaḥ-men") to the marzēaḥ-men and their descendants as eternal. This text also says nothing about the actual nature of the marzēaḥ, but it can be learned that the marzēaḥ was legally recognized.[30][31] A tablet[32] from the time of ʿAmmittamru son of Niqmepaʿ records that an official took a É LÚ.MEŠ mar-ze-i ša ša-at-ra-na ("the house of the marzēaḥ-men of (the god) Šatrana") and gave the marzēaḥ-men another house instead. This tablet uses very similar phrases to one of the time of Niqmepaʿ.[33][31] A fourth document[34] bears the seal of Padiya king of Siyannu, and deals with border dispute in a vineyard in Shuksi dedicated to Hurrian Ištar and divided between the marzēaḥ-men of Ari (a village) and the marzēaḥ-men of Siyannu. It can be learned that the marzēaḥ in this case was attached to geographical location. As in other texts, the marzēaḥ-men are able to posses property, in this case significant as providing wine.[35]

Evidence were also found in the alphabetic texts: One legal document[36] records the "marzēaḥ that šmnn established in his house" – this affirms that a private citizen can establish his own marzēaḥ.[37] The men of the marzēaḥ are called mt mrzḥ. It is unclear whether the document was the contract establishing the marzēaḥ with the obligations and rights of the people involved, or a legal suite.[38] One alphabetic text[39] is a list of fields and their owners, records bn mrzḥ – the exact meaning is not clear, but the text indicates again ownership of fields.[40] An extremely damaged tablet[41] mentions the word mrzḥ more than any other tablet. The level of damage allows minimal context; from the surviving words, it can be reconstructed that the marzēaḥ was mrzḥ ʿn[t] – the marzēaḥ of ʿAnat, and the text was also related to wine producing, since šỉr šd kr[m] is mentioned.[42]

All of the secular Ugaritic texts mentioning the marzēaḥ neither confirms nor discredits a connection with cult for the dead.[43]

Ancient Israel and Judah

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The marzēaḥ is mentioned in the Hebrew Bible.[44] In the Book of Jeremiah 16:5–8:

"For thus saith Yahweh, Enter not into the house of marzēaḥ, neither go to lament nor bemoan them: for I have taken away my peace from this people, saith Yahweh, even lovingkindness and mercies. Both the great and the small shall die in this land: they shall not be buried, neither shall men lament for them, nor cut themselves, nor make themselves bald for them: Neither shall men tear themselves for them in mourning, to comfort them for the dead; neither shall men give them the cup of consolation to drink for their father or for their mother. Thou shalt not also go into the house of feasting, to sit with them to eat and to drink."

Lion ivory furniture inlays from Samaria ivories [he], that may be related to the marzēaḥ and the beds of ivlry mentioned by Amos[45][46][47]

And in Book of Amos 6:3–7:

"Ye that put far away the evil day, and cause the seat of violence to come near; That lie upon beds of ivory, and stretch themselves upon their couches, and eat the lambs out of the flock, and the calves out of the midst of the stall; That chant to the sound of the viol, and invent to themselves instruments of musick, like David; That drink wine in bowls, and anoint themselves with the chief ointments: but they are not grieved for the affliction of Joseph. Therefore now shall they go captive with the first that go captive, and the marzēaḥ of them that stretched themselves shall be removed."

The biblical narrative objects the marzēaḥ, probably because of its popularity among the neighboring nations.[48] Amos' description of the customs was tendentious.[46] The Septuagint translated "house of marzēaḥ" in Jeremiah as θίασον,[49] meaning "mourning feast", and "marzēaḥ of them that stretched themselves" in Amos is translated as χρεμετισμὸς,[50] meaning "horse whinnying", for that was the sound of the drunken debauchery.[51][52]

Moab

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A legal document of a papyrus from Moab, whose authenticity is sometimes doubted, says: kh . ʾmrw . ʾlhn . lgrʾ . lk . hmrzḥ . whrḥyn . whbyt . wyšʿʾ . rḥq . mhm . wmlkʾ . šlš – "So told the gods to grʾ: for you is the marzēaḥ and the millstone and the house, and yšʿʾ shall be removed from owning them, and the king is a third party". The inscription attests ownership of the marzēaḥ, and it is possible that the house is a marzēaḥ-house.[53][54]

