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Afonso Pena
Presidency of Afonso Pena
15 November 1906 – 14 June 1909
CabinetSee list
PartyPRM
Election1906
SeatCatete Palace

Standard of the president

Afonso Pena's tenure as the 6th president of Brazil lasted from 15 November 1906, after he defeated Lauro Sodré in the 1906 presidential election, and ended on 14 June 1909, with his sudden death.

Tensions with Argentina increased throughout Pena's term, reaching a peak with the Telegram No. 9 affair.

Pena inspecting the works in the port of Rio de Janeiro

Domestic policy

[edit]

Despite being elected on the basis of the so-called "coffee with milk politics", Pena carried out an administration that was not entirely tied to regional interests. He greatly encouraged the construction of railroads, especially the construction of the Northwest Brazil Railroad [pt] and the connection between the São Paulo and Paraná railroads, allowing, for the first time, the connection of Southeastern Brazil with the South by train. Pena also modernized Brazilian capitals and ports. Pena's government encouraged immigration. His motto was "to govern is to populate".

The "kindergarten"

[edit]
Satire by the magazine O Malho, criticizing Pena for his young cabinet ministers. The sign reads: "Jardim da Infância", the kindergarten

The ministries during Pena's government were held by young and still unknown politicians, as the president wanted to diminish Congress influence in his government and stabilize the country's currency, one of his main goals. These nominations displeased state leaderships, some of whom had backed Pena's candidacy, such as Pinheiro Machado and Ruy Barbosa, as they expected them to based on hierarchy and prestige. Pena's intention of diminishing Congress influence led to an initial troubled period between the government and the legislature. The president supported Carlos Peixoto Filho, who was then less than 40 years old, as the government's leader in the Chamber of Deputies. The government's leadership in Congress also included other young politicians such as João Luís Alves and James Darci. Together they were pejoratively nicknamed "the kindergarten".[1][2]

In this way, the government was supported by two opposing groups: on one side the "kindergarten" politicians, supported by a large part of the press, and on the other the traditional politicians of the Bloco, led by Pinheiro Machado. The latter group, which was behind Pena's election, felt excluded from the ministerial nominations. Despite this, Pena sought to appear independent in relation to both. The newspapers of the time attributed a phrase to him: "I'm the one who makes the policy".[a] According to Cláudia Viscardi, the president "would try hard to keep the two political groups under his control, in a conciliatory effort that had already become the hallmark of his personality".[2]

Rondon's expedition

[edit]
Further information (in Portuguese): Rondon Commission [pt]
Further information: Amazon rubber cycle
Manaus in 1909

In 1906, wanting to secure the occupation of Acre, which had been incorporated into Brazil following the Acre War, Afonso Pena ordered the expansion of telegraph lines from Mato Grosso to the Madeira River valley, and then to Acre, the Purus and Juruá rivers, and finally Manaus.[3] Believing the solution to other economic, political and social issues depended on the completion of the work, Pena appointed colonel Cândido Rondon as chief engineer of the Commission for the Construction of Telegraph Lines from Mato Grosso to Amazonas. Rondon, who was already famous for having extended telegraph lines to Brazil's border with Paraguay and Bolivia, personally selected the members of the expedition, choosing from civilians, army officers and soldiers. The expedition, known as the Rondon Commission, also had the additional goals of carrying out scientific exploration and delimiting the lands of the Casalvasco farm, which extended from the Aguapeí mountain range in Mato Grosso to Brazil's border with Bolivia.[4][5] The government also created, through Decree No. 6,406 of 8 March 1907, the Works Commission in the Territory of Acre, whose objective was to build roads and public buildings, unblock rivers and populate the region with the creation of agricultural and professional centers.[6]

The commission started its works in May 1907, later discovering the Juruena River, located in northern Mato Grosso, opening its way through the northeast of the state and crossing the Amazon jungle until it reached Manaus in 1910. During the journey, Rondon established friendly relations with the indigenous tribes, some of whom acted as guides for the expedition, and became close to the Nambikwara, who were known for cannibalism and resistance to contact with non-indigenous people. From Manaus, Rondon headed to Rio de Janeiro, where he arrived in February 1910 after four years in the jungle, during which time he was even reported missing, being acclaimed by the population.[5][7]

