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Russo-Ukrainian war 2022

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There is a serious double standard in pages on Wagner Group and Azov Battalion. On the Wagner Group's page, only two sentences in the second paragraph of the lede are dedicated to political points or war crimes. This is despite the group's well-known attachment to neo-Nazism and far-right views, as well as strong evidence of repeated, systematic war crimes. In contrast, close to half of the lede on the Azov Battalion is dedicated to the group's purported neo-Nazi values and to alleged war crimes. Some of the academic experts in Ukraine or far-right politics who have written on the Azov Battalion in 2022:

Dr Anton Shekhovtsov, a Vienna-based Ukrainian expert:

“Azov’s history is rooted in a volunteer battalion formed by the leadership of a neo-Nazi group. But it is certain that Azov has depoliticised itself,” ...“Its history linked to the far-right movement is pretty irrelevant today.”

Dr Andreas Umland at the Stockholm Centre for Eastern European Studies.

"In 2014 this battalion had indeed a far-right background, these were far-right racists that founded the battalion," said Andreas Umland at the Stockholm Centre for Eastern European Studies. But it had since become "de-ideologised" and a regular fighting unit, he told AFP. Its recruits now join not because of ideology but because "it has the reputation of being a particularly tough fighting unit," Umland said.

Dr Ivan Gomza, Head of the Department of Public Governance at Kyiv School of Economics.

...These concerns [about Azov and its links to neo-Nazism] are neither new nor well-grounded. It is certainly true that Azov was an ultra-nationalist and even neo-Nazi organization at its founding. The movement originated in the far-right culture and used Nazi symbols. Its leaders tried to build transnational alliances with organizations skeptical about liberalism and democracy, and some members made statements that could fairly be described as sympathetic with fascism. However, like any militant and social movement, it has evolved beyond its origins...

Thankfully many journalistic sources, even without expert opinion, have moved to a more nuanced description of the Azov Battalion. The Guardian:[1] Global News (CA): [2]

The persistence of sources that use the "neo-Nazi" designator is largely because of a lack of area expertise among Western journalists. Furthermore, it should be obvious that the nature of Azov has changed markedly and that no sources from 2014, prior should be used as RS on Azov now. In short, the lede is neither accurate nor consistent with pages on other military units. Change is necessary and urgent.

—


"Nationalist regiment with neo-Nazi roots... ultranationalist Azov Regiment, whose neo-Nazi roots have been used by Russia to justify its invasion of Ukraine" but now depoliticised [3]

"In 2014 this battalion had indeed a far-right background, these were far-right racists that founded the battalion," said Andreas Umland at the Stockholm Centre for Eastern European Studies. But it had since become "de-ideologised" and a regular fighting unit, he told AFP. Its recruits now join not because of ideology but because "it has the reputation of being a particularly tough fighting unit," Umland said.[4]

OkoPress (Polish media outlet, looks rigorous) article on Azov[5]

Kyiv professor: https://krytyka.com/en/articles/too-much-ado-about-ukrainian-nationalists-the-azov-movement-and-the-war-in-ukraine https://globalnews.ca/news/8758467/who-is-ukraines-azov-battalion/ https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/ukrainealert/why-azov-should-not-be-designated-a-foreign-terrorist-organization/

—

Perhaps mostly prominently, Anton Shekhovtsov

Anders Umland:

Ivan Gomza:

There is a double standard here; for example, the well-known far right politics of the Wagner Group are not mentioned in the opening sentence on that page. I think it's clear that based on the most contemporary and rigorous sources, the uncritical designation of 'Neo-Nazi' needs urgent amending. I think a reasonable alternative would be something like

The Azov Regiment are a unit of the Ukrainian National Guard. They are frequently described as Neo-Nazi, while other sources contest this designation.[1][2][3][4]


That said, I think I'm more thorough assessment could read something like "the Azov Battalion have variously been described as Neo-Nazi, having neo-Nazi roots, or neo-Nazi leadership, while other sources contest this, with some arguing that the Battalion has become depoliticised since its 2014 founding.

