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Grafton Elliot Smith Cultural Diffusion Map from Egypt

Hyperdiffusionism in Archaeology

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Hyperdiffusionism is a hypothesis that one civilization or people are the creators of all logical and great things which was than diffused to less civilized nations. Thus, all great civilizations that share similar cultural practices, like pyramids, are all derived from the same ancient nation [1] Examples of hyperdiffusionism can be found in religion practices, cultural technologies, megalithic monuments, and lost ancient civilizations. Hyperdiffusionism is specifically different from Trans-cultural diffusion in a few ways, for one hyperdiffusionism is usually not testable due its pseudoscience nature (Williams 1991, 255-156). Additionally, unlike trans-cultural diffusion, hyperdiffusionism does not use trading and cultural networks as the reason for the expansion of a society within a single culture, rather hyperdiffusionists claim that all major cultural innovations and societies derive from one (usually lost) ancient civilization (Williams 1991, 224-232). Ergo, the Tucson Artifacts derive from Ancient Rome due to the "Romans who came across the Atlantic and then overland to Arizona" because of their extreme likeliness to factual ancient Roman artifacts (Williams 1991, 246).

Scholarly Research

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  • In Hapgood's book Maps of the Ancient Sea Kings he concludes that ancient land formations gave way to hyperdiffusionism and the diffusion "of a true culture."[2] This culture could have possibly been more advanced than Greece and or Egypt being that it was the foundation for a worldwide culture. Hapgood also suggest that the Three-age system is irrelevant due co-existing primitive culture's with modern societies (Hapgood 1966, pp.193-194).
  • Heliolithic Culture, as Smith refers to it, are cultural practices like Megaliths, in which similar designs and methods have what seem like a linear geographical distributions.[3] These heliolithic cultures can refer to religious customs that share distinctive practices such as the worshiping of a Solar Deity which are seen in numerous belief systems and therefore diffuse from the same ancient civilization (Smith 1929, p.132).
  • Mystery Hill[4] or America's Stonehenge is Fell's prime example to the hypothesis that ancient Celts once populated New England. Mystery Hill, Fell believes, was a place of worship for the Celts and Phoenicia mariners (Fell 1976, 91). Moreover, these ancient mariners are said to have populated Europe at the same time and were more commonly known as the Druids. They are hypothesized to be the ancient settlers of America. Also, inscriptions on the stone and tablet artifacts are inscribed with an ancient language that can be traced back to a common sources of the Goidelic languages (Fell 1976, 92).

Summary

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These three scholars are examples in which hyperdiffusionism is used as the driving force behind the extensive culture similarities and population distribution throughout all civilizations. Hapgood's hypothesis is stating that one specific civilization is the cause for all other civilizations to have similar cultural practices. In Smith's hypothesis he believes that religion is proof to hyperdiffusionism due to similar worshiping ceremonies seen through geographically different societies. Also Smith believes that the Earth's population is due to only six types of mankind who diffused all across the Earth's continents at which their skin tone I.E. white, brown, and black decided what continent they populated (Smith 1931,47-48). Finally Fell, believes that ancient mariners such as the Druids and the Phoenician who traveled from Europe are responsible for the early population of ancient America.

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Lost civilizations of the sea

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  • These are two ancient civilizations in which hyperdiffusionists hypothesize as the possible sources for the diffusion of similar cultural practices between societies on opposite sides of the oceans. Just as the people of Atlantis populated Egypt, Egypt according to G. Elliot Smith, was the source of civilization for Asia, India, China, the Pacific, and eventually America (Smith 1927, 45).
    Book map1

Culture

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  • The pyramids in South America and Mexico, which could have been mistakenly debunked have the possibility of sharing cultural practices with those of ancient Egyptian civilization (Hapgood 1966, pp.200); It was also hypothesized that the ancient Maya were very much influenced by the diffusion of ancient Egyptian social and political cultures[5] and that they came to be a civilized culture by the citizens of Atlantis landing on their territory after the island of Atlantis sank[6]. It is also said the Mayans have a classical culture trait found in their materialistic artifacts that resemble what could possibly be related to that of Greece (Fagan 2006, 147). This of course plays into Plato's account for the ancient battle of Plato's AccountAtlantis

Religion and Mythology

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Egypt

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  • Along with the evidence of ancient Egyptian "expression" in Hinduism and Buddhism writings, there are also similar deities that are worshiped all over the world as well. Along with myths and creation stories which are said to have a common origin in Egypt(Hapgood 1966, 204-205).
  • Mummification as believed by G. Elliot Smith, is a prime example of how religious customs prove the diffusion of cultures (Smith 1929, 21). He believes that only an advanced civilization such as Egypt could create such a peculiar belief who then by way of ancient mariners spread this knowledge to others (Smith 1929, 133-134).

Critiques

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Pigeonholes and Continuums[7]

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  • Michael Shermer states that using racial taxonomy in order to make abstract observations of racial superiority is just another way to create more ethnocentrism (Shermer 2002, 248). He continues on asking "how can we "pigeonhole" blacks as permissive or whites as intelligent when such categories...are actually best described as a continuum" (Shermer 2002, 250). Shermer believes that the belief that one race and or culture is superior to another defeats the purpose of cultural evolution and that we cannot dismiss evidence of blending inheritance among all cultures (Shermer 2002, 247-251). Shermer uses The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray (author) as an example of pigeonholing; Herrnstein and Murray tried to pigeonhole civilization into racial categories based on intelligence (Shermer 2002, 242-244).