The Taubaté Agreement

[edit]
Main article: Taubaté Agreement
"The three Magi", O Malho cover depicting Afonso Pena and the governors of São Paulo (Jorge Tibiriçá), Rio de Janeiro (Alfredo Backer), and Minas Gerais (João Pinheiro), satirizing the Taubaté Agreement, 5 January 1907

In the second half of 1905, during the government of president Rodrigues Alves, Brazilian coffee producers, a product whose importance in Brazil's economy had grown considerably since the mid-19th century, expected a record harvest of 16 million bags.[8] Coupled with the global stock of coffee, which numbered about 10 million bags, and production from other countries, the total supply of the product for the period was expected to reach 30 million bags, while global demand did not exceed 16 million. The estimate proved to be much lower than the actual harvest, which totaled 20 million bags in the period of 1906–1907, the largest crop ever harvested in the country at the time. As a result, international coffee prices were expected to fall considerably. The situation was made worse by the fact that the exchange rate of the Brazilian currency was valued.[9][b]

In this context, producers began to call for urgent government intervention: led by São Paulo, the largest coffee producing state in the country and also the most dependent on coffee revenues, the other coffee producing states, Minas Gerais and Rio de Janeiro, were called upon to discuss and sign an agreement in order to protect coffee prices.[10][11] A coffee valorization proposal had already been made by Alessandro Siciliano [pt], an industrialist and importer from São Paulo, in 1903, but it was refused by president Rodrigues Alves, who remained faithful to his policy of containing public spending, which had begun in 1898 during Joaquim Murtinho's tenure in the Ministry of Finance.[10][12] On 26 February 1906, the governors of the three coffee producing states met in the city of Taubaté and signed the homonymous agreement, inspired on Siciliano's earlier proposal.[10][13]

The agreement provided for a series of measures to increase the price of coffee, including the purchase of surplus production by the federal government, which would be done through the taking of a foreign loan of 15 million pounds.[13][14] This large inflow of capital threatened to increase Brazil's exchange rate and, as a result, diminish profits from the sale of coffee; for this reason, the agreement also provided for the creation of the Caixa de Conversão  [pt] (Conversion Bank) in order to keep the exchange rate stable.[13][14][15] Furthermore, for the loan to be viable, the federal government would need to act as a guarantor, as the guarantees required by international lenders went beyond the states' budgetary conditions.[16]

The agreement was met with opposition from several sectors, including president Rodrigues Alves, who was against state intervention in the exchange rate with the creation of the Caixa de Conversão.[c] In order to be put into practice, it had to be voted and approved in Congress.[13][15][17] Fearing that the president would veto the agreement, the signatory states made changes to the text and sent the proposal to create the Caixa de Conversão to be voted on separately.[15]

A 500 thousand réis bill issued by the Caixa de Conversão with Pena's effigy

Discussions in Congress began on 19 July 1906 and the agreement was approved with a large majority on 6 August 1906, becoming Decree No. 1,489.[18][19] Contrary to his predecessor, Afonso Pena – then president-elect – was in favor of the Caixa de Conversão, as he deemed it "essential to the balance of public finances".[20] The bill for its creation was then approved in Congress on 6 December 1906 and signed by Pena, already sworn in office.[21][22] The Caixa de Conversão would receive deposits of legal tender gold coins and in return issue bills of equal value to the depositors; the exchange rate would also be fixed at 15 pence to 1 thousand réis. Thus, Brazil effectively adopted the gold standard.[22][23]

Afonso Pena conditioned the federal guarantee for the loan on meeting the demands of coffee growers from Minas Gerais and Rio de Janeiro, who produced inferior quality coffee, and also on São Paulo's support for David Campista as his successor for the 1910 elections. The federal guarantee would only come into effect in November 1908, after all conditions had been met, despite continuous pressure from São Paulo since 1906.[16]

