User:Noora shams/Politics of Qatar

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Slave trade [edit]

During the Omani Empire (1692–1856), Oman was a center of the Zanzibar slave trade. Slaves were trafficked from the Swahili coast of East Africa via Zanzibar to Oman. From Oman, the slaves were exported to the rest of the Arabian Peninsula and Persia, including the Trucial States, Qatar, Bahrain and Kuwait. Oman's optimal location between the Arabian Sea and the Gulf region positioned it as a key player in the Zanzibar slave trade. Serving as a pivotal navigation point, Oman gained significant importance in the history of the Arabian Gulf region. The economic impact of the slave trade persisted, becoming a substantial factor in shaping Oman's economy in the post-slave trade era. The Omani slave trade from Africa started to shrink in the late 19th century.

Function and conditions[edit]

See also: History of concubinage in the Muslim world, Islamic views on concubinage, Ma malakat aymanukum, Qiyan, Jarya, and Abd (Arabic)

Female slaves were primarily used as either domestic servants, or as concubines (sex slaves). Male slaves where used in a number of tasks: as soldiers, pearl divers, farm labourers, cash crop workers, maritime sailors, dock workers, porters, irrigation canal workers, fishermen, and domestic servants, while women functioned as domestic servants or concubines.

Slavery was practiced by the House of Thani and the wealthy merchants, but also by ordinary villagers, who could own only one or two slaves.

Female slaves were used as domestic servants and as concubines, while male slaves were primarily used within the pearl industry as pearl divers. The PDQ Oil Company had 250 slave laborers during its first year of production in Qatar in 1949.

During the flourishing period of the late seventeenth to early eighteenth century, male slaves played a pivotal role in the burgeoning pearl industry of Qatar, particularly as pearl divers. The thriving pearl diving sector not only led to the establishment of coastal settlements but also triggered significant migration to Qatar. Subsequently, the nation witnessed a substantial economic upturn attributed to the prosperity of the pearl fishing industry. This economic boom facilitated Qatar's integration into the global economy and marked the initiation of globalization in the region. Predominantly of African descent, these slaves, constituting approximately a quarter to a third of Qatar's population, were prominently engaged in the cultivation and exploitation of pearls.

Memorial[edit]

In 2015, a museum about the slavery in Qatar was opened by the government in the Bin Jelmood house in Doha, which has been described as the first museum focused on slavery in the Arab world. The Bin Jelmood Museum stands as a heritage residence dedicated to the examination and exploration of the historical subject of slavery in Qatar, delving into the broader history of the region. Viewed through the perspective of certain elder Qatari individuals, this museum is regarded as sensitive due to the relatively recent abolition of slavery. Many of the visitors sensitive to this place are individuals who lived through the corresponding historical era.

Modern slavery: the Kafala system[edit]

The Kafala system

Qatar has emerged as a highly desirable destination for immigrant labor due to comprehensive development across various sectors, encompassing infrastructure, economy, social services, urban planning, and more. Qatar held the highest percentage of expatriate labor globally in 2019, accounting for 89.5% of the workforce. This considerable foreign labor force is characterized by its diverse religious, cultural, and social backgrounds. The surge in expatriate workers can be traced back to the successful bid by the State of Qatar to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup Final in 2010. The preparation for this major event necessitated extensive infrastructure projects, including the construction of large stadiums, facilities, and hotels to accommodate international guests. A pivotal development in the 1960s was the introduction of the sponsorship system, known as "Kafala," aimed at regulating and controlling the entry and exit of expatriate labor.

The Kafala system establishes a legal relationship between the foreign worker and the employer, requiring every expatriate seeking employment in Qatar to have a sponsor, known as "Kafeel." The sponsor can be a Qatari citizen, an expatriate residing in Qatar, or a legal entity (company/institution) based in Qatar. The sponsor assumes responsibility for the expatriate's residency, facilitating the issuance and renewal of the professional visa every two years. Additionally, the sponsor provides accommodation, food, transportation, and health insurance to the workers. However, the Kafala system has been criticized for creating a power imbalance favoring local employers over migrant workers, exposing the latter to risks of human trafficking and forced labor.

In response to international labor standards, Qatar officially announced the abolition of the sponsorship system (Kafala) on December 12, 2016. This landmark decision aimed to replace the Kafala system with an employment contract, with the goal of improving the living conditions and safeguarding the rights of expatriate workers. The abolition of the sponsorship system was part of a broader reform package designed to enhance Qatar's labor market.

Unsolved problem[edit]

Officially, slavery in Qatar was abolished in the middle of the 20th century, but the conditions in which many workers who prepared the country for the FIFA World Cup lived and worked look almost like slavery. It was for long necessary for a migrant worker in Qatar to obtain an employer's permission to change the company worked for; this restriction was abolished in 2020. In addition, a worker cannot leave the country without permission from their employer.

Stadium construction[edit]

Qatar received the right to host the FIFA World Cup in December 2010. And already in 2012, the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) began receiving complaints from workers employed in the construction of facilities. By the beginning of 2013, the number of applications exceeded several thousand, after which MCP appealed to the Ministry of Labor of Qatar with a demand to deal with six contractors.

In its appeal, the Confederation of Trade Unions emphasized four types of violations: the nature of work does not correspond to what is provided for in the labor agreement; employers do not fulfill their obligations to pay wages; employers withdraw passports from employees; employees are forced to live in overcrowded labor camps and are deprived of the right to form trade unions.

In response to these accusations, the Qatari authorities promised to increase the number of inspectors at the 2022 World Cup facilities by 25% (their number was supposed to exceed 300 people), and the then president of the International Football Federation (FIFA) Sepp Blatter said that the situation with labor rights will be discussed at a meeting of the executive committee of the organization in early October 2013.

Approximately 100 days after the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar came to an end, a significant number of construction workers involved in the stadium construction found themselves unemployed, impoverished, and struggling to meet basic needs. Aboubacar, a construction worker in Qatar who anticipated a more promising legacy for his future, lamented a dire situation wherein he had gone without food for two days and remained unsuccessful in securing employment post the World Cup event. Qatar has garnered substantial criticism for the harsh conditions endured by numerous low-wage workers, encompassing issues such as wage deprivation, illicit recruitment fees, and instances of injury and fatality during the construction of stadiums and infrastructure. In response to these infractions, Qatar implemented substantial labor reforms, enabling migrant workers to switch jobs without requiring employer consent and establishing an elevated and unbiased minimum wage.

For the first time, The Guardian newspaper reported not just about rights violations, but also about deaths on construction sites for the World Cup in February 2014. The article claimed that in three years out of 2 million migrant workers, up to 4,000 workers could die from unbearable conditions and insecurity. The publication also reported which workers from which countries most often stay to work in Qatar—for example, immigrants from India make up 22% of the total number of people employed at the World Cup facilities, a similar share falls on Pakistan. About 16% of the workers are from Nepal, 13% from Iran, 11% from the Philippines, 8% from Egypt and 8% from Sri Lanka.