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Withering away of the state

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Withering away of the state is a Marxist concept coined by Friedrich Engels referring to the idea that, with the realization of socialism, the worker's state will eventually become obsolete and cease to exist as society will be able to govern itself without the state and its coercive enforcement of the law.

Origin of the phrase

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The phrase stems from Friedrich Engels,[1] who wrote in part 3, chapter 2 of Anti-Dühring (1878):

The interference of the state power in social relations becomes superfluous in one sphere after another, and then ceases of itself. The government of persons is replaced by the administration of things and the direction of the processes of production. The state is not "abolished", it withers away. (German: Der Staat wird nicht „abgeschafft“, er stirbt ab., lit.'The state is not "abolished", it atrophies.')[2]

A related quote from Engels comes from Origins of the Family, Private Property, and the State (1884):

The society which organizes production anew on the basis of free and equal association of the producers will put the whole state machinery where it will then belong—into the museum of antiquities, next to the spinning wheel and the bronze axe.[1]

Definition

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Although Engels first introduced the terminology of "the withering away of the state", he attributed the underlying concept to Marx, and other Marxist theorists—including Vladimir Lenin (1870-1924)—would later expand on it.[1]

The withering away of the state is based on the Marxist definition of the state: a special coercive force by which one class holds another in subjection, a "product and a manifestation of the irreconcilability of class antagonisms."[3]

The ruling class, the one which owns means of production, is the one which commands the state. In modern times, this would be the bourgeoisie which commands the capitalist state.[2][1] Engels writes “the modern representative state is an instrument of exploitation of wage-labor by capital."[3]

The withering away of the state takes place on the basis of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. After the workers overthrow the capitalist state in a revolution, the proletariat organizes itself as working class, and organizes a proletarian state to suppress the bourgeoise. Since the proletariat collectively owns the means of production, when the bourgeoise is fully suppressed, no other classes or class antagonism is possible. "This proletarian state will begin to wither away immediately after its victory because the state is unnecessary and cannot exist in a society in which there are no class antagonisms." [4] Lenin elaborates:

During the transition from capitalism to communism suppression is still necessary, but it is now the suppression of the exploiting minority by the exploited majority. A special apparatus, a special machine for suppression, the “state”, is still necessary, but this is now a transitional state. It is no longer a state in the proper sense of the word; for the suppression of the minority of exploiters by the majority of the wage slaves of yesterday is comparatively so easy, simple and natural a task that it will entail far less bloodshed than the suppression of the risings of slaves, serfs or wage-laborers, and it will cost mankind far less. [...] the people can suppress the exploiters even with a very simple “machine”, almost without a “machine”, without a special apparatus, by the simple organization of the armed people (such as the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, we would remark, running ahead).[4]

The withering away of the state would also involve the self-administration of the workers.

From the moment all members of society, or at least the vast majority, have learned to administer the state themselves, have taken this work into their own hands, have organized control over the insignificant capitalist minority, [...] the need for government of any kind begins to disappear altogether. [...] The more democratic the “state” which consists of the armed workers, and which is "no longer a state in the proper sense of the word", the more rapidly every form of state begins to wither away.[4]

Vladimir Lenin who later expanded on the idea

Then, a communist society will no longer require coercion to induce individuals to behave in a way that benefits the entire society.[1][2] Public organization would become primarily concerned with technical issues such as the optimal allocation of resources and determination of production as opposed to drafting and enforcing laws and thus the traditional state functions would gradually become irrelevant and unnecessary for the functioning of society. Engels argued that the state transforms itself from a "government of people" to an "administration of things" and thus would not be a state in the traditional sense of the term. As, under communism, classes disappear and the means of production would have no single owner, such a stateless society will no longer require law and a stateless communist society will develop.[1][2][5]

Interpretations

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Some trace the concept of the state withering away back to the early Karl Marx of the 1840s and to the socialist anarchist theorist Proudhon (1809-1865).[6] However, Marx's advocacy for the dictatorship of the proletariat and Proudhon's antagonism towards the state[7] proved uncomfortable bedfellows,[8] and the two thinkers parted company c. 1847. Proudhon's ideas on withering influenced the Paris Commune of 1871.[9][10]

The concept of the withering away of the state differentiates traditional Marxism from state socialism (which accepts the retention of the institution of the state) and anti-statist anarchism (which demands the immediate abolition of the state with no perceived need for any "temporary" post-revolutionary institution of the state).[2]

In the Soviet Marxism of the Soviet Union, Lenin supported the idea of the withering away of the state as seen in his The State and Revolution (1917).

