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User:Oceanflynn/sandbox/A timeline of the intellectual history of liberalism

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dynamic list A timeline of the intellectual history of liberalism includes relevant events related to the history of the concept of liberalism as a philosophy and political doctrine or theory often traced to John Locke, who is listed as a British classical liberal and to Thomas Hobbes. It also includes events that contextualize the evolution of the concept, its later branches and iterations over time and in different parts of the globe.

Ancient origins

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Early Greek philosophers

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Year Date Event
Early Greek philosophers In his 2018 publication, Why Liberalism Failed,[1] Patrick Deneen, a professor of political science at the University of Notre Dame, explained that "Greek and medieval philosophies valued liberty, but they understood that before a person could help govern society, he had to be able to govern himself. People had to be habituated in virtue by institutions they didn’t choose — family, religion, community, social norms."[2]

16th century

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Year Date Event
1532 The Prince Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527)'s The Prince was published. [3] Machiavelli, who according to his Wikipedia article, was an "Italian diplomat, politician, historian, philosopher, humanist, and writer of the Renaissance period", is often called the "father of modern political science."[4] Deneen wrote that Machiavelli, along with Locke, redefined human nature based on the "autonomous, choosing individual" as opposed to the "classical and religious idea that people are political and relational creatures."[2]

17th century

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Year Date Event
1688 Glorious Revolution In the Glorious Revolution King James II of England was overthrown and William of Orange ascended the English throne as William III of England. Some claim that Locke wrote the Two Treatises to justify William III's ascension to the throne. Peter Laslett suggested that the "bulk of the writing was instead completed between 1679–1680 (and subsequently revised until Locke was driven into exile in 1683)".[5]: 59–61 
1688 According to a 1997 published in in HUMANITAS by the The National Humanities Institute affiliated with traditionalist conservatism and founded in 1984, Edmund Burke and F. A. Hayek are described under "Liberalism/Conservatism".[6]
1689
(dated 1690)
Two Treatises of Government John Locke's Two Treatises of Government was published anonymously.[7] Locke is regarded as the father of modern liberalism.[8]: 18 [9]: 12  John Locke’s "contract theory of the state declares that the state gains its legitimacy from the people and is required to protect life, liberty, and property."[citation needed][10] Locke developed the concept of the consent of the governed.[11]: 39–41  In his 2018 publication on the intellectual concept of liberalism,[1] Deneen described how "But under the influence of Machiavelli and Locke, the men who founded our system made two fateful errors. First, they came to reject the classical and religious idea that people are political and relational creatures. Instead, they placed the autonomous, choosing individual at the center of their view of human nature."[2]

18th century

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Year Description Event
1738 A Treatise of Human Nature David Hume (1711 - 1776) wrote his A Treatise of Human Nature: Being an Attempt to Introduce the Experimental Method of Reasoning into Moral Subjects. According to his Wikipedia article, as a British classical liberal, he was influenced by the writings of George Berkeley, Cicero, Thomas Hobbes, Francis Hutcheson, John Locke, Nicolas Malebranche, Isaac Newton, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Adam Smith. His writings influenced A. J. Ayer, Simon Blackburn, Gilles Deleuze, Jorge Luis Borges, Daniel Dennett, Albert Einstein, Jerry Fodor, Alexander Hamilton, Edmund Husserl, Thomas Jefferson, William James, Immanuel Kant, J. L. Mackie, James Madison, John Stuart Mill, Karl Popper, Thomas Reid, Bertrand Russell, Arthur Schopenhauer, and Adam Smith.[12]
1750s Cultural turn In Murder Most Foul Karen Halttunen described the cultural turn in the second half of the 18th century as the Enlightenment liberal world view emerged. The liberal understanding of human nature was one in which the human subject was described as "essentially good, rational and capable of self-government".[13]: 562  In the time of the Puritans, the "ethics of the original sin"...a "crime was only an exacerbated form of the evil to which all humans were prone."[14]: 47  "This turn from a religious to a secular understanding of human nature affected truth telling itself as the penny press began to rival sermons for the authority to distill chaotic society into consumable meaning. This liberal understanding of human nature, however, created a new problem of evil. Without original sin, how could crime be explained?"[14]: 47 
1757 A Vindication of Natural Society Irish political theorist, philosopher, and statesman Edmund Burke (1730 – 1797) who served as a member of the British parliament from 1766 to 1794 with the Whig Party. In A Vindication of Natural Society Burke expressed his confidence in the Enlightenment concept of progress of the human condition:[15]

"The fabric of superstition has in this our age and nation received much ruder shocks than it had ever felt before; and through the chinks and breaches of our prison, we see such glimmerings of light, and feel such refreshing airs of liberty, as daily raise our ardor for more. The miseries derived to mankind from superstition under the name of religion, and of ecclesiastical tyranny under the name of church government, have been clearly and usefully exposed. We begin to think and to act from reason and from nature alone. This is true of several, but by far the majority is still in the same old state of blindness and slavery; and much is it to be feared that we shall perpetually relapse, whilst the real productive cause of all this superstitious folly, enthusiastical nonsense, and holy tyranny, holds a reverend place in the estimation even of those who are otherwise enlightened."

— Burke. A Vindication of Natural Society. 1757
According to In the nineteenth century, Burke was praised by both conservatives and liberals.[16]: 93  By the twentieth century Burke was acknowledge as the philosophical father and founder of modern conservatism.[10]: 74 [17]: 585 
1760s Representative history in Britain Individuals made their fortunes in Asia and the West Indies then returned to England and used their money to influence government policies. The "importers of foreign gold have forced their way into Parliament, by such a torrent of corruption as no private hereditary fortune could resist".[18]
1776 An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations Adam Smith FRSA (1723 - 1790), the founder or father of the science of economics[citation needed], and a British classical liberal, wrote his magnum opus An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. He is best known for the The Wealth of Nations and his The Theory of Moral Sentiments. Since the 1970's he is also considered to be the founder of moral philosophy: his homo economicus was represented as a moral person.[citation needed]

"Men may live together in society with some tolerable degree of security, though there is no civil magistrate to protect them from the injustice of those passions. But avarice and ambition in the rich, in the poor the hatred of labour and the love of present ease and enjoyment, are the passions which prompt to invade property, passions much more steady in their operation, and much more universal in their influence. Wherever there is great property there is great inequality. For one very rich man there must be at least five hundred poor, and the affluence of the few supposes the indigence of the many. The affluence of the rich excites the indignation of the poor, who are often both driven by want, and prompted by envy, to invade his possessions. It is only under the shelter of the civil magistrate that the owner of that valuable property, which is acquired by the labour of many years, or perhaps of many successive generations, can sleep a single night in security. He is at all times surrounded by unknown enemies, whom, though he never provoked, he can never appease, and from whose injustice he can be protected only by the powerful arm of the civil magistrate continually held up to chastise it. The acquisition of valuable and extensive property, therefore, necessarily requires the establishment of civil government. Where there is no property, or at least none that exceeds the value of two or three days' labour, civil government is not so necessary. Civil government supposes a certain subordination. But as the necessity of civil government gradually grows up with the acquisition of valuable property, so the principal causes which naturally introduce subordination gradually grow up with the growth of that valuable property. (...) Men of inferior wealth combine to defend those of superior wealth in the possession of their property, in order that men of superior wealth may combine to defend them in the possession of theirs. All the inferior shepherds and herdsmen feel that the security of their own herds and flocks depends upon the security of those of the great shepherd or herdsman; that the maintenance of their lesser authority depends upon that of his greater authority, and that upon their subordination to him depends his power of keeping their inferiors in subordination to them. They constitute a sort of little nobility, who feel themselves interested to defend the property and to support the authority of their own little sovereign in order that he may be able to defend their property and to support their authority. Civil government, so far as it is instituted for the security of property, is in reality instituted for the defence of the rich against the poor, or of those who have some property against those who have none at all."