Urgent/priority tasks

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Pages that need to be created/improved

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Needs a Wiki article - Russia and Eastern Europe: Nemiga district, Minsk. Needs a wiki page: Electrification of the Soviet Union

Needs a wiki page: 1905 Ivanovo-Voznesentsk strike

Improve: Bnito

Project: improve pages on palaces, manor houses and castles in Ukraine, Russia, Belarus

Needs page: Increase ceremonies

Needs a wiki page: Electrification of the Soviet Union

Needs a wiki page: 1905 Ivanovo-Voznesentsk strike

Project: improve pages on palaces, manor houses and castles in Ukraine, Russia, Belarus

Project: make page on Voluntarism in the United States

Needs a Wiki page: Banking in the Russian Empire

Needs a Wiki article: Second Kishinev pogrom

King Bay Plowshares

Needs improving

Project: Tatar mosque and make Tatar architecture page

Moscow uprising of 1905

[[6]]

War Industry Committees

Family in the Soviet Union

Putilov strike of 1917 plus the Putilov Ironworks should have its own page

Sergei Nikolaevich Trubetskoy

Assignation ruble

Electricity sector in Imperial Russia

Textile industry of Imperial Russia

Free agriculturalist

Project: improve Texas Revolution page

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7. Role of slavery

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Many historians have concluded that the desire of Anglo Texans to preserve the social and economic institution of slavery was the primary factor that led to them to secede from Mexico in 1835.[5][6] Accordingly, Barba has written that the primary goal of the Revolution was "craft a political economy conducive to Anglo-American slavery".[7] Others have concluded that slavery was one of several significant factors, or at least one amongst several factors.[8] Stephen F. Austin, known as the "Father of Texas", wrote in 1833:

"Texas must be a slave country. Circumstances and unavoidable necessity compel it. It is the wish of the people there, and it is my duty to do all I can, prudently, in favor of it. I will do so.

The Texas Revolution was motivated by a number of factors, including resistance to the Mexican government's attempts to centralize power, and the desire of Anglo Texas to preserve the institution of chattel slavery in the territory.

In the early 19th century, the cotton economy based on plantation slavery grew rapidly in the Southern United States. Increasing numbers of slaveholding Anglos began to migrate into the the territory of Texas. As tensions between the Mexican government and Anglo settlers grew, Mexico declared in 1833 that it would no longer extradite fugitive slaves, despite strong objections from the US government.[9] In 1835 the government of Mexico was overthrown and a new, centralist constitution was promulgated. The Constitution of the Republic of Texas of 1836 explicitly protected the institution of slavery, and prohibited free blacks from living in Texas without the permission of the legislature.[10] All in all, thousands of slaves were able to flee Texas and gain their freedom in Mexico.[11] In 1840 the legislature of independent Texas approved a law ordering all free blacks to leave the Republic,[12] though some were exempted by the Ashworth Act.

The role played by slavery has become part of historical debates regarding the revolution's purpose and legacy. Earlier historical accounts tended to reject the contention that the preservation of slavery was a major factor in the revolt.[13] Conversely, more modern scholarship has tend to affirm the importance of the desire to protect slavery in the role of the revolt against Mexico in 1835, and the declaration of independence in 1836.[14] The desire to protect slavery also played a central role in Texas' accession into the United States in 1846, especially after Great Britain put pressure on the Republic of Texas to abolish the practice.[15][16][17] Eventually, the desire to preserve slavery helped move Texas to secede from the United States and join the Confederate States of America in 1861.

Other factors that motivated Anglo Texans to revolt against Mexico was cultural mistrust of Catholicism and Hispanic Mexicans, clashes over their previous exemption from Mexican taxes and customs duties and repeated reductions in political autonomy granted to Texas.[8]

By 1835 there were 20,000 Anglos in Texas, with settlement centred around Washington on the Brazos, and they outnumbered Hispanics in Texas ten to one.[18] Davis has argued that had Mexico been prepared to preserve the earlier "benign neglect" and broad autonomy for Anglo-Texans, the settlers would have been content to remain within Texas.[8] Anglo settlers had been invited into Texas to create a buffer with the United States and with hostile Native American groups, and initially enjoyed a "generous provision" of land grants in addition to a seven-year period free of Mexican taxes or customs duties.[8] Nonetheless, the Anglo colonists and their plantation economy remained closely economically linked to the United States, and they did not develop a sense of loyalty to Mexico.[19]

8.Tejanos in the Revolution

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"On April 5, 1837, slavery was abolished,"without any exception," throughout the Republic. Slaveowners were to be indemnified, except for Texas colonists "who took part in the rebellion of that department" [sic].[20] Mexico refused to accept Texan secession, and the political divide between federalists and centralizers over the "Texas Question" would dominate Mexican politics for the next decade.[21]

