User:Yerevantsi/sandbox/Ishkhanyan
Rafayel Ishkhanian (Armenian: Ռաֆայել Իշխանյան; March 9, 1922–February 6, 1995) was an Armenian linguist and philologist.
He was also a political activist and one of the first ideologues of the Karabakh movement and an early leader of the Karabakh Committee.
A nationalist
Biography
[edit]Ishkhanian was born in Yerevan on March 9, 1922.[1] His mother died when he was 8, while his father, Avetis Kirakosyan, was executed during the Great Purge on December 10, 1937. His father (1896–1937) was born in Trabzon and later became a Bolshevik revolutionary and later a party official in Georgia.[2][3] He was raised by his an uncle and grandmother.[4] Ishkhanian was drafted to the Red Army to fight in World War II. He thereafter graduated from the Department of Armenian Philology and Literature of the Yerevan State University (YSU) in 1949. He later studied at the Moscow Library Institute in 1950–54. Ishkhanian first worked at the National Library of Armenia, then at the Matenadaran in 1961-63.[1] He taught at the YSU Armenian Philological Department from 1963 to 1985 and then from 1985 to 1991 at the YSU Armenian Language History Department. He became a professor in 1978.[1] Ishkhanian served as the head of the National Library of Armenia from 1991 to 1995.[1] He died in Yerevan on February 6, 1995.[1]
Ishkhanian was married to Byurakn Andreasyan (born 1927), the daughter of Vahan Cheraz, a pioneer of the Armenian Scout Movement.[4] One of their sons, Avetik Ishkhanian, is a human rights defender and the head of the Helsinki Committee of Armenia,[5] and the other, Vahan Ishkhanian, is a writer, while his daughter, Varduhi, is the wife of Vazgen Manukyan.[6]
Publications
[edit]Ռ.Իշխանյանի հեղինակությամբ լույս են տեսել բազմաթիվ հոդվածներ ու մի շարք գրքեր, այդ թվում` «Ա.Բակունցի լեզվական արվեստը» (Եր., 1965), «Հայ մատենագիտության պատմություն» (հհ. 13, 19641968), «Արդի հայերենի հոլովումը և խոնարհումը» (Եր., 1971), «Արևելահայ բանաստեղծության լեզվի պատմություն» (Եր., 1978), «Արդի հայերենի շարահյուսություն» (Եր., 1986) մենագրությունները:
Political career
[edit]Ishkhanian was elected to the parliament (Supreme Soviet) of Armenia in the 1990 election as a member of the pro-independence Pan-Armenian National Movement (HHSh). In the parliament he was part of an independent, non-affiliated faction.[7] Arus Harutyunyan described Ishkhanian as "one of the main ideologists" of the first administration of President Levon Ter-Petrosyan.[8]
Views
[edit]Armenian orthography
[edit]Հայաստանում դասական ուղղագրության պաշտպանների մեջ միակ լեզվաբանը Ռաֆայել Իշխանյանն էր
Փոխվեցին ժամանակները, փոխվեց երկրի քաղաքական իշխանությունը, եկան նոր բարքեր: Հայտնի պատճառներով Ռ. Իշխանյանը դուրս եկավ համալսարանից, բայց նրա լեզվի ու բազկի զորությունը բնավ չնվազեց: Նոր ուղղագրության երբեմնի ջատագովն ու մունետիկը դարձավ այդ նույն ուղղագրության երդվյալ թշնամին:
Եվ սկսվեց խաչակրաց արշավանքը նոր ուղղագրության դեմ, ու այդ արշավանքի գլխավոր դրոշակակիրը դարձավ նույն ինքը՝ Ռ. Իշխանյանը»:
Ռաֆայել Իշխանյանը ուղղագրական ռեֆորմի բերած վնասն ամփոփում է այսպես. «1922-40 թթ. Ուղղագրական կարգադրությունները, ջնջելով հայերենի դարավոր ավանդույթը, մեր գրավոր խոսքը հավասարեցրին 20-րդ դարում նոր միայն գիր ու գրականություն ստացող ժողովուրդների գրավոր խոսքի ուղղագրական մակարդակին» («Խորհրդային մանկավարժ», 1990թ. հ. 1): [9]
Արդեն շուրջ մեկ տասնամյակ է, ինչ որոշ հեղինակների ջանքերով, գրավոր թե բանավոր, մամուլում թե եթերում պարբերաբար արծարծվում է հին ուղղագրությանը վերադառնալու պահանջը։ Այս պահանջի կողմնակիցներին պայմանականորեն կարելի է բաժանել երկու խմբի։ Ա. կան դրաղետներ, որոնք հարցի պատմությանը ծանոթ չեն կամ քիչ են ծանոթ, այն էլ առավելապես Ռ. Իշխան յանի ռադիո-հեռուստաելույթներից ու հողվածներից, որոնք, սկսած 1980-ական թթ. վերջերից՝ ընդհուպ մինչև իր մահը, հնչել են եթերում, հեղեղել հանրապետության կենտրոնական ե ոչ կենտրոնական, նաև շրջանային դրեթե բոլոր թերթերի էջերը։ Հարկ ենք համարում նշել, որ Իշխանյաեի և նրա համախոհների հրապարակումն ելլում առատորեն սփռված են սխալ ու անհիմն, իրականության հետ ոչ մի կապ չունեցող տեսակէտներ, որոնց համաձայն՝ իբր 1922 թ. ուղղագրական փոփոխությունը կատարվել է հայ ժողովրդից ու հայ մտավորականներից դաղտնի, «մի երկու հոգու}> (Մ. Աբեղյանի և Պ. Ս՚ակինցյանի) ջանքերով, «այն ծառայել է բոլշևիկներին}), ուրեմն բոլշևիկյան ուղղագրություն է, թե Մ. Աբեղյանին Աիբիր աքսորելու սպառնալիքի տակ են ստիպել ներկայացնելու, «դասական ուղղագրությունը արմատապես խախտող նախագծի տարբերակը}) և այլն։[10]
