User:Tytire/Anti-environmentalism

Anti-environmentalism is a set of ideas and actions that oppose environmentalism as a whole or specific environmental policies or environmental initiatives.

Criticism of environmentalism can come both from outside the movement and from within, as it represents a variety of ideas and political positions. Outside oppositions can take the form of an organized countermovement, aimed at both environmentalist ideas and environmental policies and regulations, national or international. Opponents may include workers in industries threatened by environmental policies, companies that support them, and anti-environmentalist think tanks. The reasons for opposition are not homogeneous: they range from economic interests to ideological and political positions hostile to pro-environmental social and political change, to critical perspectives encouraging environmentalists to think about and adopt more inclusive approaches toward sustainability.

History

Criticism of environmentalism has taken different forms in different historical periods. Many oppositions to environmentalism have arisen within the environmental movement itself, from the internal contrasts and debates.

During the 1960s and 1970s, environmentalism was inspired by concerns about resource scarcity and over-exploitation: they were feared to threaten the future well-being of humanity and the balance of the planet. This concept is known as neo-Malthusianism. These ideas came under criticism from neoclassical economists, who felt that the role of scientific and technological innovation in securing additional resources was overlooked. Some challenged the reliability of mathematical models, including that of the famous Club of Rome's Limits to Growth Report: critics argued that it had not adequately considered feedback and the effects of human decisions. Criticism also came from the left, for example from thinkers such as Murray Bookchin, who attributed environmental problems to political and social causes rather than natural resource scarcity. Marxist critics argued that environmentalist ideas, influenced by neo-Malthusianism, had racist, elitist, and imperialist overtones, and considered them reactionary.

During the 1980s, environmentalism emerged as a social and political force in many Western countries. National environmental legislation and international environmental initiatives grew. Oppositions arose against perceived excesses among environmentalist positions (e.g., against apocalyptic visions of the future). Radical and organized oppositions also arose in the form of genuine countermovements.

The United States, which since the 1970s had first developed models of environmental legislation later imitated around the world, has repeatedly seen the rise of pressure and initiatives to reduce environmental legislation among Republican politicians and administrations. The conflict between support and opposition to environmental policies has become an important factor in the growing social and political polarization in the United States.

Anti-environmentalist movements and ideologies

Anti-environmentalism is fueled by both social and economic reasons and ideological positions. The ideological underpinnings of anti-environmentalism can be very diverse and sometimes opposed to each other: from neoliberal to anti-capitalist ideologies.

In some contexts, especially in the United States,anti-environmentalist social movements and initiatives are frequently inspired by conservative or neoliberal political ideologies: these favor a free market economy over government regulation. Such political positions find support in corporate interests that feel threatened by environmental concerns or environmental regulations. Although many observers of anti-environmentalism point out the frequent association between these initiatives and specific business interests threatened by environmental policies, others consider that there are cultural factors in certain social groups that underlie their anti-environmentalism.

For example, a study of the American right has suggested that many of the anti-environmentalist positions are rooted in its traditional distrust, widespread within the right-wing electorate, of government intervention, its support for the free market as a symbol of the American dream, and its defense of Christian values, family, white identity and traditional masculinity. This resistance is fueled by concern about political and cultural changes resulting from the social movements of the 1960s out of which environmentalism emerged. Some anti-environmentalist positions may arise from genuine anxiety related to the consequences of environmental regulations feared for the economic well-being of families and communities. Opposition to environmentalists may also be widespread among social sectors that see environmentalists as linked to urban life, alienated from local realities and knowledge, and closer to specialized knowledge.

Many experts argue that ideological explanations of anti-environmentalism, based on traditional concepts of the political left and right, are of little use in interpreting current political positions, especially regarding climate policies. Research in the social and political fields suggests that populist and nationalist ideologies are more relevant factors.

In Europe, anti-environmentalism is widespread in the radical right and is generally associated with typical opposition to immigration, nationalism, welfare chauvinism (i.e., social policies must favor the country's citizens), and euroscepticism. The anti-environmentalism of the radical right can be understood as a materialist reaction against the post-materialism of the left and the greens, i.e., that ideology that elevates the need for political freedom and participation, self-actualization, personal relationships, creativity, and care for the environment over the satisfaction of material needs.