The Revolution led to divided loyalties among the Tejano population of Texas. Tejanos fought in the Revolution's major battles on both the rebel and Mexican sides, with members of the same family even fighting for opposite sides on occasion.[22] Many Tejanos had been alienated by the Mexican governments abolishment of federalism, with many opposing secession but hoping to preserve unity with Mexico on a basis that upheld local autonomy.[23] By 1835, many were concerned about the increasingly dominant presence of Anglos in nominally Mexican Texas.[24] While some scholars have stressed that Tejano loyalties were divided,[8][25] De la Teja has contended that most Tejanos embraced the cause of Texan independence.[26] Despite the support of many Tejanos, the Revolutionary victory led to increased marginalization of Tejanos in the new Republic, and war "made potential enemies of all Mexicans" in the Republic.[27] Anglo Texans dominated the political leadership of the Republic of Texas, and during the 1836-1845 period only a handful of Tejanos were elected to the Texas legislature.[28]

Many Tejanos fought bravely for the Texan revolutionary cause.[29] Prominent Hispanic Texas Antonio Menchaca fought for the Revolution and was renowned for the bravery he displayed at the Battle of San Jacinto.[30] After Texan independence was achieved, the Congress of the Republic of Texas passed a joint resolution in 1838 honoring Menchaca's service in the Revolution and granting him a home in San Antonio.[31] He frequently spoke up for Tejano veterans who thought they had been denied proper compensation for their service and often served as a witness in legal proceedings on their behalf.[32] Tejano José Antonio Navarro was one of the signatories of the Texas Declaration of Independence.[33]

9.Legacy and historical commemoration

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In 2021, the Governor of Texas announced a new "patriotic education" bill to be titled "The 1836 project". The stated aim of the bill is preserving the integrity of educational approaches to the Revolution in Texas. Nonetheless, there have been critics.

In popular culture?

Texas Revolution useful quotes and notes

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  • Anglo cotton economy vs Tejano-Mexican rancher economy?

Siete Leyes

The University of Virginia Texas Slavery Project [7]

High quality edited book on Tejanos in the Revolution and free E-book through the library: Recollections of a Tejano Life: Antonio Menchaca in Texas History (2013)[8]

Clayton E. Jewett, John O. Allen Slavery in the South: A State-by-state History, p 240.[9]

Slavery's Capitalism : A New History of American Economic Development, edited by Sven Beckert, and Seth Rockman, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, free in library online

[10]

[11]

"Ironically, a Revolution fought to secure slavery from Mexican interference provided far more opportunities for slave resistance than had ever existed under Mexican rule."[34]

"In 1835-1836, the simmering tensions between Anglo settlers and the Mexican government boiled over. A number of issues, not the least of which was slavery, lay behind the rift."[35]

"Texas slaveholders thus found the institution troublesome and unsettling, but, at the same time, it benefited them to the extent that they would attempt a revolution to keep it."[36]

"Another point that caused constant irritation in the relations between Texans and Mexicans was the issue of slavery. For this topic see the thorough study of Paul D. Lack, "Slavery and the Texas Revolution", p82. [: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41280729]

"Above all, the Texas Rebellion should be understood as an exercise in political-economy building. More precisely, the Texas Rebellion was an attempt to craft a political economy conducive to Anglo-American slavery – one that was reminiscent of that of the United States." Paul Andres Barba, "Enslaved in Texas: Slavery, Migration, and Identity in Native Country," PhD thesis, p457.

"Hemphill reminded fellow senators that Texas had agreed to annexation out of fear that the diplomacy of Great Britain would hazard the peculiar institution. Texas, he exclaimed, had not found peace or security for slavery, but experienced only peril. It should not surprise them, therefore, that Texas would secure itself against the threat to slavery by supporting secession from the Union." p27 [37]

"In fairness, Beckert’s theory that cotton capitalists dictated British foreign policies need not have to apply to every situation, but in addition to the cases he misinterprets there are many puzzling events, such as British policies toward Texas, that need explanation. An independent Texas would have created an alternative source of cotton outside U.S. control. In November 1840, Britain granted diplomatic recognition to the young republic, on the condition that the slave trade be suppressed. In 1843, British overtures to help settle relations between Mexico and Texas were linked to the abolition of slavery. The Texas planters refused and pushed for union with the United States (Smith 1911, p. 382; Adams 1918)."[38] p6