Origin of Armenians
[edit]Geukjian, Ohannes (2016). "Rafael Ishkhanyan's Theory on the Origins of the Armenians (1970s)". Ethnicity, Nationalism and Conflict in the South Caucasus: Nagorno-Karabakh and the Legacy of Soviet Nationalities Policy. Routledge. pp. 23-25. ISBN 9781317140740.
Shlapentokh, Vladimir (2001). The Legacy of History in Russia and the New States of Eurasia. M.E. Sharpe. pp. 273-274. ISBN 9780765613981.
On their side, the Armenian ethno-nationalists are convinced that the Indo-European homeland was situated within the territory of Greater Armenia.[11]
Political views
[edit]Ishkhanyan is usually described as a nationalist.
Israel Ori
Hakob Zavriev
Andranik
sources
[edit]Astourian, Stephan H. (2000). "From Ter-Petrosian to Kocharian: Leadership Change in Armenia" (PDF). Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies. University of California, Berkeley. (archived)
Ishkhanian, Sardarian, Vazgen Manoukian (the first prime minister under Ter-Petrosian, until he fell out with him and resigned in July 1992), and to a lesser extent Bleyan were the main ideologists of the movement.
Ter-Petrosian, at that time president of the Supreme Soviet, argued against including a clause about the genocide because doing so would be wrong from both a political and a diplomatic viewpoint. A majority of deputies, however, did not agree with him. One hundred and thirty-one voted in favor of including a paragraph to the effect that the Republic of Armenia would support efforts to achieve international recognition of the Armenian genocide; only twenty-five voted against.75 To Rafayel Ishkhanian, Armenian simplistic emotional elements [had] once more prevailed over rationality.76
When in early 89-90, Professor Ishkhanyan was urging to speak and write in Armenian, to translate Russian-used terms as much as possible [12]
The nationalism that the Armenian Church espouses is the old nationalism that emerged in the last century and was given further twists of tragedy and pathos in the early twentieth century by the experiences of genocide and expulsion from the historic homeland. Ernest Gellner calls this "diaspora nationalism," maintaining that the threat of assimilation (or, at the extreme, genocide) rather than economic advantage drives this form of nationalism and that the acquisition and retention of territory is its "first and perhaps its main problem
Rafael Ishkhanian gave positive expression to this kind of Armenian nationalism in October of 1989 soon after his release from a Soviet prison for his political activities as a member of the liberationist Karabagh Committee. In his now famous article, "The Law of Excluding the Third Force," Ishkhanian argued that Armenians must no longer look to a third force, whether that be the United States, Europe or Russia, to secure its freedom and sovereignty, rather they must rely on their own inner strength and best instincts. Christian faith can purify the motive. "Our path to becoming a sovereign and independent nation will become barren," Ishkhanian warned, "if we forget our Christian faith, which is being denied by the majority of our nation.... We need a return to Christianity, like we need the air. Let us rely not so much on a third force but on God and on the strength we can develop." Ishkhanian then linked land, faith, and peoplehood not romantically or mystically but with a deep understanding of the historical relation. He concluded:
We must begin negotiations and develop the idea of surviving on our own. I am convinced that we can survive in this environment if we move not with our emotions and a sense of vengeance but with reason. . . . In this case God will help. And if we survive, become strong, and do good deeds, our lands will be reunited too. But if we refuse to act with logic, if we become prisoners of our emotions, of the call of revenge, this piece of land too will be taken and we will be lost as a nation. [13]