— The Wealth of Nations, Book 5, Chapter 1, Part 2) [19]
1783 "Necessity is the plea for every infringement of human freedom. It is the argument of tyrants; it is the creed of slaves." William Pitt the Younger's speech in the House of Commons (18 November, 1783). Compare: "And with necessity, / The tyrant's plea, / excus'd his devilish deeds", John Milton, Paradise Lost, Book iv, line 393.[20] British politician William Pitt the Younger (1759 – 1806) who served as the British Prime Minister from 1783 to 1806.
1789 An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation by utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham (1748–1832) was first published.[21][22]
1789 The French Revolution During French Revolution (1789–1799) the political terms "left-" and right-winged politics emerged in reference to the seating arrangements of the French parliament of the time where monarchist Old Regime supporters sat on the right of the chair of the parliamentary president and liberal deputies of the Third Estate sat on the left.[23]

19th century

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Year Date Event
1800-1850 Saint-Simonianism Alan Ryan, known for his work on modern liberalism, described the work of Henri de Saint-Simon (1760–1825).[24] Saint-Simon explained the French Revolution with its "ruin of nobility and monarchy as a failure of the elite; Marxists explained it as "upheaval from below."[25]: 651  Saint-Simon was obsessed with organization in what would later be called "industrial society" as management came to be seen as more important than ownership. Marx was more obsessed with the proletariat.[25]: 651 
1822 The Liberal The Liberal was a periodical founded by the Romantic poets Percy Bysshe Shelley, Lord Byron and Leigh Hunt.[26] In his 2012 article published in the Historical Research journal, historian David Craig examined the "public reception of the periodical The Liberal to establish how the language of 'liberalism' began to develop in Britain in the eighteen-twenties. It shows that Hunt, Byron and Shelley had difficulty establishing a claim to this terminology partly because the conventional meanings of the word 'liberality'– as in generosity and gentlemanliness – could be turned against their contributions, and partly because of their existing reputations as subversive, irreligious Epicureans. As a result, The Liberal helped to establish a negative typology of 'liberalism' that quickly gathered force among reactionaries."[27]
1829 Roman Catholic Relief Act 1829 also known as the Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829 passed by British Parliament in 1829. "The slowness of liberal reform between 1771 and 1829 led to much bitterness in Ireland, which underpinned Irish nationalism until recent times."
1830s England ruled by propertied oligarchy. There was some upward social mobility.
1838 Democracy in America The publication, Democracy in America[28] by Alexis de Tocqueville (1805 – 1859) French diplomat political scientist and historian, was based on the author's travels to Canada and the United States in 1831.[29] Deneen's arguments in Why Liberalism Failed are described as "classically Tocquevillian — that the liberal-democratic-capitalist matrix we all inhabit depends for its livability and sustainability and decency upon pre-liberal forces and habits, unchosen obligations and allegiances: the communities of tribe and family, the moralism and metaphysical horizons of religion, the aristocracy of philosophy and art."[30] “Tocqueville wrote that, "The constant action of the laws and the national habits, peculiar circumstances, and, above all, time, may consolidate it; but there is certainly no nation on the continent of Europe that has experienced its advantages. Yet municipal institutions constitute the strength of free nations. Town meetings are to liberty what primary schools are to science; they bring it within the people's reach, they teach men how to use and how to enjoy it. A nation may establish a free government, but without municipal institutions it cannot have the spirit of liberty. Transient passions, the interests of an hour, or the chance of circumstances may create the external forms of independence, but the despotic tendency which has been driven into the interior of the social system will sooner or later reappear on the surface."[31]: 26  According to Deneen (2018) de Tocqueville "stressed that it was the nearness and immediacy of the township that made its citizens more likely to care and take an active interest not only in their own fates but in the shared fates of their fellow citizens. By contrast, he noted a striking lack of attentiveness to more distant political centers of power, including both state and an even more distant federal government, where only a few ambitious men might govern but which otherwise was of little concern to the active citizens within the township. Tocqueville would have regarded a citizenry that was oblivious to local self-governance, but which instead directed all its attention and energy to the machinations of a distant national power, not as the culmination of democracy but as its betrayal."[1]
1840s "According to Halttunen, by the 1840s, the criminal became the "other" who represented a divergence from normal humanity. Charles Dickens, a writer and journalist who Whitman admired, called the criminal intellect "a horrible wonder apart."[13][14]: 47 
1845 and 1849 Great Famine (Ireland) The impact of the Irish Potato Famine was greater because of the large number of impoverished Irish (80% were Catholic) whose situation was worsened by land acquisition, absentee landlords, and the Corn Laws.[32]
1846-1848) Mexican–American War "If the Whigs feared that the war threatened to subvert the institutions which support "our political and social fabrics," the Democrats saw it as an opportunity to secure "freedom" for the individual, a belief in which rapid and uninhibited expansion was an inevitable component. Major Wilson has labeled this difference as one between the Democrats' interest in a "quantitative expansion" through space, while the Whigs were concerned with a "qualitative development" through time. The Whigs looked for "internal improvements" and saw "external expansion" (such as the War with Mexico) as a threat to this internal stability."[33]: 170  According to his Wikipedia article, James K. Polk, who was President from from 1845 to 1849, had expansionist policies. Polk was a "protégé of Andrew Jackson, he was a member of the Democratic Party and an advocate of Jacksonian democracy. During Polk's presidency, the United States expanded significantly with the annexation of the Republic of Texas, the Oregon Territory, and the Mexican Cession following the American victory in the Mexican–American War."
1848 Disraeli on liberalism In 1848, Benjamin Disraeli, (1804 – 1881), who served as British Prime Minister from 1868 to 1881, attacked Palmerston's liberal foreign policy: "My objection to liberalism is this: that it is the introduction into the practical business of life of the highest kind-namely, politics-of philosophical ideas instead of political principles'. British historian, David Craig, wrote that Disraeli's comment "encapsulated a central problem in modern political history. On the one hand, politics was routinely defined as a practical matter that was ill served when 'theorists' and 'visionaries'-in this case, liberals were in power, but on the other, those who ruled were still expected to have 'principles'. What, it may be asked, were 'principles' if they were not a form of 'ideas', albeit in some sense 'unphilosophical'? Just as politicians have circled nervously around these issues, so too have historians over the course of the twentieth century."[34]
1855 Leaves of Grass Walt Whitman (1819 – 1892) published Leaves of Grass in which he described his "philosophy of life and humanity" with themes related to "freedom of the soul, personal liberty, political liberalism, an intimate relationship with nature and man's connection to his inner self and his body."[citation needed] "Although Whitman's pacifist instincts ultimately caused him to question the violent results of the Mexican War, he initially supported the war with enthusiasm", as well as nearly every one of the expansionist policies of James K. Polk, who was President from from 1845 to 1849.[33]
1859 On Liberty British philosopher and political economist John Stuart Mill (1806 – 1873) who is listed as a British classical liberal ans is considered to be "one of the most influential thinkers in the history of liberalism", according to his Wikipedia article,[35] and "the most influential English-speaking philosopher of the nineteenth century",[36] published On Liberty.[37][38][39] Richard Reeves observed that in On Liberty Mill used the words “energy,” “active” and “vital” nearly as many times as he used the word “freedom.” Freedom for him was a means, not an end. The end is moral excellence. Mill believed that all of us “are under a moral obligation to seek the improvement of our moral character...At the heart of his liberalism was a clearly and repeatedly articulated vision of a flourishing human life — self-improving, passionate, truth-seeking, engaged and colorful."[40]
1859 "In the United Kingdom, to describe someone as a liberal is to associate them either with Britain’s long-lived Liberal party (1859-1988) – the party of Gladstone, Lloyd George and David Steel."[41]
1873 The Gilded Age: A Tale of Today In their 1873 book The Gilded Age: A Tale of Today, Mark Twain and Charles Dudley Warner satirized the greed and corruption in the United States after the Civil War. The term they coined was used to describe the period from the 1860s to 1896.
June 4, 1889 "The Gospel of Wealth" Andrew Carnegie's article "Wealth" ("The Gospel of Wealth") proposed that the wealthy had a responsibility to be philanthropists and to thoughtfully and responsibly redistribute their wealth in response to the new industrial order and the wealth inequality it had generated in America.