Phoenician homeland and settlements

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A Phoenician inscription on a bronze phiale from the market, said to originate from Lebanon and dates to the 5th–3rd centuries BC, dedicates two cups to the marzēaḥ of šmš (the sun deity).[55][56]

The marzēaḥ Phoenician inscription from Piraeus

Among the Athenian Greek-Phoenician inscriptions, one[57] is dedicated to the donation made by a member of the community for a religious institutaion "in day 4 of the marzēaḥ in year 14 of the people of Sidon".[58]

In the Marseille Tariff, that regulates the prices of sacrifes in the temple of Baʿalṣapon, the "marzēaḥ of the gods" is mentioned, and it may be a holyday similar to the Adonia, or a memorial day for the death or resurrection of the gods.[59][60]

A Phoenician ostrakon from Idalion was inscribed tn lʿštrt wlmlqrt bmrzḥ ʾkl sp/r 1 – "Give Astarte and Melqart in the marzēaḥ food: one sp or sr". It seems that the authorities provided the food for the ceremony, but the role of the gods is unclear, as well as whether the marzēaḥ was held in Idalion or Kition, whoch was the capital city and the cult of Astarte and Melqart in it is well known.[61]

Jane B. Carter compared the syssitia, which sometimes included ancestors tales poems, to the marzēaḥ. Carter belives that the Phoenicians in Crete held marzēaḥs, and their ceremonies influenced the Hellenic syssitia. She bases her proposal on the focus on ancestor spirits in some Ugaritic texts, and the singing of ancestors tales in the syssitia; the resemblance between Phoenician ivory furniture plaques (which, according to Amos, may have functioned in the marzēaḥ) and the iconography in Cretan building which was used for feasts; the mentioning of the syssitia in both Laconian and Carthaginian constitutions in Aristotle's translation (who refers to the Cretan constitution as similar to the two others), suggesting the original Phoenician term in the Carthaginian constitution was marzēaḥ.[62]

Jewish settlement in Elephantine

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In an Aramaic ostrakon from Elephantine papyri and ostraka, the head of the gravers association asks the addressee to pay his share in the marzēaḥ.[63][52]

Nabataeans

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The marzēaḥ is mentioned in Nabataean inscriptions in different contexts.[52] The complition of a large agricultural project in Avdat in the time of Rabbel II Soter was celebrated in mrzḥ ʾlhʾ – a banquet holyday for Dushara.[64] In other inscriptions the marzēaḥ is mentioned in contexts of mourning, burial and donations to the financing of the marzēaḥ, and the names of the priests and the worshiped god are sometimes recorded;[60] for example: dkyrw ʿbydw bn [...] wḥbrwh mrzḥ ʿbdt ʾlhʾ – "Remembered are ʿbydw son of [...] and his friends. marzēaḥ of the gods of Avdat."[65] The conductor of the marzēaḥ, rb mrzḥʾ, is also attested, and is similar to ỉl mrzʿy from Ugarit.[65] The Nabataean marzēaḥ was influenced by the Greek Symposium.[4]

Palmyra

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The majority of the epigraphic evidence for the marzēaḥ comes from the 1st–3rd centuries AD at Palmyra.[66] An inscription dates to Shebat 29 AD mentions nine [bny] mrzḥʾ (literally "[the sons of] the marzēaḥ", meaning "the members of the marzēaḥ"), interpreted as a religious association or status; there were nine of them, and the inscription commemorates the building of an altar for Aglibol and Malakbel.[67][66] Another inscription, dates to Nisan 118 AD, engraved on a statue of Zebida by his daughter and another man for his "leadership of the marzēaḥ of the priests of Bel" (rbnwt mrzḥwth dy kmry bl).[66] A bilingual inscription from Nisan 203 AD translates the Palmyrene leadership of the marzēaḥ (rbnwt mrzḥwt or rbnwt mrzḥwtʾ) to Greek as συ[μποσια]ρχος (sy[mposia]rch).[66][65] A forth inscription from Tishri 243 AD for a leader of the marzēaḥ who "served the gods and presided over the divination for a whole year and provided the priests with old wine for a whole year", and ends with blesses for his sons, the scribe, the person in charge of the cooking, the cupbearer (mmzgʾ) and other assistants.[66] about six tesserae depicting on one side a priest of a couch under a vine, and on the other side inscribed with a title "head (rb) of the marzēaḥ"; one of them shows nude Apollo and mentions the members of the marzēaḥ of Nabu (bny mrzḥ nbw).[68]

