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Miners for Democracy (MFD) was a dissident movement within the United Mine Workers of America which created successful reform in the union's administration in the early 1970s. It was organized in Clarksville, Pennsylvania in April 1970 at the funeral of Joseph ‘‘Jock’’ Yablonski, after he was murdered by union officials .[1][2] MFD formed with the mission to challenge the UMWA's current administration in the next union election cycle, which was set to occur two years from their emergence[2]. MFD worked closely with the Black Lung Association (BLA), who also openly opposed the Boyle administration. BLA formed in 1969 and lead by Arnold Miller and Charles Brooks, and Miller would later be chosen by MFD as a candidate to replace Boyle as president during union reform.[3] Mike Trbovish, who was chairman of MFD, became the vice president of the union under the Miller administration.[4]

Motives Behind MFD's Formation

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MFD claimed to stand in opposition to corruption that was taking place within the UMW's administration throughout Tony Boyle's term as president of the union.[5] In the decade leading up to the murder of Joseph Yablonski, author John Gaventa claims that many rank-and-file members of the union saw UMWA leadership as becoming dictatorial and corrupt.[5] Forms of corruption identified by MFD as taking place in the union during this time were related to election interference[6], the administrators favoring the economic interests of the mines over the miners health and safety[7], and a misuse of union funds, including the use of union funds to hire assassins for the murder of Yablonski.[8]

In the late 1960's the safety division of the UMWA was comprised of a single employee, while the Bureau of mines only had 250 inspectors for 5,400 mines[9]. Robin Kaiser-Schlatzlein claims that this was reflect in the 1968 explosion of the No.9 mine of the Consolidation coal mines in Farmington, West Virginia, which left 78 miners dead. In response to the disaster, Boyle was quoted as saying “As long as we mine coal, there is always this inherent danger of explosion”. Chad Montrie says that this caused further frustration among miners who already saw problems with safety concerns in union administration. [10] While the cause of the accident was never determined, methane levels in the mine were high and important safety measures like rock dusting were not occurring routinely, both of which were frequently the cause of mine explosions[11]. Richard Fry believes that a lack of safety concerns in the Bureau of Mines amplified these issues. In April of 1970, bureau found over 1000 violations across 108 mines, but did not have enough employees to enforce sanctions on the mine owners.[12]

Election interference took place in the form of intimidation as well as direct interference with ballots. During the election, Boyle and his supporters used violence and intimidation to try and prevent miners from voting for Yablonski.[13] Boyle won the 1969 election with 64% of votes.[5] The same year that Boyle was investigated by the Department of Labor for fraud in the election, he was also being investigated for the misuse of union funds. He was sentenced to 5 years in prison and $179,520 in fines and restitution in March of 1972 after an investigation into his mismanagement of union funds.[2] He only served six hours in jail before his attorney paid the fines and restitution in full, and he was released.[14] Two months later, his presidency was voided by a Federal judge on the grounds of voter fraud and irregularities in the 1969 election. The union was overseen by the Department of Labor until a new election could be held in December of 1972.[14]

The following year, Boyle was arrested for and convicted of the murder of Joseph, Margret and Charlotte Yablonski, which in itself was the biggest driving force behind the groups formation, according to Montrie.[2] Throughout the Department of Labor's investigation of the 1969 election, police were attempting to uncover connections between the murders and union officials.[15] They found the evidence they needed to convict Boyle in September of 1973, where he was given three life sentences for the hiring of assassins to carry out the murder.[16]

Challenges With Reform

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After Boyle's presidency was voided, MFD had to work to construct a platform and choose candidates for the upcoming election to run against Boyle, and a convention was held in Wheeling, West Virginia to do so.[2] At this convention, they chose Arnold Miller as the presidential candidate, due to his work as the president of a union local and as a leader in the BLA.[2] The two main issues addressed at the convention to be included in the platform were relating to mine health and safety, and reform of the corrupt administration of the union.[2] Eventually, MFD and Miller were able to assume control of the union, but more challenges were then presented.[17] Miller had no prior experience with running a national union, and Fry believes he did not have the experience necessary to lead the UMWA.[17] Additionally, the Miller administration identifies the corruption in the union as being so deeply rooted that they had to work on rebuilding the union before they could focus on issues such as health and safety, but there was disagreement among members of the administration on what kinds of reform efforts should take place.[17]