20th century

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Year Date Event
20th century right and left The terms right and left in reference to political leanings began to be use by English-speaking countries in the 20th century.[42] For more on the Left–right political spectrum see here.[43][44][45][46]
c. 1900 Lecture on the American Revolution In c. 1900 Lord Acton (1834 – 1902), a British classical liberal, who was friends with Tocqueville, delivered a lecture on the American Revolution that was included in the 1906 publication Lectures on Modern History. "The rational and humanitarian enlightenment of the eighteenth century did much for the welfare of mankind, but little to promote the securities of freedom. Power was better employed than formerly, but it did not abdicate."[47]
1904-1910 Alfred Deakin (1856 – 1919) served as Prime Minister of Australia for three separate terms from 1903 to 1910.[48] In the history of liberalism in Australia he was a major contributor to the establishment of colonial liberalism reforms including pro-worker industrial reforms.
1909 The controversial People's Budget of 1909, introduced by liberals David Lloyd George and Winston Churchill, was the first budget in British history that redistributed wealth by introducing significant taxes on the wealthy that would fund new social welfare programs.[49]: 408–409 [50]
1909 The Promise of American Life Herbert Croly's influential book, The Promise of American Life[51] "is part of the bedrock of American liberalism, a classic that had a spectacular impact on national politics when it was first published in 1909 and that has been recognized ever since as a defining text of liberal reform. The book helped inspire Theodore Roosevelt's New Nationalism and Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal, put Herbert Croly on a path to become the founding editor of the New Republic, and prompted Walter Lippmann to call him twentieth-century America’s "first important political philosopher." [52] (1909), combined Alexander Hamilton's "conservative spirit of effective government" with democracy. It also influenced the later New Deal. Croly and Walter Weyl called themselves the "The New Nationalists."[53]
1910 New Nationalism Theodore Roosevelt's (1858 – 1919) first described his political philosophy of of New Nationalism in a speech in Kansas in 1910 in which he "attempted to reconcile the liberal and conservative wings of the Republican Party."[54] After failing to win the 1912 Republican nomination against his friend William Howard Taft', whom he considered to be too conservative, Roosevelt founded the Progressive party calling for progressive reforms. The Democrats won the election.[citation needed]
1911 Liberalism In his 1911 publication Liberalism, British liberal Leonard Trelawny (L.T.) Hobhouse (1864 – 1929) one of the leading and earliest proponents of social liberalism, introduced New Liberalism.
1914 The New Republic Herbert Croly, who was one of the founders of modern liberalism in the United States founded The New Republic magazine and published Progressive Democracy.
1933 Walter J. Shepard, who was President of the American Political Science Association from 1933-1934, questioned American faith in democracy. He argued that people were not guided by wisdom informed by knowledge but by "sentiment, caprice and passion".[1]: 158  In the chapter "The degradation of citizenship", Deneen wrote that Walter J. Shepard, who was President of the American Political Science Association from 1933-1934, questioned American faith in democracy. People no longer believed that "the voice of the people is the voice of God." Shepard argued that people were not guided by wisdom informed by knowledge but by "sentiment, caprice and passion". Like "Brennan, Caplan, Friedman, and others—Shepard urged his fellow political scientists to disabuse themselves of their unjustified faith in the public." the electorate “must lose the halo which has surrounded it...The dogma of universal suffrage must give way to a system of educational and other tests which will exclude the ignorant, the uninformed, and the anti-social elements which hitherto have so frequently controlled elections.”[1]: 158 
1944 The Road to Serfdom In The Road to Serfdom Friedrich Hayek observed that Germany had perfected the "abandonment of liberalism" through 'organization' or 'planning' and more radically, through socialism. From c. 1875 to c. 1925 Germany "moved far ahead in both the theory and

the practice of socialism." Hayek wrote that the Russian "discussion" in the 1940s, "largely carrie[d] on where the Germans left off. The Germans, long before the Nazis, were attacking liberalism and democracy, capitalism, and individualism."[55]: 48  He added, "By the time Hitler came to power, liberalism was dead in Germany. And it was socialism that had killed it."[55]: 48 