But in the 1820s, with independence secured and sovereignty established, the two republics approached the key question of slavery very differently: one was facilitating its expansion, the other its abolition. The tension between these two ideals was one of the most important contributors to the Texas Revolution and the founding of the slaveholding Texas Republic in 1836. Yet while the defeat of Mexico and the redrawing of the boundaries of sovereign power certainly diminished the influence of Mexico over the Brazos, they did not eliminate it entirely. Mexico never acknowledged the legitimacy of the Texas Republic and still hoped to reestablish sovereignty over the region.[39]

Aboriginal history

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"The recurring pattern, all over Australia, was one of seasonal and other variation in lengths of stays in one place. No group is ever described, at the moment of colonisation, as living year in, year out, in one single place. Degree of mobility varied from region to region, and from ecological zone to ecological zone, but it was always there."[40]

Other eyewitness accounts include early settler William Thomas (Australian settler) (p106) who lived with Aboriginal people.

Task: improve page Ngurungaeta

Wikipedia:WikiProject Indigenous peoples of Australia

Did you know that convict William Buckley escaped from captivity in 1803 and spent 32 years living among the Wathaurong people in western Victoria, recording his movements in detail and documenting the ancient system of eel traps at Lake Condah?

Marcia Langton on Dark Emu.[12]

Dark Emu blurb including academic praise.[13]

Review of Dark Emu in academic journal Aboriginal History.[14]

Notes on Andy Ngo...

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Andy Ngo as "pseudo-journalist".[15] Interesting article on how conservative content dominates on social media, including Ngo's coverage of BLM. "During the month that POLITICO analyzed, a third of Ngo’s roughly 50 posts ranked in the 30 most-shared digital messages about Black Lives Matter. Collectively, his top five messages on Twitter, based on shares, likes and retweets, received 35 times more engagement than the most prominent mainstream media post on the topic, from MSNBC’s Joy Reid, based on POLITICO’s analysis."[16]

Interesting academic working paper on Ngo[17]

"But for conservative media, the endorsement of peers within its narrow confines is all the expertise necessary for publication. Quillette writer Andy Ngo, who called attention to Lenihan’s work on Twitter and whose work Lenihan cites in his article, insisted that the legitimacy of Lenihan’s findings was self-evident from Lenihan’s Twitter posts."[18]

"Mumford and Sons banjoist Winston Marshall took to social media on Saturday to laud noted right-wing agitator Andy Ngo as a “brave man”..."However, critics of Ngo say he often publishes selectively edited and misleading content in order to paint left-wing activists as violent while downplaying similar conduct on the right." Consequence of Sound[19]

"Finally, Ngo is often accused of bias, because, as Mullen points out, in the past he focused exclusively on Antifa and did not report on street violence on the part of far right groups, such as Patriot Prayer and the Proud Boys—a questionable choice, but still no excuse for violence." Areo magazine[20]

"This week’s rally was called after right-wing media personality and provocateur Andy Ngo was attacked in Portland on June 29 while filming a Patriot Prayer rally heavily outnumbered by antifa."[21]

"The only member of the media called to testify was right-wing provocateur Andy Ngo."[22]

"Late last month, the conservative media personality Andy Ngo sent me a video made by Popular Mobilization, a group of anti-fascists who organize protests in response to right-wing rallies in Portland, Oregon...Though Ngo’s work is probably best described as media activism, the debate over what to call him has ignored the way the journalism business is trending. A part of a new generation of what the writer Max Read termed “busybody” journalists, Ngo at rallies practices a kind of participant reporting that alternates freely between mocking the far left, anthropologizing it, and cowering from it."[23]

"It does not appear that the event ever took place. On September 3, right-wing media figure Andy Ngo tweeted that the event had been canceled, citing a website apparently created for the event."[24]

"After Kealiher’s death, the right-wing Portland writer Andy Ngo published an article resurfacing writings Kealiher had posted online, including one in which he described violent action as “the most beautiful moment an anarchist can undertake.”[25]

Useful Wiki guidelines, policies, templates etc

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Wikipedia:Template index/User talk namespace

Template talk:Did you know: [26]

Misc

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May 2020: Wall Street Journal and climate denial[27]

Current version:

The Journal editorial board has promoted views that differ from the scientific consensus on climate change, acid rain, and ozone depletion, as well as on the health harms of second-hand smoke, pesticides and asbestos.