https://csis-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/legacy_files/files/media/csis/pubs/ruseur_wp_008.pdf
Another manifestation of the intensifying assault against the traditional narrative was the publication of an article by Rafael Ishkhanian (1991), who was an influential public intellectual with ties to the leadership of the movement. In the article, he argued that the worst calamities visited upon the Armenian people were the result of chasing unrealistic goals vis-à-vis the neighbors’ and relying on third parties to achieve them. Such pursuits, he insisted, inevitably produced conflicts and subsequent disasters, followed by noise about injustice when the third parties failed to live up to Armenians’ unrealistic expectations of support. Ishkhanian claimed that the demands for Karabagh and the disappointment caused by Russia’s lack of support were a manifestation of this same failed approach. Ishkhanian argued that Armenians should shift their priorities to focus on rescuing their cultural identity (which he considered to be threatened by assimilation), cut their umbilical cord to Moscow, and strive for independence. He concluded that none of this would be possible if the disputes with the neighbors were not settled. Ishkhanian’s paper was a radical criticism of the traditional narrative. Indeed, he almost certainly went too far by attributing too much agency to Armenians and not enough to their adversaries when discussing various disastrous events of Armenian history. That, however, makes the warm reception of his article even more remarkable. The logic that underpins Ishkhanian’s argument reflects what had already become the core of the doctrinal vision of the Karabagh movement, which by then had been renamed the Armenian National Movement (ANM).[15]
Ishkhanian, Rafael. 1991. “The Law of Excluding the Third Force.” In Armenia at the Crossroads:
Democracy and Nationhood in the Post-Soviet Era, edited by Gerard J. Libaridian, 9–38.
Watertown, MA: Blue Crane.
Legacy
[edit]school https://www.spyur.am/am/companies/yerevan-basic-school-n-153-named-after-raphael-ishkhanyan/84402
References
[edit]- ^ a b c d e "Ռաֆայել Իշխանյան [Rafayel Ishkhanyan]". ysu.am (in Armenian). Yerevan State University. Archived from the original on 20 March 2019.
- ^ "Եղեռնի ականատեսի ոդիսականը (2-րդ մաս)". Ankakh (in Armenian). 11 July 2012.
- ^ Ishkhanian, Vahan (4 May 2014). "Իմ գնդակահարված ցեղը". Hetq (in Armenian). (archived)
- ^ a b Ishkhanyan, Vahan (4 May 2014). "My Family's Saga: Execution by Shooting". Hetq. Archived from the original on 20 March 2019.
- ^ Hakobyan, Gohar (29 March 2016). "Հարմարվողների եւ կեղծիքների խորհրդարան՝ ըստ Իշխանյանի". Aravot (in Armenian).
- ^ Mkrtchyan, Julieta (16 March 2017). "Ռաֆայել Իշխանյանը սովորեցնում էր մտածել". Aravot (in Armenian).
- ^ "Ռաֆայել Ավետիսի Իշխանյան". parliament.am (in Armenian).
- ^ Harutyunyan, Arus (2006). "Dual Citizenship Debates in Armenia: In Pursuit of National Identity since Independence" (PDF). Demokratizatsiya. 14 (2): 287.
- ^ "Մարտահրավեր միասնությանը. Մարտիրոսյան-Բայադյան զրույցը (մաս 5)" (in Armenian). tert.am. 29 November 2014. Archived from the original on 20 March 2019.
- ^ Papoyan, Artashes H. [in Armenian] (1997). "Հայերենի ուղղագրության և հարակից հարցերի մասին". Patma-Banasirakan Handes (in Armenian) (2): 99.
- ^ Schnirelmann, Victor (1995). "Alternative prehistory". Journal of European Archaeology. 3 (2): 10. doi:10.1179/096576695800703667.
- ^ Abrahamyan, Aram [in Armenian] (31 March 2014). "Everything begins with the language". Aravot.
- ^ Guroian, Vigen (1994). "Religion and Armenian National Identity: Nationalism Old and New" (PDF). Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe. 14 (2). George Fox University.
- ^ Barseghyan, Kristine (2007). "Changing Turkish Other in Post-Soviet Armenian Discourse on National Identity". Polish Sociological Review (159): 283–298.
- ^ Grigoryan, Arman (2018). "The Karabakh conflict and Armenia's failed transition". Nationalities Papers: 3. doi:10.1080/00905992.2018.1438383.