1950 Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF) The CCF was founded in 1950 as an anti-communist advocacy group[56] with funding from the CIA which had been established in 1947. At that time, the CIA was "a haven of liberalism" that was "staffed mainly by Yale and Harvard graduates, many of whom collected art and wrote novels in their spare time."[57] The CIA was in sharp contrast to "with a political world dominated by Joseph McCarthy (1908 – 1957) or with J Edgar Hoover's (1895 – 1972), the first Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation who served with the FBI from 1935 to 1972.[57]
1950s Structuralist revolution in Paris French philosophers "work with concepts developed during the structuralist revolution in Paris in the 1950s and early 1960s, including structuralist readings of Marx and Freud. For this reason they are often called “poststructuralists.” They also cite the events of May 1968 as a watershed moment for modern thought and its institutions, especially the universities."[58]
1955 The Liberal Tradition in America The Liberal Tradition in America: An Interpretation of American Political Thought Since the Revolution by Louis Hartz is described as "Hartz’s influential interpretation of American political thought since the Revolution. He contends that Americanca gave rise to a new concept of a liberal society, a "liberal tradition" that has been central to our experience of events both at home and abroad."[59]
February 25, 1956 "On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences" In what became known as Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev's Secret Speech delivered to made to the Communist Party on February 25, 1956, Khrushchev sharply criticized Joseph Stalin's reign. He denounced the purges that took place from the 1930s to the 1950s and Stalin's cult of personality while falsely maintaining his support for the ideals of communism.[citation needed]
December 1956 Suez Crisis Israel, the United Kingdom and France invaded Egypt. As a result of the conflict, the United Nations created the UNEF Peacekeepers to police the Egyptian–Israeli border, British Prime Minister Anthony Eden resigned, Canadian Minister of External Affairs Lester Pearson won the Nobel Peace Prize and the USSR may have been emboldened to invade Hungary.[60][61]
1956 Hungarian Revolution of 1956 What began as a student protest grew into a nationwide revolt against Soviet-imposed policies of the Hungarian People's Republic. It evolved into the first major threat to Soviet control since 1946, the end of WWII. The revolution was crushed with the arrival of Soviet forces in Budapest and other regions of the country. Thousands of Hungarians were killed and hundreds of thousands fled as refugees. Oppression continued over decades with mass arrests. While this increased Soviet control, it also led to alienation on the part of Western Marxists in France, the United States and elsewhere. In capitalist countries many members of the communist parties left. The Revolution and the resulting oppression led to the creation of the New Left.[citation needed]
1956 "Liberalism in America" American historian Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. (1917 – 2007), explained the difference between the use of the term "liberalism" in the United States and Europe in 1956.[62] "It is this birthright liberalism of American society which justified the European political thinkers two centuries ago who saw in America the archetype of primal political innocence. Here, at last, men were free to inscribe their own aspirations in society without the clog or corruption of the accumulated evils of history. "In the beginning," as Locke put it, "all the world was America."[62]
1958 The Gulag Archipelago Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn began writing The Gulag Archipelago[63] about the Soviet forced labor camps originally established by Vladimir Lenin and continued under Joseph Stalin, where he had been a prisoner. It took him ten years to finish the three-volume book. Along with Nikita Khrushchev's "On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences" speech, the negative impact of the The Gulag Archipelago on the legacies of Lenin and Stalin were profound. In a review of Jordan B. Peterson's 12 Rules For Life: An Antidote to Chaos, The New York Book Review reviewer wrote that Peterson credits his close reading of The Gulag Archipelago as a catalyst for his own "intellectual awakening to the Cold War." The reviewer wrote that reading Solzhenitsyn is a "common intellectual trajectory among Western right-wingers" who "tend to imply that belief in egalitarianism leads straight to the guillotine or the Gulag."[64] On January 1, 2017 Peterson published a list of 15 books that he recommended to anyone who wanted to "properly educate themselves". The Gulag Archipelago was number ten on the list.[65] Google Trends shows the interest in Jordan Peterson began in October 2016 and reached a peak in January 2018. In late November 2016, interest in The Gulag Archipelago reached a peak of 100 and then peaked again in January 2018.[Notes 1]
1960 English historian, Peter Laslett CBE (1915 – 2001), discovered John Locke's library which included all his publications, writings, and papers. Laslett published an edition of the Two Treatises in 1960,[66] which analysed the entire body of Locke's works. Laslett's publication became the "definitive account of modern liberal democracy".[citation needed] The 1988 edition is the most recent.
1960 New Left Charles Wright Mills's (1916 – 1962) published his "Letter to the New Left" in the New Left Review, an academic journal that was established in 1960. It popularized the term "New Left".[67] The New Left movement came into being in the late 1950s, in the aftermath of 'Hungary' and 'Suez'. In the letter, Mills wrote, "The Right, among other things, means — what you are doing, celebrating society as it is, a going concern. Left means, or ought to mean, just the opposite. It means: structural criticism and reportage and theories of society, which at some point or another are focussed politically as demands and programmes. These criticisms, demands, theories, programmes are guided morally by the humanist and secular ideals of Western civilisation — above all, reason and freedom and justice. To be “Left” means to connect up cultural with political criticism, and both with demands and programmes. And it means all this inside every country of the world."[67]
1960s 1960s Berkeley protests Hall Draper (1914 – 1990) published Berkeley: The New Student Revolt in 1965. [68]
1964-65 Free Speech Movement (FSM) Mario Savio was the leader of the Free Speech Movement, a large student protest at the University of California, Berkeley.[69] The Berkeley Free Speech Movement was a precursor to the 1960s New Left on the Berkeley campus. Savio wrote the introduction to Draper's The New Student Revolt in which he described how he Free Speech Movement had been influenced by the influence of "The Mind of Clark Kerr" a pamphlet Draper wrote in 1964.[68] Clark Kerr (1911 – 2003), who "created the blueprint for public higher education in the United States while president of the University of California system in the 1950's and 60's". His contribution was largely "eclipsed by the turbulent ending of his reign" as head of Berkeley university from 1958 to 1967. He tarnished by his handling of the Free Speech Movement that swept the Berkeley campus in 1964. He poorly handled the Free Speech Movement in 1964-5 and was "caught in a crossfire from students on the left and politicians on the right." Ronald Reagan who ran for governor of California on a platform that included 'cleaning up the mess in Berkeley.' Kerr was "dismissed as president at the Board of Regents' first meeting three weeks after Mr. Reagan's swearing-in, in 1967."[70]
1967 "Negative and Positive Freedom" In his classic 1967 article, "Negative and Positive Freedom", Gerald C. MacCallum Jr. maintained that, "Whenever the freedom of an agent is in question, it will always be freedom from some element of constraint on doing or becoming (or not doing or becoming) something. Consequently, to speak of the presence of freedom is always to speak of an absence: absence of constraint on an agent from realising some goal or end. There is, in other words, only one concept of liberty."[71]
1969 Four Essays on Liberty The publication is a collection of papers of the liberal philosopher Isaiah Berlin who presented the first in the series in 1958 at the University of Oxford[72] Positive freedom is based on the Platonic concept of self-mastery.[73]: 204, 212–3  According to Berlin, positive liberty is the freedom to be "one’s own master," and one is free to be one’s own master when the rational self "dominates” one’s pleasures, desires, and passions [73]: 203–4  Positive liberty is thus more of “an ethical creed, and scarcely political at all” [73]: 210  Berlin defined “negative liberty” as freedom from constraint, coercion, or “interference by others” [73]: 194–206  Negative liberty is “political liberty” par excellence, and it is “a mark of high civilization…a truer and more humane ideal” because it encompasses basic civil liberties like freedom of religion, freedom of speech, the right to privacy, and the freedom to live as one pleases[73]: 201, 233–242  In 2002 Skinner wrote that Berlin’s lecture was “the most influential single essay in contemporary political philosophy”.[citation needed] Berlin’s most celebrated contribution to the debate theory of liberty, was his 1958 essay entitled ‘Two Concepts of Liberty".[74]: 238  When Berlin "first employs this formula, he uses it to refer to the thought – equally familiar to students of Plato and of Freud – that the obstacles to your capacity to act freely may be internal rather than external, and that you will need to free yourself from these psychological constraints if you are to behave autonomously...Freedom is thus equated not with self-mastery but rather with self-realisation, and above all with self-perfection, with the idea (as Berlin expresses it) of my self at its best. The positive concept is thus that, as Berlin finally summarises, ‘whatever is the true goal of man . . . must be identical with his freedom.’"[74]
1971 A Theory of Justice In A Theory of Justice,[75] John Rawls advocated for social liberalism which included both individual freedom and a fair distribution of resources. In a New York Times review of A Theory of Justice, Marshall Cohen wrote that Rawls revived the "English tradition of Hume and Adam Smith, of Bentham and of John Stuart Mill, which insists on relating its political speculations to fundamental research in moral psychology and political economy."[76] "According to Rawls, justice is the first virtue of social institutions and the difficulty with utilitarianism is that it offends our sense of justice. In Rawls's view, the requirements of justice can be formulated in two principles, and it is easy to see that anyone who accepts utilitarianism cannot accept either of them as fundamental. Consider the first principle: each person has a right to the most extensive basic liberty compatible with a like liberty for others. Rawls has in mind here such basic liberties as the right to vote and to stand for public office; freedom of speech and assembly; liberty of conscience and freedom of thought; freedom to hold (personal) property."[76] "According to Rawls, every individual should be allowed to choose and pursue his or her own conception of what is desirable in life, while a socially just distribution of goods must be maintained. Rawls argued that differences in material wealth are tolerable if general economic growth and wealth also benefit the poorest."[77][78]: 154–5 