The Stalin-era Soviet Union marginalized the notion of the withering of the state, as the state became more powerful and entrenched. Joseph Stalin's government mentioned it occasionally, but did not believe the world was yet in the advanced stage of development where the state could wither away. He believed that at least in the short term the state had to have enough power to strike back against those elements seeking to derail the ultimate victory of communism. [2][11]

See also

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References

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  1. ^ a b c d e f Scrutton, Roger, ed. (2007). "Withering away of the state". Palgrave Macmillan Dictionary of Political Thought (3rd ed.). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 736. ISBN 9781849724784. OCLC 857590425.
  2. ^ a b c d e f Kurian, George Thomas, ed. (2011). "Withering Away of the State". The Encyclopedia of Political Science. Washington, DC: CQ Press. p. 1776. doi:10.4135/9781608712434.n1646. ISBN 9781933116440. S2CID 221178956.
  3. ^ a b "The State and Revolution — Chapter 1". www.marxists.org. Retrieved 2025-01-06.
  4. ^ a b c "The State and Revolution — Chapter 5". www.marxists.org. Retrieved 2025-01-06.
  5. ^ Jianmin Zhao; Bruce J. Dickson (2001). Remaking the Chinese State: Strategies, Society, and Security. Taylor & Francis Group. p. 2. ISBN 978-0-415-25583-7. Retrieved 26 December 2012.
  6. ^ Horvat, Branko (1975). "A New Social System in the Making: Historical Origins and Development of Self-governing Socialism". In Horvat, Branko; Marković, Mihailo; Supek, Rudi; Kramer, Helen (eds.). Self-governing Socialism: Historical development. Self-governing Socialism: A Reader, Volume 1. White Plains, New York: International Arts and Sciences Press. p. 14. ISBN 9780873320504. Retrieved 7 September 2024. At first, Marx and Proudhon were friends. They held in common certain fundamental ideas such as the withering away of the state, the elimination of unearned incomes and exploitation, the disappearance of money, and the creation of a classless society.
  7. ^ Ritter, Alan (8 December 2015) [1969]. "Proudhon as a Radical Critic of Established Institutions". Political Thought of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. Princeton Legacy Library (reprint ed.). Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. p. 94. ISBN 9781400878567. Retrieved 7 September 2024. Proudhon wants to grab by the root what he regards as the present world's most potent instruments of oppression: hierarchy and government.
  8. ^ Ansart, Pierre (26 September 2023) [1967]. Jamil, Cayce (ed.). Proudhon's Sociology. Translated by Murdock, Shaun; Berthier, René; Cohn, Jesse S. AK Press. ISBN 9781849355209. Retrieved 7 September 2024. The notion [...] of the dictatorship of the proletariat [...] was undoubtedly formulated by Marx only cautiously: it can only be defined in relation to its dialectical negation, which would be the withering away of the state.
  9. ^ Tombs, Robert (11 June 2014) [1999]. "'The Political Form At Last Discovered?': The Commune as Government". The Paris Commune 1871. Turning Points. Abingdon: Routledge. p. 76. ISBN 9781317883852. Retrieved 7 September 2024. [...] there was a Proudhonist aspiration to unleash a revolution from below, in which initiative would remain with the people and central power wither away.
  10. ^ Tombs, Robert (11 June 2014) [1999]. "Consequences, Representations and Meanings". The Paris Commune 1871. Turning Points. Abingdon: Routledge. p. 200. ISBN 9781317883852. Retrieved 7 September 2024. The Commune, wrote Lenin, had demonstrated how 'the state begins to wither away' as bureaucracy is destroyed and power seized by the people.
  11. ^ Stalinism at the Encyclopædia Britannica

Further reading

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