As the Nabataean marzēaḥ, the Palmyrene marzēaḥ was influenced by the Greek Symposium.[4]

Late antiquity

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The Talmud discusses the marzēaḥ as a living institution.[52]

Betomarsea in Madaba map

The latest reference to the marzēaḥ is the Madaba Map from the 6th century AD:[4] the settlement ΒΗΤΟΜΑΡΣΕΑ Η ΚΑΙ ΜΑΙΟΥΜΑΣ (Betomarsea ē kai Maioumas) shown in the map near the Dead Sea is identified as "House of Marzēaḥ".[52][68] Some link this place to Baʿal-Peʿor mentioned in the bible, who is the god of death.[68][69][70]

References

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  1. ^ King, Philip J. (1989). "The "Marzēaḥ": Textual and Archaeological Evidence". Eretz-Israel: Archaeological, Historical and Geographical Studies. 20: 98*. ISSN 0071-108X. JSTOR 23621930.
  2. ^ King, Philip J. (1989). "The "Marzēaḥ": Textual and Archaeological Evidence". Eretz-Israel: Archaeological, Historical and Geographical Studies. 20: 98*–99*. ISSN 0071-108X. JSTOR 23621930.
  3. ^ McLaughlin, John L. (1991). "The marzeaḥ at Ugarit: A Textual and Contextual Study". Ugarit-Forschungen. 23: 265.
  4. ^ a b c d e f Na’aman, Nadav (2015). "Four Notes on the Ancient Near Eastern Marzeaḥ". In Korpel, Majo C. A.; Grabbe, Lester L. (eds.). Open-mindedness in the Bible and Beyond: A Volume of Studies in Honour of Bob Becking. Bloomsbury T&T Clark. p. 215.
  5. ^ McLaughlin, John L. (1991). "The marzeaḥ at Ugarit: A Textual and Contextual Study". Ugarit-Forschungen. 23: 281.
  6. ^ a b Pentiuc, Eugen J. (2001). West Semitic Vocabulary in the Akkadian Texts from Emar. Eisenbrauns. p. 124.
  7. ^ See for examples: Na’aman, Nadav (2015). "Four Notes on the Ancient Near Eastern Marzeaḥ". In Korpel, Majo C. A.; Grabbe, Lester L. (eds.). Open-mindedness in the Bible and Beyond: A Volume of Studies in Honour of Bob Becking. Bloomsbury T&T Clark. pp. 216–219.; Mandell, Alice (2019). "When Form is Function: A Reassessment of the Marziḥu Contract (KTU 3.9) as a Scribal Exercise". Maarav. 23 (1): 39–67. doi:10.1086/MAR201923104. ISSN 0149-5712.
  8. ^ Pentiuc, Eugen J. (2001). West Semitic Vocabulary in the Akkadian Texts from Emar. Eisenbrauns. pp. 124–125.
  9. ^ Na’aman, Nadav (2015). "Four Notes on the Ancient Near Eastern Marzeaḥ". In Korpel, Majo C. A.; Grabbe, Lester L. (eds.). Open-mindedness in the Bible and Beyond: A Volume of Studies in Honour of Bob Becking. Bloomsbury T&T Clark. p. 222.
  10. ^ Cohen, Mark E. (1993). The Cultic Calendars of the Ancient Near East. CDL. p. 34.
  11. ^ Fleming, Daniel E. (2000). Time at Emar: The Cultic Calendar and the Rituals from the Diviner's Archive. Eisenbrauns. p. 165.
  12. ^ For a linguistic discussion of this phrase, see Pentiuc, Eugen J. (2001). West Semitic Vocabulary in the Akkadian Texts from Emar. Eisenbrauns. p. 124.
  13. ^ Fleming, Daniel E. (2000). Time at Emar: The Cultic Calendar and the Rituals from the Diviner's Archive. Eisenbrauns. pp. 165–167.
  14. ^ Hallo, William W.; Younger, K. Lawson Jr., eds. (2003). The Context of Scripture. Vol. I. Brill. p. 438.
  15. ^ Fleming, Daniel E. (1992). The Installation of Baal's High Priestess at Emar. Scholars Press. p. 278.