In his 2018 article published by the Brookings Institute, Senior Fellow Richard V. Reeves, a John Stuart Mill's biographer, described the fate of the word "liberal" in "American liberalism" as it "jumped from John Locke to Dewey and then to Rawls", as a "great tragedy of American political etymology."[79] In his 2018 publication Liberalism, Fawcett described Rawls as "It is open to argument how much Rawls changed the world outside the universities. His impact was often contrasted with that of Oakeshott, say, or Hayek. Their academic influence was slight but strong in politics. He contributed to a broader understanding of human betterment among economists and political scientists, and thence to policy makers. He insisted that liberals not forget, as they can be minded to, society's losers. He left a rough gauge of fairness that anyone could use as a running cross-check on contentious social arrangements: "Is this the kind of thing that any of us might have chosen, whoever we were?" In other words, citing Thomas Nagel, Rawls had "changed the subject."[80]: 351 

1973 The Crisis of Democratic Theory American historian Edward A. Purcell Jr. wrote in The Crisis of Democratic Theory: Scientific Naturalism & the Problem of Value[81] traced in intellectual history of democratic theory. Deneen highlighted Purcell's concern that, based on data gathered by social scientists, for example the IQ tests given to WWI troops which consistently revealed low scores", led many social sciences to call for a change in that the electorate composed of revealing "consistently low I.Q. scores" that many Americans populace.
1974 Anarchy, State, and Utopia Political philosopher Robert Nozick described the "night-watchman state" in Anarchy, State, and Utopia[82] The minimal state supported by classical liberals[83] refers to a state does not interfere with the "privacy of citizens and their freedom to live, work and be educated in any way they see fit".[83]
1974 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences Economist and philosopher Friedrich Hayek (1899 - 1902), a British classical liberal of the Austrian School and Chicago school of economics was awarded the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences. He was known for his defense of classical liberalism.
1977 Adam Smith Institute About two hundred years after the publications of The Wealth of Nations and , the Adam Smith Institute was established in the United Kingdom.
1979 The Postmodern Condition Jean-François Lyotard first mentioned the term postmodernism in The Postmodern Condition (1979) which was published in English in 1984.[84] Lyotard observed that since the 1950s there was a rapid growth in technologies and techniques which resulted in a shift in the emphasis of knowledge from the ends of human actions to its means.[84]: 37  He claimed that the computer age "transformed knowledge into information" - "coded messages within a system of transmission and communication".[58] Lyotard explains that in the Western cultural perspective "there is a strict interlinkage between the kind of language called science and the kind called ethics and politics."[84]: 8  He concludes that "[s]cience is therefore tightly interwoven with government and administration, especially in the information age, where enormous amounts of capital and large installations are needed for research."[58]
1978-79 Winter of Discontent British Labour Party leader James Callaghan (1912 – 2005) was defeated by Conservative leader Margaret Thatcher when Callaghan's battle with unions greatly inconvenienced the public during a cold winter.[85] With his defeat there was a political ideological shift towards neoliberalism.[86]: 3 
1981 After Virtue In his 1981 publication,After Virtue[87] Alasdair MacIntyre (1929-), reflects MacIntyre's "antipathy to the modern liberal capitalist world" which lacked any coherent moral code. To MacIntyre, most people living in the modern world lack a meaningful sense of purpose and have no genuine community. He was critical of the work of both John Rawls and Robert Nozick who he felt were individualist political philosophers. He promoted the concept of community which "draws on the ideal of the Greek polis and Aristotle's philosophy to propose a different way of life in which people work together in genuinely political communities to acquire the virtues and fulfill their innately human purpose. This way of life is to be sustained in small communities which are to resist as best they can the destructive forces of liberal capitalism."[88] He "encourages the present practitioners [of chess/virtues v goods (money/ power/fame] to think of themselves as tied to the past and with an obligation to the future, so that they will work to surpass the standards of the past and leave a tradition that is in good order to those who will practice it in the future.[88]
1986 Law’s Empire (Legal Theory) Dworkin, Ronald, 1986, Law’s Empire (Legal Theory), Belknap Press. "Law is distinguished from morality by having explicit written rules, penalties, and officials who interpret the laws and apply the penalties. Although there is often considerable overlap in the conduct governed by morality and that governed by law, laws are often evaluated—and changed—on moral grounds. Some theorists, including Ronald Dworkin (1986), have even maintained that the interpretation of law must make use of morality."[89]
1989 Fall of the Berlin Wall
1989 "The End of History?" Professors Nathan Tarcov and Allan Bloom of the John M. Olin Center for Inquiry into the Theory and Practice of Democracy at the University of Chicago invited Francis Fukuyama to give a lecture "The End of History?" during the 1988-89 academic year. The resulting essay was published in The National Interest. In a New York Time's article on the essay, Fukuyama was cited as claiming that we had reached "the end point of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy"[90] as the "forces of totalitarianism" were "decisively conquered by the United States and its allies" in the 20th century, representing the "final embodiment" of the Hegelian concept of history as a "protracted struggle to realize the idea of freedom latent in human consciousness."[91]
1991 The Foucault Effect was published. It was based on "Foucault's 1978 and 1979 lectures on rationalities of government at the Collège de France on governmental rationalities and his 1977 interview regarding his work on imprisonment, this volume is the long-awaited sequel to Power/Knowledge."[92] In it Foucault located the "emergence of liberalism in the sixteenth century.[92]: 92  He focused on Adam Smith, David Hume and Adam Ferguson.[92]: 88 
1992 The End of History and the Last Man[93] Francis Fukuyama further developed the thesis of his 1989 essay in his 1992 book. In it he compared the "Hegelian understanding of the meaning of contemporary liberal democracy" with that if the AngloSaxons.[93]: xviii  understanding that was the theoretical basis of liberalism in countries like Britain and the United States. "Hobbes, Locke, and the American Founding Fathers like [Thomas Jefferson]] (1743 – 1826), and James Madison (1751–1836), believed that rights to a large extent existed as a means of preserving a private sphere where men can enrich themselves and satisfy the desiring parts of their souls."[93]: xviii  "In that tradition, the prideful quest for recognition was to be subordinated to enlightened self-interest—desire combined with reason—and particularly the desire for self-preservation of the body."[93]: xviii  "Hegel (1770 – 1831) "believed that the "contradiction" inherent in the relationship of lordship and bondage was finally overcome as a result of the French and, one would have to add, American revolutions. These democratic revolutions abolished the distinction between master and slave by making the former slaves their own masters and by establishing the principles of popular sovereignty an d the rule of law. The inherently unequal recognition of masters and slaves is replaced by universal and reciprocal recognition, where every citizen recognizes the dignity and humanity of every other citizen, and where that dignity is recognized in turn by the state through the granting of rights."[93]: xvii 
1995 John Dewey and the High Tide of American Liberalism Alan Ryan John Dewey (1859-1952) was "revered by liberal educators and deplored by conservatives, but universally acknowledged as his country's intellectual voice..."[94] A review by Richard Rorty in the London Review of Books entitled "Something to Steer by", cited As Alan Ryan as saying that the "the dominant tone of 20th-century cultural criticism has been exactly at odds with Dewey’s." Rorty was referring to [95]: 7–8  Ryan admitted that Dewey would have agreed with Lytton Strachey and Virginia Wolf who adopted the 'Modern' ethos that a "lack of a sense of Sin" was admirable. Dewey would have agreed with Michel Foucault - who declared his disbelief in "Truth" as part of "Postmodernism".[96] Rorty noted that "Strachey and Foucault, the Moderns and the Post-Moderns, share a distaste for romance, for utopian social hope. When the grand old capitalised words go, they suspect, so do grand, stirring visions of the human future."[Notes 2]