The reasons behind the prevalent anti-environmentalism expressed by right-wing populists in Europe and North America are subject to debate and remain intricate. On one hand, economic and social factors play a role: a significant portion of these parties' supporters comprises individuals who have felt the economic impacts of globalization and modernization, viewing climate policies as linked to their struggles and exacerbating their situation. On the other hand, ideological considerations come into play and can be categorized in two ways. Firstly, there is a disdain for climate policies perceived as initiatives championed by liberal, globally oriented individuals who are seen as not prioritizing the nation's interests. Secondly, there is a preference for a direct connection between ordinary citizens and those in positions of power. The complexity of climate change, demanding intricate solutions, contrasts with their inclination toward simplicity. Additionally, there is a belief that figures in authority, including climate scientists and environmentalists, are influenced by special interests, fostering skepticism toward climate initiatives.

Actors supporting anti-environmentalism

Opposition to environmentalism is often supported by corporations and coordinated through conservative think tanks, alongside sham public support campaigns (known as astroturfing) orchestrated by public relations firms. These actors create links between corporate interests, conservative intellectuals, and segments of the public who share conservative perspectives or are concerned about the impact of environmental policies on communities and workers in specific sectors.

Conservative think tanks or sometimes academic researchers participate in the development of anti-environmentalist analysis and policy positions. Among the intellectuals and authors who have distinguished themselves internationally are Danish academic Bjørn Lomborg, Canadian former Greenpeace activist Patrick Moore, the Canadian journalist Rex Murphy , and the US commentator Vivian Krause.

Public relations firms regularly assist the communication and lobbying of large companies whose interests are affected by environmental policies. Some communications initiatives may support the establishment of social front groups capable of lobbying legislators to reduce environmental regulations. Conservative foundations and philanthropic entities that fund anti-environmental initiatives are also active in the United States.

Some of these institutional actors (e.g., Citizens for a Sound Economy, founded by entrepreneur David Koch) call themselves environmentalists and argue that traditional environmental groups have overstated environmental problems. They use green marketing techniques to convince the public of their high level of environmental responsibility. In essence, these organizations create controversial information and call it environmental or green ideology. They frequently endorse campaigns to increase access to certain resources, such as forests and mines.

Think tanks associated with companies and seemingly independent groups can present themselves as autonomous research centers capable of providing expertise (analysis and communication) valued by the mass media. The media gives them space to balance environmentalist perspectives. However, this process can lead the media to overemphasize scientific uncertainty on some environmental issues. In other words, by presenting such sources as independent and reliable, the media may unintentionally amplify the perception of uncertainty, influencing public perceptions of specific environmental issues.

Other conservative think-tanks (e.g., Cato Institute and The Heritage Foundation) address environmental issues as part of a broader agenda, including discussions of fiscal policy, energy, monetary policy, education, health care, and global economic liberalism. They consider that many public interest or environmental regulations are counterproductive. They support judicial activism to protect civil and economic liberties, an open and competitive energy market, and the importance of consumer choice and private incentives over a public approach to address real environmental concerns.

Notable cases

Climate change skeptics

The most widespread contemporary example of organized anti-environmentalism is the climate change denial or skepticism movement. Skeptics attack the evidence for climate change. Skepticism can target the observed trend (global warming does not exist), the identification of causes (warming exists, but humans are not responsible), or the impact (warming could be harmless or even beneficial). This kind of skepticism is intended to fuel uncertainty about climate science: the goal is to undermine scientific discourses of environmental policy or to confuse the public and policymakers.

Another type of skepticism is so-called response skepticism, that is, skepticism directed at actions taken to address climate change. It can be associated with climate denialism, but can also be expressed without opposing the evidence of climate change ("climate change exists and is caused by humans, but the prevailing responses are wrong or overly harmful").

Climate skepticism is widespread among European parties of the far right and radical right. However, a study of the positions expressed by these parties in the European Parliament indicated that they rarely manifest climate denialism: opposition is more often directed at climate policies. Anti-environmentalist positions are intended to fuel a pro-sovereignist and anti-elite desire and speak to issues close to voters, such as economic welfare. They also include pro-environmental and pro-climate positions and support for the fight against climate change. They are accompanied by a critique of liberal climate policies as causing pollution, and of global capitalism and in favor of localism and economic nationalism.