Climate Feedback on the WSJ: three pages of hits for around 30 articles![28]

Painter, J. (2011). Poles apart: The international reporting of climate scepticism. Oxford, UK: University of Oxford.[29]

Climate change denial

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The editorial board of The Wall Street Journal rejects the scientific consensus on climate change. The Journal disputes that it poses a major threat to human existence and can be prevented through public policy and has published articles disputing that global warming is occurring at all. The Journal is regarded as a forum for climate change deniers,[41][42] publishing articles by individuals that reject the consensus position on climate change in its op-ed section.[43][44][45] These columns frequently attack climate scientists and accuse them of engaging in fraud. A 2015 study found The Wall Street Journal was the newspaper that was least likely to present negative effects of global warming among several newspapers. It was also the most likely to present negative economic framing when discussing climate change mitigation policies, tending to take the stance that the cost of such policies generally outweighs their benefit.[46] The Washington Post has characterized The Wall Street Journal's editorial pages as "the beating heart of climate-change skepticism".[47]

Climate Feedback, a fact-checking website on media coverage of climate science, has assessed that multiple opinion articles range between "low" and "very low" in terms of scientific credibility.[48][49] The Journal has been accused of refusing to publish opinions of scientists which present the mainstream view on climate change.[50] According to a 2016 analysis, 14% of the guest editorials presented the results of "mainstream climate science", while the majority did not. Also, none of 201 editorials published in the Wall Street Journal since 1997 have conceded that the burning of fossil fuels is causing climate change.[51]

Other science coverage

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In the 1980s and 1990s, The Journal published numerous columns disputing and misrepresenting the science behind acid rain and the scientific consensus behind the causes of ozone depletion and the health harms of second-hand smoke, and opposed public policy efforts to curb acid rain, ozone depletion and second-hand smoke.[52][53][54] The Journal has also published columns attacking efforts to control pesticides and asbestos.[52] By the 2000s, the Journal editorial board recognized that efforts to curb acid rain through cap-and-trade had been successful.[53]

Given the current owner’s interest in promoting conservative political causes, these trends become illustrative of a deeper pattern of climate skepticism that views climate change as a primarily political instead of an environmental or scientific issue.[55]

The conservative media assault on climate science also occurs in print media, especially conservative newspapers such as the Murdoch‐owned Wall Street Journal (whose editorial pages have become a regular forum for climate change denial, including columns by contrarian scientists) and the New York Post and the Reverend Moon's Washington Times.[56]

https://wiki.riteme.site/wiki/Basilica_of_the_Assumption,_Aglona

[30]

bht[i dont get it]

[57]

PragerU's videos over a range of topics including climate change, racial issues, politics, and opposition to immigration have been criticized as misleading or factually incorrect

PragerU has promoted false and misleading information about climate change[58][59][60][61][62][63][64] and the COVID-19 pandemic.[65][61] It has been criticized for inaccuracies,[66] anti-Muslim sentiment,[67][68] promoting views associated with the alt-right,[69][70][71][72] and hosting speakers with far-right ties.[73][74][75]

ungus bungus bungus

A number of academic and journalistic sources have linked Murray's ideology and political views to the far right[76][77]

[31]