The shift between administrations was not simple, and required some interference from the Department of Labor, to maintain that Boyle did not try to rig the ballots or intimidate voters.[18] The transfer of power proved to be challenging, many pushing back against the reform.[17] Gaventa says this resistance was mostly coming from Boyle and his administration, as well as the large number of Boyle supporters in UMWA District 19. District 19 had the highest concentration of Boyle supporters in the country. While Yablonski received 36% of the vote for the election in total, he only received 2% in the district. [5] The four individuals first convicted in the murder of Yablonski were from the district, and were paid by Boyle from union funds to carry out the assassination.[19] In the election of 1972, only 19% of the district voted for Miller, compared to 55% nationwide.[5]

The End of MFD

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After MFD assumed control of the union, many leaders from the organization took administrative positions in the union.[17] Miller and his colleagues were concerned that the organization may pose a threat to union stability if allowed to continue, and they came to the decision to dismantle MFD.[17]

References

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  1. ^ "Miners for Democracy". www.wvencyclopedia.org. West Virginia Encyclopedia.
  2. ^ a b c d e f g Montrie, Chad (2000). "Expedient Environmentalism: Opposition to Coal Surface Mining in Appalachia and the United Mine Workers of America, 1945-1975". Environmental History. 5 (1): 88 – via JSTOR.
  3. ^ Montrie, Chad (2000). "Expedient Environmentalism: Opposition to Coal Surface Mining in Appalachia and the United Mine Workers of America, 1945-1975". Environmental History. 5 (1): 79 – via JSTOR.
  4. ^ "e-WV | Miners for Democracy". www.wvencyclopedia.org. Retrieved 2023-04-12.
  5. ^ a b c d e Gaventa, John (1982). Power and Powerlessness: Quiescence and Rebellion in an Appalachian Valley. University of Illinios Press. p. 165. ISBN 9780252009853.
  6. ^ Fry, Richard (2014). "Dissent in the coalfields: miners, federal politics, and union reform in the United States, 1968–1973". Labor History. 55 (2): 178 – via JSTOR.
  7. ^ Fry, Richard (2014). "Dissent in the coalfields: miners, federal politics, and union reform in the United States, 1968–1973". Labor History. 55 (2): 174 – via JSTOR.
  8. ^ Franklin, Ben (1973). "Boyle Accused of Murder in the Killing of Yablonski". The New York Times.
  9. ^ Kaiser-Schatzlein, Robin (2021). "Talk Like a Red: A Labor History in Two Acts". The Baffler. 55: 29 – via JSTOR.
  10. ^ Montrie, Chad (2000). "Expedient Environmentalism: Opposition to Coal Surface Mining in Appalachia and the United Mine Workers of America, 1945-1975". Environmental History. 5 (1): 87 – via JSTOR.
  11. ^ Imbrogno, Douglas (November 20, 2018). "Farmington No. 9: The West Virginia Disaster that Changed Coal Mining Forever". WV Public Broadcasting. Retrieved April 12, 2023.
  12. ^ Fry, Richard (2014). "Dissent in the coalfields: miners, federal politics, and union reform in the United States, 1968–1973". Labor History. 5 (2): 177 – via JSTOR.
  13. ^ Montrie, Chad (2000). "Expedient Environmentalism: Opposition to Coal Surface Mining in Appalachia and the United Mine Workers of America, 1945-1975". Environmental History. 5 (1): 88 – via JSTOR.
  14. ^ a b Vasquez, Juan (June 28, 1972). "BOYLE SENTENCED TO A 5‐YEAR TERM; IS FINED $130,000". The New York Times. Retrieved April 12, 2023.
  15. ^ Fry, Richard (2014). "Dissent in the coalfields: miners, federal politics, and union reform in the United States, 1968–1973". Labor History. 55 (2): 178 – via JSTOR.
  16. ^ Smith, J.Y. (June 1, 1985). "Former UMW Chief Tony Boyle Dies at 83". The Washington Post. Retrieved April 12, 2023.
  17. ^ a b c d e f Fry, Richard (2014). "Dissent in the coalfields: miners, federal politics, and union reform in the United States, 1968–1973". Labor History. 55 (2): 184 – via JSTOR.
  18. ^ Fry, Richard (2014). "Dissent in the coalfields: miners, federal politics, and union reform in the United States, 1968–1973". Labor History. 55 (2): 183 – via JSTOR.
  19. ^ Gaventa, John (1982). Power and Powerlessness: Quiescence and Rebellion in an Appalachian Valley. University of Illinois Press. p. 182.
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