Fantastic Archaeology

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  • Critical thinker and archaeologist Stephen Williams uses the phrase "Fantastic Archaeology" to describe the archeological theories and discoveries in which he defines as "fanciful archaeological interpretations"(Williams 1991, 12). These interpretations usually lack artifacts, data, and testable theories to back up the claims made. True believers in theory of hyperdiffusionism are basing their claims off cultural relativism with such statements as, "how did the Mayans achieve such precise results...the knowledge may have, of course, been derived by the Babylonians or the Egyptians" (Hapgood 1966, 198).

Hyperdiffusionism versus Independent Invention[8]

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  • Alice Beck Kehoe begins her argument with the very blunt phrase that diffusionsim is a "grossly racist ideology"(Kehoe 2008, 144) and though she agrees that diffusion of culture can be done through contact and trading, she disagrees with the theory that civilization came from one superior ancient society (Kehoe 2008, 148). Kehoe continues with independent invention using the example of boats and the possibility that ancient people could have used their boat technology, to make contact with new civilizations and exchanged ideas. Moreover, unlike hyperdiffusionism, boats are testable theories (Kehoe 2008, 158). Kehoe concludes with the theory of transoceanic contact and makes clear that her argument is not claiming an ancient theory for how cultures diffused and blended, but an argument against the possibility that hyperdiffusionism took place due to alternative testable theories, such as independent inventions and boats (Kehoe 2008, 169).

The Diffusion Controversy

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  • Alexander Goldenweiser(anthropologist) and The Diffusion Controversy[9] believe that there are reasons in believing that culture is independent to other cultures that are occurring at the same time. In addition, Goldenweiser insist that behavior is primitive and that similar cultures occur together due to the similar adaptive traits needed to survive. Goldenweiser disagrees with the theory of hyperdiffusionism stating "culture is not contagious" (Goldenweiser 1927, 104) and the data for the theory fails to support it (Goldenweiser 1927. 100-106).
  • Stephen Williams (archeologist) in his chapter "Across The Sea They Came"[10] introduced a few hyperdiffusionist, their discoveries, and how they "tested" artifacts. Beginning with Harold S. Gladwin who made his fantastic discoveries at an Arizona Pueblo site, Gila Pueblo Archaeological Foundation. Gladwin Favored the diffusion theories which later influenced his methodologies for dating the artifacts at the site. Consequently, this caused him to legitimately ignore the data that was found at the Folsom Site in his chronology being that it made his "Man descended from Asia into the New World" theory impossible (Williams 1991, 230).
  • The section continues with Cyclone Covey, Thomas W. Bent, their publications on the Tucson Artifacts and their Romans traveling to Arizona via hyperdiffusionism theory. Williams pokes fun at this theory in his book Fantastic Archaeology but does state that Covey and Bent failed at hypothesizing just how and why these artifacts were found in Arizona? Rather they focused their attention on the artifacts themselves and what makes them like true Roman artifacts (Williams 1991, 240). This gives way to Michael Shermer's fallacy Theory Influences Observation in his book Why People Believe Weird Things and how "theory in part constructs the reality and the reality exists independent of the observer" (Shermer 2002, 46).
  • Concluding, Williams points out in the chapter how hyperdiffusionist fail to recognize solid archaeological research methods and or ignoring conflicting data and contextual evidence, all the while they are "tailoring their finds with any similar chronology or in-depth linguistic analysis that fits into their scenarios" (Williams 1991, 255-256).

Notes

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  1. ^ Fagan, Garrett G. (2006). Archaeological Fantasies. Oxon, OX: Routledge. pp. 362–367. ISBN 978-0-415-30593. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: length (help)
  2. ^ Hapgood, Charles H. (1966). Maps of the Ancient Sea Kings. Philadelphia: Chilton Company. pp. 193–206. ISBN 65-24459. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: length (help)
  3. ^ a b Smith, G. Elliot (1929). The Migrations of Early Culture. Manchester: University of Manchester Press. pp. 4-30-132. ISBN R0019431446. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help) Cite error: The named reference "Smith=notes" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  4. ^ Fell, Barry (1976). Ancient Settlers in the New World. New York: Quadrangle. pp. 81–92. ISBN 0-8129-0624-1.
  5. ^ Fagan, Garrett G. (2006). "7". Archaeological Fantasies. Oxon, OX: Routledge. p. 135. ISBN 978-0-415-30593-8. {{cite book}}: More than one of |author= and |last= specified (help); More than one of |pages= and |page= specified (help)
  6. ^ Fagan, Garrett G. (2002). "10". Archaeological Fantasies. Oxon, OX: Routledge. pp. 235–259. ISBN 978-0-415-30593-8. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |year= / |date= mismatch (help); More than one of |author= and |last= specified (help)
  7. ^ Shermer, Michael (1997,2002). Why People Believe Weird Things. New York: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 978-0-8050-7089-7. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |year= (help)CS1 maint: year (link)
  8. ^ Kehoe, Alice Beck (2008). Controversies in Archaeology. California: Left Coast Press, INC. pp. 140–172. ISBN 978-1-59874-062-2.
  9. ^ Goldenweiser, Alexander (1927). Culture: The Diffusion Controversy. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, INC. pp. 99–106. ISBN R0002597443. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help)
  10. ^ Williams, Stephen (1991). Fantastic Archaeology: The Wild Side of North American Prehistory. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 224–257. ISBN 0-8122-13212-2. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: length (help)