  1. ^ Schipani, Andres; Olearchyk, Roman (30 March 2022). "'Don't confuse patriotism and Nazism': Ukraine's Azov forces face scrutiny". The Financial Time. Retrieved 15 May 2022. "Azov's history is rooted in a volunteer battalion formed by the leadership of a neo-Nazi group. But it is certain that Azov has depoliticised itself," said Anton Shekhovtsov, a Vienna-based Ukrainian expert on Russia's connections to Europe's far-right. "Its history linked to the far-right movement is pretty irrelevant today."
  2. ^ https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/ukrainealert/why-azov-should-not-be-designated-a-foreign-terrorist-organization/
  3. ^ Leroux, Valerie (25 March 2022). "Azov Regiment takes centre stage in Ukraine propaganda war". Barron's. Retrieved 15 May 2022. "In 2014 this battalion had indeed a far-right background, these were far-right racists that founded the battalion," said Andreas Umland at the Stockholm Centre for Eastern European Studies. But it had since become "de-ideologised" and a regular fighting unit, he told AFP. Its recruits now join not because of ideology but because "it has the reputation of being a particularly tough fighting unit," Umland said.
  4. ^ https://globalnews.ca/news/8758467/who-is-ukraines-azov-battalion/
  5. ^ Carrigan, William Dean (1999). "Slavery on the frontier: The peculiar institution in Central Texas". Slavery and Abolition. 20 (2): 66. doi:10.1080/01440399908575278. Retrieved 11 June 2021.
  6. ^ Campbell, Randolph B. (1991). An Empire for Slavery: The Peculiar Institution in Texas, 1821–1865. Louisiana State University Press. p. 256. ISBN 9780807117231. Retrieved 23 June 2021.
  7. ^ Barba, Paul Andres (2016). Enslaved in Texas: Slavery, Migration, and Identity in Native Country (PhD). University of California, Santa Barbara. p. 457.
  8. ^ a b c d e Davis 1994, p. 19.
  9. ^ Cornell, Sarah E. (2013). "Citizens of Nowhere: Fugitive Slaves and Free African Americans in Mexico, 1833–1857". The Journal of American History. 100: 353. Retrieved 24 June 2021.
  10. ^ Krauthamer, Barbara (2000). Blacks on the Borders: African-Americans' Transition From Slavery to Freedom In Texas and Indian Territory, 1836–1907 (PhD). Princeton University. p. 1.
  11. ^ Krauthamer, Barbara (2000). Blacks on the Borders: African-Americans' Transition From Slavery to Freedom In Texas and Indian Territory, 1836–1907 (PhD). Princeton University. p. 48.
  12. ^ Krauthamer, Barbara (2000). Blacks on the Borders: African-Americans' Transition From Slavery to Freedom In Texas and Indian Territory, 1836–1907 (PhD). Princeton University. p. 1.
  13. ^ Barker, Eugene C. (1924). "The Influence of Slavery in the Colonization of Texas". The Southwestern Historical Quarterly. 28 (1): 32–33. Retrieved 24 June 2021.
  14. ^ Flomen, Max (2018). Cruel Embrace: War and Slavery in the Texas Borderlands, 1700-1840 (PhD). University of California, Los Angeles. p. 191.
  15. ^ Olmstead, Alan L.; Rhode, Paul W. (2018). "Cotton, Slavery, and the New History of Capitalism". Explorations in Economic History. 67: 4. Retrieved 24 June 2021.
  16. ^ Jewett, Clayton E. (2002). Texas in the Confederacy: An Experiment in Nation Building. University of Missouri Press. p. 27. ISBN 0826213901. Retrieved 24 June 2021.
  17. ^ Hammond, John Craig (2014). "Slavery, Sovereignty, and Empires: North American Borderlands and the American Civil War, 1660–1860". Journal of the Civil War Era. 4 (2): 290. Retrieved 24 June 2021.
  18. ^ Davis, Graham (1994). "Talking freedom: The Irish in the Texas revolution". Irish Studies Review. 8 (2): 19. doi:10.1080/09670889408455450. Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  19. ^ Davis 1994, p. 20.
  20. ^ Vázquez, Josefina Zoraida (1986). "The Texas Question in Mexican Politics, 1836-1845". The Southwestern Historical Quarterly. 89 (3): 317. Retrieved 25 June 2021.
  21. ^ Vázquez, Josefina Zoraida (1986). "The Texas Question in Mexican Politics, 1836-1845". The Southwestern Historical Quarterly. 89 (3): 317. Retrieved 25 June 2021.
  22. ^ Poyo, Gerald Eugene (1996). Tejano Journey, 1770-1850. University of Texas Press. p. 74. ISBN 9780292784901. Retrieved 25 June 2021.
  23. ^ Davis 1994, p. 19,23.
  24. ^ Davis 1994, p. 18.
  25. ^ Poyo, Gerald Eugene (1996). Tejano Journey, 1770-1850. University of Texas Press. p. 74. ISBN 9780292784901. Retrieved 25 June 2021.