21st century

[edit]
Year Date Event
2000 Daily Show The Daily Show first aired in 1996 as a a satirical news program on cable network Comedy Central created by Lizz Winstead and Madeleine Smithberg. The furs in 1996, hosted by Craig Kilborn hosted the show from 1996 through 1999 when Jon Stewart became the anchor. By 2000 it had become the news source for a large swath of the young liberal demographic.[citation needed] During his tenure, Jon Stewart frequently ridiculed Fox News.[citation needed]
2004-2009 The Liberal The Liberal was a literary political magazine that published articles, poetry, book reviews and interviews.[97] It published in print from 2004 to 2009 and online until 2012. Among the writers who contributed were Harold Bloom, Helen Suzman, Christopher Hitchens, Germaine Greer, Garry Kasparov, Robert Reich, Julia Kristeva, Liu Xiaobo, Johann Hari, Martin Rees, Wole Soyinka, Clive James, Slavoj Žižek and Simon Sebag Montefiore." The magazine A literary political magazine that published articles, poetry, book reviews and interviews. Simon Kovar wrote in that the "creed of the Liberal Party from its inception" now termed social liberalism.[98]
2005 A Brief History of Neoliberalism In A Brief History of Neoliberalism,[99] David Harvey described " the gradual shift, throughout the nations of the global economy, toward economic and social policies that have given an increased liberality and centrality to markets, market processes, and to the interests of capital."[100]: 22  Harvey, whose seminal work, Social Justice and the City (1973), influenced urban studies and the study of capitalism, was influenced by the writings of Marx, Lefebvre, and Engels. A Brief History of Neoliberalism, he called for "a resurgence of mass movements voicing egalitarian political demands", "seeking economic justice, fair trade, and greater economic security."[99]: 204  Harvey quoted Paul Treanor in providing his description of neoliberalism as ‘values market exchange', "an ethic in itself, capable of acting as a guide to all human action, and substituting for all previously held ethical beliefs,"[101] Neoliberalism "emphasizes the significance of contractual relations in the marketplace."[99]: 3  "It holds that the social good will be maximised by maximising the reach and frequency of market transactions, and it seeks to bring all human action into the domain of the market."[100][99]: 3 
2005 Neoliberalism In 2005 Paul Treanor defined "neoliberalism" as "Neoliberalism is a philosophy in which the existence and operation of a market are valued in themselves, separately from any previous relationship with the production of goods and services, and without any attempt to justify them in terms of their effect on the production of goods and services; and where the operation of a market or market-like structure is seen as an ethic in itself, capable of acting as a guide for all human action, and substituting for all previously existing ethical beliefs."[101] He explained, "Since the 1990's activists use the word 'neoliberalism' for global market-liberalism ('capitalism') and for free-trade policies. In this sense, it is widely used in South America. 'Neoliberalism' is often used interchangeably with 'globalisation'. But free markets and global free trade are not new, and this use of the word ignores developments in the advanced economies. The analysis here compares neoliberalism with its historical predecessors. Neoliberalism is not just economics: it is a social and moral philosophy, in some aspects qualitatively different from liberalism."[101]
2007 The Conscience of a Liberal In his 2007 book, The Conscience of a Liberal[102] economist and Nobel laureate Paul Krugman, traced 80 years of economic inequality through the lens of modern American liberalism.
2012 The case for a truly liberal party In 2012, Richard V. Reeves described liberalism in the UK as embodied in Nick Clegg, a Liberal Democrat. He described Clegg as a "liberal, not a social democrat". Clegg "is as ferocious as his colleagues in support of international law and (a bit less consistently) civil liberties. But, for him, the statism, paternalism, insularity and narrow egalitarianism of Labour is as off-putting as the Little Englander complacency of the Conservatives. Clegg is a radical liberal, fiercely committed to opening up British society, attacking the hoards of power that disfigure our politics and economy, and to keeping the state out of private lives. Opportunity, not equality. Liberty, not fraternity. Citizens, not subjects."[103]: 26  Reeves said that before embarking on a "liberal path", there was a "need to identify both an intellectual need and a political space" for liberalism. He questioned whether there was a place for a "proper liberal party in British politics" in both philosophical and psephological terms.[103]
2012 The Reactionary Mind: Conservatism from Edmund Burke to Sarah Palin[104] In his 2011 book The Reactionary Mind, political scientist Corey Robin claimed that for conservative intellectuals, the ideal person, who represents the conservative ideology, is "dreamy quietist of peaceable disposition, who savors apolitical friendship, nurses a skeptical outlook, and looks to an anti-theoretical politics of homey tradition and humane, but chastened, sentiment to guide him." Robin said that this ideal person is a myth and that "[c]onservatism is always inherently a politics of reaction—usually also populist, often also violent."[105] In the chapter "The Private Life of Power", Robins traces this genealogy of the conservative belief "that some are fit, and thus ought, to rule others".[104]: 18 
2013 "The New Puritans: When did liberals become so uptight?" In his July 2013 article "The New Puritans: When did liberals become so uptight?", Mark Oppenheimer, who "hosts the podcast Unorthodox for Tablet magazine and writes for The New York Times Magazine, Mother Jones, and GQ, among other publications", decried the "fun-smothering tendency of Progressive-era moral uplift" which he argues, translates into "most of the middle-class “liberal” parents" he knows being more focused on living an ultra healthy lifestyle (organic foods, home-birthing) and parenting styles than they are about "ambitious programs" to better society. He says that this has become "constitutive of a liberal politics" and says that his "is rather insulting to liberalism.""Liberalism, as the political philosopher Corey Robin has recently argued, should be above all about freedom. The best reasons to want a labor union, or universal health care, or Social Security are to be free of worry, want, and privation, and to be out from under the hand of the boss. It makes no sense to re-enslave ourselves with fear, worry, and stress. That is not liberal but reactionary."[106]
2014 "What is a 'classical liberal' approach to human rights?" An article published in The Conversation focused on the nature of a classical liberal approach to human rights in 2018. Champions of that approach included federal attorney-general George Brandis and Australian Human Rights Commissioner Tim Wilson.[83] While the article maintains that "[c]lassical liberalism is not a coherent body of political philosophy"in relation to human rights that most classical liberals believe that "idea that all people are born with rights" such as the "right to be free from torture, slavery, arbitrary arrest or detention, and the rights to freedom of association and freedom of speech.[83] However, classical liberals see economic and social rights as "mere aspirations" not legitimate human rights.[83] In that sense, "[c]lassical liberals believe in a minimal state"[83] in line with political philosopher Robert Nozick's "night-watchman state" in Anarchy, State, and Utopia (1974).[82] where the state does not interfere with the "privacy of citizens and their freedom to live, work and be educated in any way they see fit".[83]
2015 Google Trends The term "liberalism (political ideology)" rose from a score of 25 in August to a score of 100 in the week of October 20, 2015. It feel back to a low of 27 in December 2015.[107]
Summer, 2015 European migrant crisis Angela Merkel allowed hundreds of thousands of Syrians refugees fleeing from the Syrian Civil War (2011-) to come to Germany.[108] subsequently discontinuing the enforcement of EU regulations for asylum seekers.[109] In 2015, Merkel"was applauded for her humanitarian impulse"[110] but in the 2017 German federal election, Merkel's party was punished by voters accusing her of making a "rash and irresponsible decision".[110] A "big share" of the vote went to the right-wing Alternative for Germany (AfD) party that "promised strict limits on immigration".[110]