Pena made the first state purchase of coffee stocks in the Old Republic, thus transferring the burden of coffee value appreciation to the federal government, which was previously only practiced regionally by São Paulo, Minas Gerais and Rio de Janeiro, which had signed the Taubaté Agreement. These measures would later result in a period of great prosperity and inflationary control, interrupted with the advent of the First World War. The great influx of foreign capital to Brazil, obtained with the exportation of coffee, and the measures aimed at restricting the expansion of coffee crops adopted in the Taubaté Agreement made it possible to expand the industrial sector during the period.[19] In an industrial census held in 1907, 3,258 companies were counted, which together employed 150,841 factory workers. This census included manufacturing and large industries. However, out of the large factories, 85% were concentrated in São Paulo.[24]

Brazilian National Exposition of 1908

[edit]
Main article: Brazilian National Exposition of 1908
The Minas Gerais and São Paulo pavilions, photograph by Augusto Malta, 1908

The idea of holding a National Exposition in Rio de Janeiro arose in 1905, being accepted by the Brazilian Congress, which approved the budget for its holding in July 1907. The centennial of the opening of Brazilian ports to foreign trade, which took place on 28 January 1808, offered the pretext for its realization.[25][26] The idea was to celebrate the country's own trade and development and "show Brazil for Brazilians themselves", through the exhibition of its agricultural, industrial, and artistic products.[27][28] Promoted by the federal government, the exhibition also represented the final event in the series of urban and sanitary reforms undertaken in the city of Rio de Janeiro during the administration of mayor Pereira Passos and physician Oswaldo Cruz since 1903.[28]

Preparations for the exposition began under the Pena administration, when Miguel Calmon, then minister of industry, transport and public works, formed a 41-member commission headed by engineer Antônio Olinto in October 1907.[29] Together with mayor Marcelino de Souza Aguiar, appointed by Pena, they chose Urca to host the event.[28] Construction work lasted from January to June 1908, with the exhibition opening to the public on 11 August 1908, and remaining open until 15 November of the same year.[30] The exposition featured pavilions and stands from Brazilian states and Portugal, the only invited country, in addition to other individual buildings, such as the Industries Palace.[28][31] The Liberal Arts Palace featured the work of several Brazilian artists such as Eliseu Visconti, João Batista da Costa, Rodolfo Amoedo, Belmiro de Almeida, Nicolina Vaz de Assis, and Ernesto Giradet.[31] It received more than a million visitors over its three-month duration, who came from all over the country.[27]

Army and navy reforms

[edit]
See also: Brazilian Army in the First Republic and Reorganization of the Brazilian Army in the Old Republic
Pena (in the center with a topper) watching military maneuvers

In line with his concerns about industrialization and military strengthening, Afonso Pena appointed Hermes da Fonseca as minister of war;[32] upon taking office, Fonseca warned the president that conditions in the Brazilian Army were "woeful". A congressman stated that the country's Armed Forces were "sadly unequipped to defend the nation against any enemy, even a 3rd or 4th class power". Brazil's minister of foreign affairs stated that conditions in the Armed Forces were "the most regrettable possible".[33] Fonseca had conducted major military maneuvers in 1905 as commander of the 4th Military District, which exposed the precarious state of the troops, as they lacked basic equipment and discipline.[34]

In order to tackle this issue, the government reorganized the army and the National Guard, and instituted compulsory military service through draft lottery with the introduction of the Sortition Law (Law No. 1,860 of 4 November 1908).[6][35] The previous law on the matter had kept forced recruitment, and proved to be insufficient. The new one, inspired on what was already practiced in the "most civilized countries", created a military reserve in order to comply with the Brazilian Constitution of 1891, which stated that all men were obliged to military service. Other countries in South America had already adopted the lottery.[36] Some sectors in society worried that the country would be militarizad and there would be a lack of manpower to work in agriculture and industry. Commenting on the matter, Pena declared:[37]

Brazilian troops parading in the 1908 Exposition

The small number [of soldiers] established in the law of forces, the same for many years, clearly shows that we do not have the desire to constitute ourselves into a military power, and that we are only fulfilling the elementary duty of prudence, providing the security and defense of the nation against possible threats.