  16. ^ KTU2 1.114
  17. ^ רין, צבי; רין, שפרה (1990). עלילות האלים (in Hebrew). ענבל. pp. 646–654, 854.; for slightly different interpretations, see: del Olmo Lete, Gregorio (2015). "The Marzeaḥ and the Ugaritic Magic Ritual System: A Close Reading of KTU 1.114". Aula Orientalis. 33 (2): 221–241. ISSN 0212-5730.. On diferent views concerning the beginning of this text, see McLaughlin, John L. (1991). "The marzeaḥ at Ugarit: A Textual and Contextual Study". Ugarit-Forschungen. 23: 270–274.
  18. ^ KTU2 1.1 IV, mainly lines 2–10
  19. ^ רין, צבי; רין, שפרה (1990). עלילות האלים (in Hebrew). ענבל. pp. 178–179.
  20. ^ KTU2 1.21, 1.22
  21. ^ Horon, A. G. (2000). East and West (in Hebrew). Dvir. p. 157.
  22. ^ רין, צבי; רין, שפרה (1990). עלילות האלים (in Hebrew). ענבל. pp. 629–645.; on diferent views regarding the funerary nature of these texts, see McLaughlin, John L. (1991). "The marzeaḥ at Ugarit: A Textual and Contextual Study". Ugarit-Forschungen. 23: 275–277.
  23. ^ KTU2 1.161
  24. ^ Pitard, Wayne T. (1978). "The Ugaritic Funerary Text RS 34.126". Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research (232): 65–75. doi:10.2307/1356702. ISSN 0003-097X. JSTOR 1356702.
  25. ^ Carter, Jane B. (1997). "Thiasos and Marzeaḥ". In Langdon, Susan (ed.). New Light on a Dark Age. University of Missouri Press. p. 77. ISBN 978-0-8262-1099-9.
  26. ^ RS 14.16
  27. ^ McLaughlin, John L. (1991). "The marzeaḥ at Ugarit: A Textual and Contextual Study". Ugarit-Forschungen. 23: 265–266.
  28. ^ Na’aman, Nadav (2015). "Four Notes on the Ancient Near Eastern Marzeaḥ". In Korpel, Majo C. A.; Grabbe, Lester L. (eds.). Open-mindedness in the Bible and Beyond: A Volume of Studies in Honour of Bob Becking. Bloomsbury T&T Clark. pp. 217–219.
  29. ^ RS 15.88
  30. ^ McLaughlin, John L. (1991). "The marzeaḥ at Ugarit: A Textual and Contextual Study". Ugarit-Forschungen. 23: 266.
  31. ^ a b Porten, Bezalel (1968). Archives from Elephantine. University of California. p. 180.
  32. ^ RS 15.70
  33. ^ McLaughlin, John L. (1991). "The marzeaḥ at Ugarit: A Textual and Contextual Study". Ugarit-Forschungen. 23: 267.
  34. ^ RS 18.01
  35. ^ McLaughlin, John L. (1991). "The marzeaḥ at Ugarit: A Textual and Contextual Study". Ugarit-Forschungen. 23: 267–268.
  36. ^ KTU2 3.9
  37. ^ רין, צבי; רין, שפרה (1990). עלילות האלים (in Hebrew). ענבל. p. 854.
  38. ^ McLaughlin, John L. (1991). "The marzeaḥ at Ugarit: A Textual and Contextual Study". Ugarit-Forschungen. 23: 270–271.
  39. ^ KTU2 4.399
  40. ^ McLaughlin, John L. (1991). "The marzeaḥ at Ugarit: A Textual and Contextual Study". Ugarit-Forschungen. 23: 268.
  41. ^ KTU2 4.642
  42. ^ McLaughlin, John L. (1991). "The marzeaḥ at Ugarit: A Textual and Contextual Study". Ugarit-Forschungen. 23: 268–269.
  43. ^ McLaughlin, John L. (1991). "The marzeaḥ at Ugarit: A Textual and Contextual Study". Ugarit-Forschungen. 23: 275.
  44. ^ King, Philip J. (1989). "The "Marzēaḥ": Textual and Archaeological Evidence". Eretz-Israel: Archaeological, Historical and Geographical Studies. 20: 99*–100*. ISSN 0071-108X. JSTOR 23621930.
  45. ^ King, Philip J. (1989). "The "Marzēaḥ": Textual and Archaeological Evidence". Eretz-Israel: Archaeological, Historical and Geographical Studies. 20: 102*. ISSN 0071-108X. JSTOR 23621930.