The climate skeptic movement is supported by certain corporate or national interests that wish to maintain the profitability of economic sectors (especially those related to fossil fuels) in the face of growing environmental concerns. It also draws on anxieties about environmental protection among segments of the public that rely on fossil fuel-intensive economies.

Libertarian movements in the United States

In the 1980s, the so-called "wise use" movement emerged, consisting of local groups mainly in the western part of North America. This movement emerged as a diverse alliance of ranchers, miners, loggers, hunters, off-road vehicle drivers, oil workers, and farmers who, despite their differences, united against environmentalists. They oppose public environmental management initiatives, which are perceived as authoritarian and detrimental to individual freedoms. They share the belief that a limited, non-interventionist government is more just, believing that a large bureaucracy threatens individual rights and freedoms. They support the individual right to use natural resources as part of the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Their proposals include logging in national forests, revising the Endangered Species Act to eliminate protection of "non-adaptive" species such as the California condor, immediate oil extraction in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, and opening all public lands, including national parks and wilderness areas, to mineral and energy production. They also support the development of national parks run by private companies and civil penalties for anyone who legally challenges economic activity or development on federal lands. Some members have also supported violent actions.

Internal criticism

External criticisms of environmentalism often arise from or are related to internal disputes between different currents within the movement. Over the past two decades, the environmental movement has undergone significant changes and has not only faced external criticisms but also internal challenges with the emergence of environmental justice movements, civil environmental movements, and those focused on sustainable development choices and the transformation of production and technological systems.In particular, the tension between deep or ecosystem-centered ecology (accused of anti-humanism by external opponents) and humanist or social justice-oriented environmentalists has generated new perspectives that are more attentive to the social aspects of environmental choices. The environmental justice perspective deals with the disproportionate and unjust distribution of environmental risks and harms within and among societies.

In recent years, environmental social sciences, such as environmental history, political ecology , and environmental sociology, have been growing in importance. These disciplines have contributed to a deepening understanding of the complex link between the environment and society. This progress has overcome the simplified views that often underlie anti-environmentalist positions, paving the way for new perspectives and more sophisticated approaches. The new knowledge has had a significant impact on the formulation of alternative concepts of sustainability and the practice of more conscious environmental policies.

One example of this tension relates to the application of nature conservation models inspired by North American ideals of wilderness conservation. The use of such models in different contexts has caused conflicts with local traditions of land use. This tension and the criticism of traditional conservation models have often led to an evolution of the models themselves, seeking to better integrate pre-existing relationships between local people and their land. In general, in developing countries, local environmentalist ideas and actions are not necessarily influenced by the post-materialist perspectives of Western environmentalism. For these communities, environmental challenges are often linked to struggles over natural resources, as in the case of disputes between farmers and companies over timber or between rural and urban residents over water and energy. Such conflicts often focus on the environment, as poorer communities seek to preserve control over their natural resources to prevent them from being lost to increasing state control or the expanding market system.

As a result of these debates and criticisms, environmentalism is changing the way it deals with environmental science and the management of environmental problems, moving away from intransigent principled positions and accepting the complexity of the issues. This shift recognizes the uncertainties in establishing cause-and-effect relationships, especially when dealing with large-scale environmental problems. In addition, there is an increasing emphasis on understanding power dynamics, winners and losers in environmental change and legislation. Although some changes are taking place, traditional ways of thinking, such as neo-Malthusian, romantic, and catastrophist perspectives, persist in the environmental movement.

Bibliography

• Carter, Neil (2018). The politics of the environment : ideas, activism, policy. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-47230-2. OCLC 1042076267.
• C.J. Stoddart, Mark; Tindall, David; E. Dunlap, Riley (2022). The contours of anti-environmentalism: an introduction to the Handbook of Anti-Environmentalism. Edward Elgar Publishing. ISBN 978-1-83910-022-2.
• Jules Pretty, Andrew S. Ball, Ted Benton, Julia S. Guivant, David R. Lee, David Orr, Max J. Pfeffer & Hugh Ward (2007). The SAGE Handbook of Environment and Society. SAGE Publications Ltd. doi:10.4135/9781848607873.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
• Guha, Ramachandra; Martinez-Alier, Juan (2006). Varieties of environmentalism: essays north and south (Repr ed.). Earthscan. ISBN 978-1-85383-329-8.