  26. ^ De la Teja, Jesus; Weber (2010). Tejano Leadership in Mexican and Revolutionary Texas. Texas A&M University Press. p. 8. ISBN 9781603443029. Retrieved 25 June 2021.
  27. ^ Davis 1994, p. 22-23.
  28. ^ Poyo, Gerald Eugene (1996). Tejano Journey, 1770-1850. University of Texas Press. p. 77. ISBN 9780292784901. Retrieved 25 June 2021.
  29. ^ Davis 1994, p. 23.
  30. ^ Menchaca, Antonio (2013). Matovina, Timothy; de la Teja, Jesus F. (eds.). Recollections of a Tejano Life: Antonio Menchaca in Texas History. University of Texas Press. p. 1. ISBN 978-0292748651.
  31. ^ Menchaca, Antonio (2013). Matovina, Timothy; de la Teja, Jesus F. (eds.). Recollections of a Tejano Life: Antonio Menchaca in Texas History. University of Texas Press. p. 14. ISBN 978-0292748651.
  32. ^ Menchaca, Antonio (2013). Matovina, Timothy; de la Teja, Jesus F. (eds.). Recollections of a Tejano Life: Antonio Menchaca in Texas History. University of Texas Press. p. 15. ISBN 978-0292748651.
  33. ^ Menchaca, Antonio (2013). Matovina, Timothy; de la Teja, Jesus F. (eds.). Recollections of a Tejano Life: Antonio Menchaca in Texas History. University of Texas Press. p. 1. ISBN 978-0292748651.
  34. ^ Carrigan, William Dean (1999). "Slavery on the frontier: The peculiar institution in Central Texas". Slavery and Abolition. 20 (2): 66. doi:10.1080/01440399908575278. Retrieved 11 June 2021.
  35. ^ Kelley, Sean (2004). ""Mexico in His Head": Slavery and the Texas-Mexico Border, 1810-1860". Journal of Social History. 37 (3): 716. Retrieved 23 June 2021.
  36. ^ Campbell, Randolph B. (1991). An Empire for Slavery: The Peculiar Institution in Texas, 1821–1865. Louisiana State University Press. p. 256. ISBN 9780807117231. Retrieved 23 June 2021.
  37. ^ Jewett, Clayton E. (2002). Texas in the Confederacy: An Experiment in Nation Building. University of Missouri Press. p. 27. ISBN 0826213901. Retrieved 24 June 2021.
  38. ^ Olmstead, Alan L.; Rhode, Paul W. (2018). "Cotton, Slavery, and the New History of Capitalism". Explorations in Economic History. 67: 4. Retrieved 24 June 2021.
  39. ^ Kelley, Sean M. (2010). Los Brazos de Dios: A Plantation Society in the Texas Borderlands, 1821-1865. Louisiana State University Press. p. 189. ISBN 080713807X. Retrieved 24 June 2021.
  40. ^ Sutton and Walshe 2021, p. 106.
  41. ^ Shaun W. Elsasser, Riley E. Dunlap: Leading Voices in the Denier Choir: Conservative Columnists' Dismissal of Global Warming and Denigration of Climate Science. American Behavioral Scientist 57, No. 6, 2013, 754–776, doi:10.1177/0002764212469800.
  42. ^ Karen Akerlof et al.: Communication of climate projections in US media amid politicization of model science. Nature Climate Change 2, 2012, 648–654 doi:10.1038/nclimate1542.
  43. ^ Cook, J.; Nuccitelli, D.; Green, S.A.; Richardson, M.; Winkler, B.R.; Painting, R.; Way, R.; Jacobs, P.; Skuce, A. (2013). "Quantifying the consensus on anthropogenic global warming in the scientific literature" (PDF). Environmental Research Letters. 8 (2): 024024. Bibcode:2013ERL.....8b4024C. doi:10.1088/1748-9326/8/2/024024.
  44. ^ Supran, Geoffrey; Oreskes, Naomi (2017). "Assessing ExxonMobil's climate change communications (1977–2014)". Environmental Research Letters. 12 (8): 084019. Bibcode:2017ERL....12h4019S. doi:10.1088/1748-9326/aa815f.
  45. ^ Powell, James Lawrence (2011). The Inquisition of Climate Science. Columbia University Press. ISBN 9780231527842.
  46. ^ Lauren Feldman et al.: Polarizing news? Representations of threat and efficacy in leading US newspapers' coverage of climate change. Public Understanding of Science 2015, doi:10.1177/0963662515595348.
  47. ^ "Wall Street Journal accepts environmentalist ad but charges extra". The Washington Post. 2016.
  48. ^ "The Wall Street Journal articles analyzed". Climate Feedback. Retrieved December 28, 2018.
  49. ^ "Wall Street Journal article repeats multiple incorrect and misleading claims made in Steven Koonin's new book 'Unsettled'". Climate Feedback. 2021-05-03. Retrieved 2021-05-06.
  50. ^ Remarkable Editorial Bias On Climate Science At The Wall Street Journal Archived January 29, 2012, at the Wayback Machine, Peter Gleick, Forbes, January 27, 2012.
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  57. ^ . chungus bungus bungus {{cite web}}: Missing or empty |title= (help); Missing or empty |url= (help)