  46. ^ a b Carter, Jane B. (1997). "Thiasos and Marzeaḥ". In Langdon, Susan (ed.). New Light on a Dark Age. University of Missouri Press. p. 79. ISBN 978-0-8262-1099-9.
  47. ^ Beach, Eleanor Ferris (1993). "The Samaria Ivories, Marzeaḥ, and Biblical Text". The Biblical Archaeologist. 56 (2): 94–104. doi:10.2307/3210252. ISSN 0006-0895. JSTOR 3210252.
  48. ^ רין, צבי; רין, שפרה (1990). עלילות האלים (in Hebrew). ענבל. p. 855.
  49. ^ Jeremiah 16:5 in LXX; Carter, Jane B. (1997). "Thiasos and Marzeaḥ". In Langdon, Susan (ed.). New Light on a Dark Age. University of Missouri Press. p. 98. ISBN 978-0-8262-1099-9.
  50. ^ Amos 7:6 in LXX
  51. ^ רין, צבי; רין, שפרה (1990). עלילות האלים (in Hebrew). ענבל. pp. 854–855.
  52. ^ a b c d e Avigad, N.; Greenfield, J.C. (1982). "A Bronze phialē with a Phoenician Dedicatory Inscription". Israel Exploration Journal. 32 (2/3): 125. ISSN 0021-2059. JSTOR 27925834.
  53. ^ Aḥituv, Shmuel (2012). HaKetav VeHamiḵtav (second ed.). The Bialik Institute. pp. 400–404.
  54. ^ אחיטוב, שמואל (1999). "משפט אלוהים – פפירוס משפטי מן המאה הז' לפסה"נ". ארץ-ישראל: מחקרים בידיעת הארץ ועתיקותיה. 26: 1–4. ISSN 0071-108X. JSTOR 23629874.
  55. ^ Avigad, N.; Greenfield, J.C. (1982). "A Bronze "phialē" with a Phoenician Dedicatory Inscription". Israel Exploration Journal. 32 (2/3): 118–128. ISSN 0021-2059. JSTOR 27925834.
  56. ^ King, Philip J. (1989). "The "Marzēaḥ": Textual and Archaeological Evidence". Eretz-Israel: Archaeological, Historical and Geographical Studies. 20: 104*. ISSN 0071-108X. JSTOR 23621930.
  57. ^ KAI 60
  58. ^ Slouschz, Nahoum (1942). Thesaurus of Phoenician Inscriptions (in Hebrew). Dvir. pp. 116–117.
  59. ^ Slouschz, Nahoum (1942). Thesaurus of Phoenician Inscriptions (in Hebrew). Dvir. pp. 148–149.
  60. ^ a b רין, צבי; רין, שפרה (1990). עלילות האלים (in Hebrew). ענבל. p. 856.
  61. ^ Amadasi Guzzo, Maria Giulia; José Ángel, Zamora López (2020). "Pratiques administratives phéniciennes à Idalion". Cahiers du Centre d'Études Chypriotes. 50. chapter 21.
  62. ^ Carter, Jane B. (1997). "Thiasos and Marzeaḥ". In Langdon, Susan (ed.). New Light on a Dark Age. University of Missouri Press. pp. 72–97. ISBN 978-0-8262-1099-9.
  63. ^ Porten, Bezalel (1968). Archives from Elephantine. University of California. p. 179.
  64. ^ נגב, אברהם. "עבדת, תת הפרק "תולדות היישוב"". ערי הנבטים בנגב. אריאל.
  65. ^ a b c Aḥituv, Shmuel (2012). HaKetav VeHamiḵtav (second ed.). The Bialik Institute. p. 403.
  66. ^ a b c d e Porten, Bezalel (1968). Archives from Elephantine. University of California. p. 182.
  67. ^ Cooke, George Albert (1903). A Text-Book of North-Semitic Inscriptions. The Clarendon Press. pp. 302–303.
  68. ^ a b c Porten, Bezalel (1968). Archives from Elephantine. University of California. p. 183.
  69. ^ רין, צבי; רין, שפרה (1990). עלילות האלים (in Hebrew). ענבל. p. 855.
  70. ^ King, Philip J. (1989). "The "Marzēaḥ": Textual and Archaeological Evidence". Eretz-Israel: Archaeological, Historical and Geographical Studies. 20: 101*. ISSN 0071-108X. JSTOR 23621930.
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