2015 Liberalism The Wikipedia article Liberalism which has an average of 3,901 average daily views, reached a peak of 12,705 views on October 20, 2015. The highest number of page views was on November 11, 2016 at 15,253 views. There was a brief rise in April 3, 2018 to 7,302 views.[111]
June 23, 2016 Brexit According to an article in The Economist on open borders. "[c]oncerns about immigration played a major role in the British vote to leave the European Union in the summer of 2016."[110]
February 7, 2016 Bernie Sanders Bernie Sanders Google Trends score rose from a 1 in April to 100 in the week of February 7th to 13th, 2015 and back down to 2 in April 2018.[112]
November 11, 2016 Liberalism The highest number of page views was on November 11, 2016 at 15,253 views. There was a brief rise in April 3, 2018 to 7,302 views.[111]
February 24, 2017 On Tyranny A Washington Post review[113] of Timothy David Snyder's book On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century (2017) cited Snyder "It is hard to subvert a rule-of-law state without lawyers, or to hold show trials without judges. Authoritarians need obedient civil servants, and concentration camp directors seek businessmen interested in cheap labor."[114] The "professional classes — civil servants as well as doctors, lawyers and business people — bear special responsibility when individual freedoms are at risk".[113] Synder is a 'scholar of the Holocaust'.[113]
March 7, 2017 Exit West Mohsin Hamid published his fourth novel entitled Exit West.[115][110]
March 20, 2017 "Are Liberals on the Wrong Side of History?" Adam Gopnik reviewed three books in which he observed that, The "liberal millennium was upon us as the year 2000 dawned; fifteen years later, the autocratic apocalypse is at hand. Thomas Friedman is concerned." He cites Pankaj Mishra's Age of Anger,[116] Joel Mokyr’s A Culture of Growth,[117] and Yuval Noah Harari's Homo Deus.[118][119] On March 20, 2017 the term liberalism peaked at 100 on Google trends.[120]
November 2017 The Reactionary Mind: Conservatism from Edmund Burke to Donald Trump In his review of Corey Robin's The Reactionary Mind: Conservatism from Edmund Burke to Donald Trump, Alan Ryan, professor of Political Theory at Oxford University, described how Robin traced the intellectual history of conservatism including Thomas Hobbes, Joseph de Maistre, Edmund Burke, Barry Goldwater, Antonin Scalia, Irving Kristol, Ayn Rand and Sarah Palin.[121] The American Conservative described it as "a thoughtful, even-tempered sort of book. The old maid tendency that dominates liberal polemic in the U.S.--the shrieking, clutching at skirts, and jumping up on kitchen chairs that one gets from a Joe Nocera, a Maureen Dowd, or a Keith Olbermann--is quite absent."[121] He traced "conservatism back to its roots in the reaction against the French Revolution. He argues that the right was inspired, and is still united, by its hostility to emancipating the lower orders. Some conservatives endorse the free market; others oppose it. Some criticize the state; others celebrate it. Underlying these differences is the impulse to defend power and privilege against movements demanding freedom and equality -- while simultaneously making populist appeals to the masses. Despite their opposition to these movements, conservatives favor a dynamic conception of politics and society -- one that involves self-transformation, violence, and war. They are also highly adaptive to new challenges and circumstances. This partiality to violence and capacity for reinvention have been critical to their success."[122] His book and ideas were criticized by both liberals and conservatives.[123][124]
2018 John Stuart Mill Showed Democracy as a Way of Life In his January 2018 New York Times article, David Brooks presented a portrait of Mills' concept of liberalism in which he "championed the egalitarian belief that the best society allows maximum space for each member to craft his own life, but he had the civilized belief that there are clear distinctions between honor and dishonor, excellence and laziness."[40]
2018 Why Liberalism Failed The Economist book review of Patrick Deneen's Why Liberalism Failed[1] described how Deneen uses the term "liberalism", "in its philosophical rather than its popular sense. He is describing the great tradition of political theory that is commonly traced to Thomas Hobbes and John Locke rather than the set of vaguely leftish attitudes that Americans now associate with the word. But this is no work of philosophical cud-chewing. Most political theorists argue that liberalism has divided into two independent streams: classical liberalism, which celebrates the free market, and left-liberalism which celebrates civil rights. For Mr Deneen they have an underlying unity. Most political observers think that the debate about the state of liberalism has nothing to do with them. Mr Deneen argues that liberalism is a ruling philosophy, dictating everything from court decisions to corporate behaviour. Theory is practice."[125] Deneen's book was praised by Rod Dreher, a senior editor of The American Conservative and the scholar Cornel West associated with American leftist politics.[126] New York Times reviewer Jennifer Szalai summarized Deneen's definition of liberalism as encompassing the "orthodoxy of political elites, whether they lean to the left or the right. It was conceived some 500 years ago and was the founding creed of the United States. It prescribes autonomy for individuals to “fashion and pursue for themselves their own version of the good life.” It advises government to get out of the way in the realm of markets (a Republican priority) and personal morality (a Democratic one)."[126] In his Opinion piece in the New York Times, David Brooks suggested that there are three approaches to understanding the crisis of liberalism: economic, cultural and intellectual. He locates Deneen as part of the latter group, people who believe that the American forefathers "who designed our liberal democratic system made fundamental errors, which are now coming home to roost." Brooks contrasted this with those who "emphasize economic issues: The simultaneous concentration of wealth at the top and the stagnation in the middle has delegitimized the system. He situates himself a being part of that group who "emphasize cultural issues. If you have 60 years of radical individualism and ruthless meritocracy, you’re going to end up with a society that is atomized, distrustful and divided."[2] Brooks wrote that Deneen's book "is a challenge to those of us who want to revive the liberal democratic order [as exemplified in works by John Stuart Mill, Walt Whitman, Abraham Lincoln, Vaclav Havel, Michael Novak and Meir Soloveichik that reveal a "rich and soul-filling version" of liberal democracy illustrating "human flourishing and solidarity."[2] Brooks says that Deneen "airbrushes" this from history and that his theory of a failed liberalism "will attract a cult following among those who are losing faith in the whole project."[2] Ross Douthat, the youngest youngest regular op-ed writer for The New York Times,[127][128] provides a conservative voice.[129] In his opinion piece, described Deneen as a student of Alexis de Tocqueville who wrote that "liberalism depended largely on pre-liberal forces and habits."[30] Douthat described Deneen's argument as "classically Tocquevillian — that the liberal-democratic-capitalist matrix we all inhabit depends for its livability and sustainability and decency upon pre-liberal forces and habits, unchosen obligations and allegiances: the communities of tribe and family, the moralism and metaphysical horizons of religion, the aristocracy of philosophy and art."[30] In his review, David French, a National Review senior writer, appears to share Brooks' viewpoint. French recommends reading Deneen to appreciate more fully the success of American liberty, the "liberalism that has not failed" which affords Americans "the Burkean freedom to do the right thing liberated from the oppression of state control".[130]
2018 The Oxford Handbook of Modern British Political History, 1800-2000 The publication The Oxford Handbook of Modern British Political History, provides an overview of current literature on liberalism.[34]
April 3, 2018 Liberalism There was a brief rise in page views of Liberalism on April 3, 2018 to 7,302 views.[111]
April 16, 2016 Open borders In their Open Future, Open Borders series, The Economist published the article "The case for immigration":[110]