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  74. ^ Gladstone, Benjamin (11 July 2019). "White House Disinvited Cartoonist Over Anti-Semitism - But Kept Others Who Promoted Similar Ideas". The Forward. Retrieved 15 January 2021.
  75. ^ Holt, Jared (12 February 2019). "Owen Benjamin: Another 'Red Pill' Overdose Victim". Right Wing Watch. Retrieved 15 January 2021.
  76. ^ Academic sources:
    • Stewart, Blake (2020). "The Rise of Far-Right Civilizationism" (EPUB). Critical Sociology. 46 (7–8): 1207–1220. doi:10.1177/0896920519894051. Retrieved 2 January 2021. Acclaim for Murray's thought has been widespread, and ranges from liberal French public intellectual Bernard Henri-Levy, who claimed him to be 'one of the most important public intellectuals today', to authoritarian anti-immigrant hardliners such as Hungary's Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, who went so far as to promote The Strange Death of Europe on his Facebook page in Spring 2018... Murray's book [The Madness of Crowds] remodels a much older theory of so-called 'cultural Marxism', which has long history in far-right thought.
    • Kundnani, Arun (2012). "Blind spot? Security narratives and far-right violence". Security and Human Rights. 23 (2): 129–146. doi:10.1163/18750230-99900008. Retrieved 2 January 2021. in January 2011, Douglas Murray, … stated that, in relation to the EDL: 'If you were ever going to have a grassroots response from non-Muslims to Islamism, that would be how you'd want it, surely.' Both these statements suggest that 'counterjihadist' ideologies, through reworking far-right ideology and appropriating official discourse, are able to evade categorisation as a source of far-right violence.
    • Lux, Julia; David Jordan, John (2019). "Alt-Right 'cultural purity' ideology and mainstream social policy discourse - Towards a political anthropology of 'mainstremeist' ideology". In Elke, Heins; James, Rees (eds.). Social Policy Review 31: Analysis and Debate in Social Policy, 2019. Policy Press. ISBN 978-1-4473-4400-1. Retrieved 2 January 2021. Media pundit, journalist, and conspiracy entrepreneur Douglas Murray is a prime example of illustrating the influence of an 'organic intellectual'. Murray has written passionately in support of British fascist Tommy Robinson (Murray, 2018) and describes Islam as an "opportunistic infection" (Hasan, 2013) linked to the "strange death of Europe" (Murray, 2017a). Murray's ideas are not only entangled with the far-right (working class or otherwise), but with wider social connections.
    • Busher, Joel (2013). "Grassroots activism in the English Defence League: Discourse and public (dis) order". In Taylor, Max; Holbrook, Donald (eds.). Extreme Right Wing Political Violence and Terrorism. A&C Black. p. 70. ISBN 978-1-4411-4087-6. Retrieved 2 January 2021. Popular commentators and public figures among the [EDL] activists that I have met include Geert Wilders, Robert Spencer, Melanie Philips, Andrew Gilligan, Douglas Murray, Pat Condell, and some of the commentators who contribute to forums like Alan Lake's Four Freedoms website.
  77. ^ Journalistic sources:
    • Kotch, Alex (27 December 2018). "Who funds PragerU's anti-Muslim content?". Sludge. Archived from the original on 8 November 2020. Retrieved 20 December 2020. "Europe is committing suicide," says British author Douglas Murray in a video published by the far-right educational nonprofit Prager University. The cause? "The mass movement of peoples into Europe…from the Middle East, North Africa and East Asia" who allegedly made Europe lose faith in its beliefs and traditions
    • {{cite web |last1=Ahmed |first1=Nafeez |title=White supremacists at the heart of Whitehall |url=https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/white-supremacists-heart-whitehall |website=Middle East Eye |access-date=6 January 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191101204707/https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/white-supremacists-heart-whitehall |archive-date=1 November 2019 |date=9 March 2015 |quote=Murray’s screed against the free speech of those asking questions about the intelligence services is ironic given that in a separate Wall Street Journal comment, he laments that the attacks in Paris and Copenhagen prove the West is losing the war on “free speech” being waged by Islamists. But Murray’s concerns about free speech are really just a ploy for far-right entryism.
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