As minister of war, Hermes da Fonseca sought to strengthen relations with Germany, whose army was considered exemplary, with the aim of implementing the German training model in Brazil. Groups of Brazilian officers were sent to internships in Germany in 1908. Fonseca himself went to Germany that same year, at the invitation of emperor Wilhelm II, to watch military maneuvers. There he hired a German Military Mission to supervise the reorganization of the Brazilian Army, though it ended up not materializing. However, Fonseca's visit to Germany did bear fruit in the arms sector, with the Krupp company becoming the main provider of artillery to Brazil.[32]

Despite the government's modernizing efforts, the reforms produced limited immediate results: the creation of large permanent units (the strategic brigades) and the acquisition of new equipment. Resistance within the army itself prevented the adoption of some measures, and the reforms' high costs were met with resistance from the political class. The reform of the army's General Staff took ten years to complete. Likewise, despite being adopted in 1908, the Sortition Law's conscription measures only came into effect in 1916.[38]

Immigration and the Adolfo Gordo Law

[edit]
Main articles: European immigration to Brazil, Japanese immigration in Brazil, and Adolfo Gordo Law
Italian immigrants disembarking in the Port of Santos in 1907

As one of his concerns since he was president of Minas Gerais, Afonso Pena instituted a more effective immigration policy. The president opted for the creation of colonial centers for the production of wine and wheat in southern Brazil.[20] The General Directorate of the Settlement Service and the Directorate of the Propaganda and Economic Expansion Service of Brazil Abroad were created, tasked with promoting immigration, monitoring colonization, and carrying out the country's propaganda in Europe, thus transferring the matter of immigration back to the federal government, which had been delegated to the states since 1892. The federal government also started to subsidize the travels.[39]

During Pena's government, the first wave of Japanese immigrants arrived in the country in the ship Kasato Maru, with 781 immigrants disembarking in the Port of Santos in June 1908.[20][40] The entry of non-European immigrants into the country was limited. However, in the case of immigrants from China and Japan, the restrictions had been reversed in 1892. All of these federal government measures contributed to the increase in the arrival of immigrants when compared to the period in which they were the responsibility of the states.[39] In total, Brazil received around 100,000 immigrants during Pena's term.[20]

The arrival of immigrants generated concern among the authorities, who saw in them the "peril of being spoiled by all vices" or contrary to the "conservative elements of society". Migration control was the responsibility of the police, who could block the entry of criminals and beggars. Soon the police authorities began to demand measures to expel immigrants who were considered "undesirable". Among them were petty criminals and propagators of anarchist ideals among urban workers. Atrition between immigrant workers and employers began to happen, which led to the issue of the expulsion of foreigners being discussed in Congress in 1906, after the outbreak of strikes and the holding of the First Brazilian Workers' Congress, which proposed direct action. Thus, Decree No. 1,641 of 7 January 1907 was approved, signed by the president. It became known by the name of its proponent, the São Paulo deputy Adolfo Gordo, allowing for the "cleansing" of undesirable immigrants from the country.[39][41] Despite the law, the labor moverment continued to promote strikes and workers' newspapers denounced intimidation by the police.[42]

Foreign policy

[edit]
Pena (fourth from left, front row) with former Argentine president Julio Argentino Roca (second from right, front row) and other dignitaries at the Catete Palace, 12 March 1907. Mrs. Pena can be seen at her husband's right shoulder

Border issues

[edit]

Pena nominated the Baron of Rio Branco, Brazil's "Bismarckian" minister, to the ministry of foreign affairs, an office Paranhos had occupied since 1902.[43][33] One of Brazil's main concerns during the First Republic was to solve its border issues with the neighboring countries.[44] During Pena's government, Brazil solved border issues with Colombia and Peru;[45] with the former, the Vásquez Cobo–Martins treaty was signed on 24 April 1907 by which Brazil ceded navigation rights in the Amazon basin in exchange for recognition of its territorial claims in the region.[46] As for Peru, Brazil signed a treaty on 8 September 1909 [es] by which the borders between both countries were settled and general principles regarding commerce and navigation were defined.[45] Border issues with Venezuela and British Guyana were also solved.[47]

The Hague Convention

[edit]

In 1907 the Second Peace Convention was held in Hague; its goals were to stop the arms race taking place at the time and establish peaceful ways to solve international disputes. Brazil had been invited to take part in the First Convention of 1899, but refused. In 1907 it sent a delegation led by Ruy Barbosa.[48]