"For all the debates raging in Europe and America, rich countries still take in only a small fraction of the world’s most vulnerable migrants. Rich countries can and must do more to help those beset by war, persecution or economic duress. How they can do this without jeopardising their own democracies is one of the hardest questions facing liberals today."

— "The case for immigration". April 16, 2016The Economist
April 29, 2018 "The End of Intelligence" Retired United States Air Force four-star general and former- Director of the National Security Agency, Director of National Intelligence, and Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Michael Hayden, described the current period as post-truth. "These are truly uncharted waters for the country. We have in the past argued over the values to be applied to objective reality, or occasionally over what constituted objective reality, but never the existence or relevance of objective reality itself...Intelligence work — at least as practiced in the Western liberal tradition — reflects these threatened Enlightenment values: gathering, evaluating and analyzing information, and then disseminating conclusions for use, study or refutation. How the erosion of Enlightenment values threatens good intelligence was obvious in the Trump administration’s ill-conceived and poorly carried out executive order that looked to the world like a Muslim ban."[131]
2018 Liberalism: The Life of an Idea Edmund Fawcett's book Liberalism: The Life of an Idea was published.[80] The publisher described Fawcett's second edition as updated and expanded. It is a "richly detailed "classic history of liberalism." It is "vital" to understand the character and history of the creed in order to defend it. Fawcett claims that liberalism is now a "vulnerable creed" and is no longer a dominant force in American and European politics. Fawcett traces its ideals, successes, and failures through the lives and ideas of exemplary thinkers and politicians from the early nineteenth century to today. Significant revisions--including a new conclusion--reflect recent changes affecting the world political order that many see as presenting new and very potent threats to the survival of liberal democracy as we know it."[80] In his review of Liberalism described how Fawcett interweaves "liberal politics and liberal philosophy."[41]
February 15, 2018 Mobility and volatility: What is behind the rising income inequality in the United States Since 1988, "inequality of family incomes in the United States has increased significantly." One common interpretation of income inequality is that it is the "result of unequal mobility". Rich get "richer at a faster pace than the rest of the population". Using the Fokker–Planck equation and taking both mobility and volatility into consideration, Yao et al demonstrated that income mobility in the United States has remained stable. However, income volatility (measuring the instability of incomes) "increased considerably and caused the surge of income inequality". Rising income volatility is associated with the plummeting of income-growth opportunity. Many feel the "American Dream is in decline".[132]
2018 TD Income volatility in Canada "Almost 40 per cent of adult Canadians (over 10 million people) experienced moderate to high levels of income volatility over the past year. Approximately 3.3 million of these Canadians actually saw their monthly income fluctuate by 25 per cent or more."[133]
May 31, 2018 European Spring In his 2014 book entitled European Spring: Why Our Economies and Politics are in a Mess – and How to Put Them Right[134], economist Philippe Legrain, a visiting senior fellow at the London School of Economics European Institute, addressed topics such as climate change, carbon pricing vs carbon consumption pricing and the relationship between European public policies and the rest of the globe.[135] Legrain is also the founder of Open Political Economy Network (OPEN), whose mission is to advance "open, liberal societies". In his May 31, 2018 article in Project Syndicate, Legrain wrote that, "Better economic policies cannot cure all social or cultural ills. But they can help the West escape its pernicious pessimism, and make possible a politics of liberal and progressive optimism."[136]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^ Google Trends explains: "The context of our numbers also matters. We index our data to 100, where 100 is the maximum search interest for the time and location selected. That means that if we look at search interest in the 2016 elections since the start of 2012, we’ll see that March 2016 had the highest search interest, with a value of 100."
  2. ^ C. G. Prado's Searle and Foucault on Truth (2005) provides a useful comparison.

References

[edit]
  1. ^ a b c d e f Deneen, Patrick (January 9, 2018). Why Liberalism Failed. Yale University Press. p. 248. ISBN 978-0300223446.
  2. ^ a b c d e f Brooks, David (January 11, 2018). "How Democracies Perish". Opinion. Retrieved April 25, 2018.
  3. ^ Niccolò Machiavelli (1532). The Prince. Antonio Blado d'Asola. Original Italian title =De Principatibus Il Principe
  4. ^ Niccolò Machiavelli Accessed April 25, 2018
  5. ^ Laslett, Peter, ed. (1988). Two Treatises of Government. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521357306.
  6. ^ Raeder, Linda C. (1997). "The Liberalism/Conservatism of Edmund Burke and F. A. Hayek: a Critical Comparison"". Humanitas. 10 (1). National Humanities Institute. Retrieved April 26, 2018.
  7. ^ Two Treatises of Government Gutenberg.
  8. ^ Delaney, Tim (2005). The march of unreason: science, democracy, and the new fundamentalism. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-280485-5.
  9. ^ Godwin, Kenneth (2002). School choice tradeoffs: liberty, equity, and diversity. Austin: University of Texas Press. ISBN 0-292-72842-5. {{cite book}}: Invalid |display-authors=1 (help)
  10. ^ a b Heywood, Andrew (March 2, 2017). Political Ideologies: An Introduction (6 ed.). Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-1137606013. Reviews include "Andrew Heywood is author of such best-selling textbooks as Politics, Political Ideologies and Global Politics, used by hundreds of thousands of students around the world."
  11. ^ Copleston, Frederick. (1959). A History of Philosophy. Vol. 5. New York: Doubleday. ISBN 0-385-47042-8.
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