Possible war with Argentina

[edit]
See also: South American dreadnought race and Brazilian Army in the First Republic § Possible war with Argentina
The launch of Minas Geraes, the first of the Minas Geraes-class battleships, on 10 September 1908

War fears between Brazil and Argentina increased during the period, encouraging militarization in both countries and reaching a peak in 1908, when the two nations hovered on the brink of war.[49][50][51] At the time, the "armed peace" doctrine was common on the international scene and was also applied in Argentine–Brazilian relations.[50][52] In 1902, when Rio Branco assumed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Brazil's external policy shifted to a hegemony goal in the Southern Cone.[49][d] Tensions between both countries began in 1904, when the Brazilian Congress approved a naval rearmament program,[e] which threatened Argentine naval dominance in the South Atlantic Ocean and caused distrust regarding Brazil's perceived imperialist intentions. The situation worsened when Figueroa Alcorta became president of Argentina in 1906. Alcorta appointed Estanislao Zeballos, a long time rival of Rio Branco, as minister of foreign affairs.[50][f] Convinced of Brazil's "political and military resurgence", Zeballos sought to diplomatically isolate it, prevent its naval build up and improve relations with Uruguay and Paraguay.[53]

Argentine newspapers such as La Prensa attacked Brazil and defended arms acquisitions for Argentina, whose navy, once the strongest in South America, had fallen behind the Brazilian one.[54][g] Zeballos accused Brazil of breaking the naval balance of forces between both countries and considered Brazil was "excessively arming its navy".[55] The Argentine minister led an extensive anti-Brazilian and arms campaign in the press, which prompted some sectors in Argentina to plan his removal from office.[50][56][57] In 1908 Ruy Barbosa warned president Afonso Pena that the Argentines could attack by surprise and, in Stanley E. Hilton words, "Brazilian strategists became convinced that the country could suddenly find itself at war".[51]

"The war... by telegrams!", O Malho cover, 12 September 1908

That year, Zeballos sent a secret letter to Roque Sáenz Peña, the Argentine plenipotentiary minister in Spain, in which he stated that he had written evidence signed by Rio Branco that Brazil was preparing to attack Argentina. Zeballos then detailed his plan: Argentina would demand that Brazil give it one of its dreadnoughts that were under construction. If Brazil refused, an ultimatum would be sent, giving the country eight days to settle the issue, after which the Argentine Navy would attack Rio de Janeiro, which the Argentine ministers claimed was a "well studied and easy point, due to Brazil's defenseless situation". The secret plan was discussed with president Alcorta and his cabinet on 10 June and two days later Zeballos would present it to Congress with the "secret documents" signed by Rio Branco in order to request funds to mobilize the military. However, the plan was leaked in the Argentine press on 11 June, which alarmed public opinion and harmed Zeballos' image, being aborted. Under pressure, Alcorta then asked Zeballos to resign his position as foreign minister and assume the Ministry of Justice and Public Instruction. Zeballos refused the proposal and presented his resignation on 16 June 1908.[58][59]

Despite resigning, Zeballos continued to claim he had documents signed by Rio Branco in which Brazil's aggressive intentions were evident.[60] One of these documents was an encrypted telegram, known as Telegram No. 9, sent by Rio Branco to Domício da Gama, the Brazilian minister in Santiago, Chile. The telegram, dated 17 June 1908, was intercepted, decrypted, and its contents were distorted and published in the press by Zeballos. In the falsified version, Rio Branco instructed Domício da Gama to spread "the 'imperialist' pretensions of the Argentine Republic, letting it be known in the high political circles that in its vanity it dreams of the domination of Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay and also our Rio Grande". The false document was read by the new Argentine foreign minister, Victorino de la Plaza, in the Senate, which pushed Congress to approve the arms build up and shifted public opinion against Brazil. Rio Branco promptly denied the allegations, stating that the document was "absolutely false" and the accusations could only be the product of "some man of the most exquisite bad faith".[55][61][62]

Zeballos then claimed, through La Prensa, that he had photographs of the documents and challenged Rio Branco "to review his secret Pacific archive and read the original document that exists in it, with the following addresses: 17 June 1908, at 06:57, number 9".[63] La Prensa wrote that Rio Branco would need "to prove that he had not promoted anything hostile to the Argentine Republic, in the spirit of any American chancellery".[64] In an unexpected move, Rio Branco then published the Brazilian cipher and the original text in order to prove that the Argentine version was false and that there were no aggressive Brazilian plans against Argentina.[65][66] The situation caused enormous embarrassment in Argentine political circles.[66] Demoralized, Zeballos was removed from the chancellery.[61]

With Zeballos' fall, relations between Argentina and Brazil gradually improved and the ABC Pact, based on Rio Branco's "cordial political intelligence", was negotiated.[61][66][67] Rio Branco later stated: "[m]ore than ever, we need to put ourselves in a state of defense against this neighbor, since crazy people like Zeballos can stir up opinion there".[66]

Succession crisis

[edit]

Due to his departure from the traditional interests of the oligarchies, in the so-called oligarchic Old Republic, Pena faced a crisis at the time of his succession. David Morethson Campista, nominated by Pena to succeed him in the presidency, was rejected by groups supporting Hermes da Fonseca (mainly by Pinheiro Machado, the most influential congressman at the time). Pena tried to nominate Campos Sales and Rodrigues Alves, without success. In the midst of all this, the Civilist Campaign [pt] also began, launched by Ruy Barbosa.


Cabinet

[edit]

The composition of Afonso Pena's government was:[68][69][70]

Ministers

[edit]
Afonso Pena's cabinet ministers. Standing, from left to right: Alexandrino Faria de Alencar, Hermes da Fonseca, Augusto Tavares de Lira. Seated, from left to right: David Campista, Paranhos Júnior, Miguel Calmon du Pin e Almeida
Ministers of State
OfficeNameTerm
Minister of Justice and Internal AffairsAugusto Tavares de Lira15 November 1906 – 14 June 1909
Minister of the NavyAlexandrino Faria de Alencar15 November 1906 – 14 June 1909
Minister of WarHermes da Fonseca15 November 1906 – 27 May 1909
Luís Mendes de Morais (interim)27 May 1909 – 14 June 1909
Minister of Foreign AffairsJosé Maria da Silva Paranhos Júnior15 November 1906 – 14 June 1909
Minister of FinanceDavid Morethson Campista15 November 1906 – 14 June 1909
Minister of Industry, Transport and Public Works
Minister of Transport and Public Works		Miguel Calmon du Pin e Almeida15 November 1906 – 14 June 1909

Presidency organs

[edit]
Presidency Organs
OfficeNameTerm
Secretary of the Presidency of the RepublicRodrigues Alves15 November 1906 – 8 December 1906
Edmundo da Veiga8 December 1906 – 14 June 1909
General Consultancy of the RepublicTristão de Alencar Araripe Júnior15 November 1906 – 14 June 1909

Supreme Court

[edit]
Supreme Federal Court appointments
OfficeNameTerm
Supreme Court JusticePedro Lessa20 November 1907 – 25 July 1921
Supreme Court JusticeCanuto Saraiva16 June 1908 – 25 May 1919


References

[edit]
  • Centro de História e Documentação Diplomática (2014). II Conferência da Paz, Haia, 1907 : a correspondência telegráfica entre o Barão do Rio Branco e Rui Barbosa (PDF) (in Portuguese). Brasília: FUNAG. ISBN 978-85-7631-508-7.
  • Lima, Bárbara Braga Penido (2019). "Affonso Penna e o engrandecimento mineiro: repertórios sobre instrução profissional (1874-1906)". Temporalidades (in Portuguese). 11 (2): 66–92. ISSN 1984-6150.
  • Lima, Bárbara Braga Penido (2017). "Espaço de experiência e horizontes de expectativas: as ferrovias e o pensamento desenvolvimentista do político Affonso Penna (1891-1906)" (PDF). XII Congresso Brasileiro de História Econômica & 13ª Conferência Internacional de História de Empresas (in Portuguese). Niterói.
  • Paula, João Antônio de (2004). "Raízes do desenvolvimentismo: pensamento e ação de João Pinheiro". Pesquisa & Debate Revista do Programa de Estudos Pós-Graduados em Economia Política (in Portuguese). 15 (2(26)). ISSN 1806-9029.
  • Presidência da República (2006). "Ministros de Estado" [Ministers of State]. Presidência da República. Archived from the original on 15 November 2006. Retrieved 29 June 2022.
  • Presidência da República (2007). "Affonso Augusto Moreira Penna". Presidência da República. Archived from the original on 22 April 2008. Retrieved 5 August 2022.
  • Supremo Tribunal Federal. "Presidentes da República que nomearam ministros para o Supremo Tribunal Federal" [Presidents of the Republic who appointed ministers to the Supreme Federal Court] (in Portuguese). Retrieved 9 May 2024.
  1. ^ Paes 2006, p. 1.
  2. ^ a b Viscardi, p. 11.
  3. ^ Senado Federal 2003, pp. 17, 42.
  4. ^ Senado Federal 2003, p. 42.
  5. ^ a b Mayer, p. 4.
  6. ^ a b Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais 1991, p. 1712.
  7. ^ Senado Federal 2003, p. 44.
  8. ^ Rossini, pp. 2–3.
  9. ^ Rossini, p. 3.
  10. ^ a b c Mendonça 1999, p. 35.
  11. ^ Viscardi (b), pp. 4–5.
  12. ^ Rossini, pp. 4–5.
  13. ^ a b c d Rossini, p. 4.
  14. ^ a b Andrade 2019, p. 264.
  15. ^ a b c Mendonça 1999, p. 36.
  16. ^ a b Viscardi, p. 12.
  17. ^ Andrade 2019, pp. 264–265.
  18. ^ Andrade 2019, p. 267.
  19. ^ a b Rossini, p. 6.
  20. ^ a b c d Viscardi, p. 13.
  21. ^ Mendonça 1999, p. 37.
  22. ^ a b Pessoa 2019.
  23. ^ Rossini, p. 5.
  24. ^ Cite error: The named reference :1 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  25. ^ Pereira, p. 15.
  26. ^ Wright 1908, p. 5.
  27. ^ a b Pereira, p. 7.
  28. ^ a b c d Wanderley 2018.
  29. ^ Pereira, pp. 15–16.
  30. ^ Pereira, p. 17.
  31. ^ a b Pereira, p. 19.
  32. ^ a b Lemos, p. 5.
  33. ^ a b Hilton 1982, p. 632.
  34. ^ Lemos, p. 4.
  35. ^ Guedes 2016, p. 181.
  36. ^ Guedes 2016, pp. 181–182.
  37. ^ Guedes 2016, p. 182.
  38. ^ Lemos, p. 6.
  39. ^ a b c Camargo 2020.
  40. ^ Baily et al. 2003, p. 122.
  41. ^ Lang (b), p. 1.
  42. ^ Lang (b), p. 3.
  43. ^ Santos 1991, p. 268.
  44. ^ Santos 1991, p. 259.
  45. ^ a b Santos 1991, p. 269.
  46. ^ Santos 1991, pp. 269–270.
  47. ^ Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais 1991, pp. 1712–1713.
  48. ^ Santos 1991, p. 263.
  49. ^ a b Heinsfeld, p. 1.
  50. ^ a b c d Knevitz 2021, p. 1.
  51. ^ a b Hilton 1982, p. 631.
  52. ^ Candeas 2017, p. 180.
  53. ^ Candeas 2017, p. 181.
  54. ^ Heinsfeld, pp. 1–2.
  55. ^ a b Reckziegel & Luiza 2006, pp. 94–96.
  56. ^ Heinsfeld, p. 3.
  57. ^ Binelo 2016, pp. 1–2.
  58. ^ Candeas 2017, pp. 181–182.
  59. ^ Heinsfeld, pp. 3–4.
  60. ^ Heinsfeld, p. 5.
  61. ^ a b c Candeas 2017, p. 182.
  62. ^ Heinsfeld, pp. 5–6.
  63. ^ Heinsfeld, p. 6.
  64. ^ Heinsfeld, p. 7.
  65. ^ Heinsfeld, pp. 7–8.
  66. ^ a b c d Reckziegel & Luiza 2006, p. 95.
  67. ^ Heinsfeld, p. 10.
  68. ^ Presidência da República 2006.
  69. ^ Presidência da República 2007.
  70. ^ Supremo Tribunal Federal.


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