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First World War

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First year of the war

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The first reaction to the outbreak of the war was the creation of various committees, aimed at helping victims of the warfare. Each Vilnius nationality opened its own committee, which only shows that the city was deeply divided on ethnic divisions.

Polish Scoiety for the Support of the War Victims was established on 23 October 1914. It was working in a close connection to City Council, which was dominated by Polish people, and with other various similar societies, active in all the Polish lands and abroad. It was lead by Mieczysław Niedziałkowski, who was also deputy mayor of the city[1].

The members of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Society for the Support of War Victims. From left to right: sitting Stasys Silingas, Emilija Vileisiene, Martynas Yeas, Antanas Vileisis, Rev. Konstantinas Olsauskas, Jonas Basanavicius, Jonas Kymantas; standing Jokubas Sernas, Rev. Povilas Dogelis, Juozas Balcikonis, Rev. Juozapas Kukta, Antanas Zmuidzinavicius, Antanas Smetona

On 11 August 1914 in Vilnius Provisional Lithuanian Committee for the Support of War Victims was established. Soon, on 27 November, was replaced by Lithuanian Society for the Support of War Victims(LWRA, Lietuvių draugija nukentėjusiems dėl karo šelpti), with Martynas Yčas as a chairman and Antanas Smetona as a vice-chairman. The main task of this organization was to take care of Lithuanian war refugees who were fleeing from the war-torn regions, mainly Suwałki Governorate. However it also served as a representation of Lithuanian nationals in Vilnius[2]. The sudden influx of Lithuanians sparked among Lithuanian activists hope that it will start the shift of the city's demographic in a more favorable way[3].

However, the numbers of refugees weren't that big. In August 1914 Municipal Evacuation Committee was established in order to control the influx of refugees. After six months of activity its members reported that they registered during this time 4 001 of refugees, 1 174 of them were Lithuanians, 1 088 Poles, 689 Germans, 600 Jews and 450 Russians[4]. Most of them went back to their homes after Germans were forced to retread from the Suwałki region, on 15 March 1915 only 2229 of them were still in the city. Most of them were Jews (600), only 304 Lithuanian refugees stayed in Vilnius[4]. Lithuanians Society informed in March 1915, that since the start of its activity they have opened in Vilnius 42 shelters used by 1 611 people[5]. On the other hand, Jewish aid committee reported in March 1915 that they are providing ritual Passover meals for about 8 000 Jewish refugees[6]

The flood of Lithuanian refugees sparked new conflict between Lithuanians and Poles. Lithuanians started to demand more rights in Vilnius churches, they wanted more services to be held in their tongue, so far it was the case in only one parish — St. Nicolas church. Authorities soon granted Lithuanians the right to held services in their mother tongue in Chapel of the Charity Society, the Church of the Holy Cross, the Church of St. Peter and St. Paul and the Church of St. Jacob and Philip. Services in Lithuanian were also held in the Sharp Gate and the Cathedral[7]. It only formally ended the conflict. Lithuanians weren't fully satisfied with the outcome and what's more Lithuanian priest Konstantinas Olšauskas was suspended by diocesan administrator Kazimierz Michalkiewicz for disobedience. Olšauskas published in the main Russian newspaper "Vilensky Vestnik" announcement that he is looking for a hall able to accommodate 1500 people to held retreats for Lithuanian refugees, after his request to use St. Peter and St. Paul church was deniedCite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page)..

With the new year, on January 1915, Lithuanian activists made an attempt to create a political center in form of a Committee of Representatives, but it failed. Soon socialists created their own, separate war relief organization — Lithuanian Society for War Relief, Agronomic and Legal Aid (LAWRALA, Lietuvių draugija nukentėjusiems nuo karo gyventojams teisių ir agronomijos pagalbai teikti).

In April 1915 also Belarusians were allowed to open their own war relief association[8]. Same month Jewish association — Jewish Society for the Aid of War Victims (Evreiskoe obshestvo po okazaniu pomoshchi postradavshim ot voiny, EKOPO) — was recognised, although it was active since October 1914[8]. It was led by Jakub Wygodzki,Simon Rosenbaum[9] and Nachman Rachmilewicz as a chairman[10].

In the summer of 1915, the idea of creating yet another committee was born among Polish landlords and intelligentsia. Aleksander Meysztowicz appealed to Russian administration for allowence to create Vilnius–Kaunas Citizens’ Committee (Komitet Obywatelski Wileńsko–Kowieński), with the goal to represent and take care of the population of both Vilnius and Kaunas provinces. It was intended as an organization for the politicians of all ethnicities of the region[11]. Russia's Interior Minister Nikolay Maklakov didn't give permission, but his successor Nikolay Shcherbatov gave it on 2 September[9].

Separately on the initiative of Julian Januszewski the meeting of representatives of four nationalities of Vilnius held on 11 August. Its goal was to create a Citizens’ Committee for the city of Vilnius, which would cooperate with the existing magistrate, but unlike it would be more ethnically diverse. Apart of Januszewski, Poles were represented by Aleksander Szklennik and Gabriel Sokołowski, Jews by Jakub Wygodzki and Simon Rosenbaum, Lithuanians by Jonas Vileišis and Belarusians by Anton Luckievich[9].

Evacuation

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The next big wave of refugees came in May 1915, this time almost all of them were Jews. Russian government, not trusting Jewish population of the empire, ordered to expulse Jews from the territories near the frontline. In a result large number of them gathered in Vilnius and in the surrounding region, most of them from Kaunas and Courland. According to Jewish press it was even 200 000 people at the end of the month[12]. According to Israel Cohen there was about 32 000 Jewish refugees in Vilnius at the beginning of German occupation[13]. Most of the refugees went further into Russia, along with about 90 000 Russian nationals, mostly officials, gendarmes, colonists and their families[13].

In July 1915 authorities ordered to strenghten the defence of the city. After the fall of Kaunas on 18 August 1915 it was however clear that German offensive couldn't be easily stoppped. Nonetheless authorities announced curfew and established volunteer city "militia"[14], called "Straż Obywatelska" (Civil Guard) with Feliks Zawadzki, famous bookseller and publisher, as the main organiser; other members of comimittee were Witold Abramowicz, Stanisław Bagiński, Józef Przyłuski, Jan Piłsudski and Józef Korolec, all Polish attorneys from the city[15]. Soon Civil Guard counted about 3 000 men[16]. Russians started hasty evacuation of the city[17]. Factory "Vilija" was evacuated with all its workers from the city. Even statues of Catherine the Great, Alexander Pushkin and infamous Governon Mikhail Muravyov were removed and taken away[13][17]. The same fate as Muraviev's statue shared his archive and other belongings that were part of museum of his name, erected in 1901[18]. With Russian army almost all relics of Russian rule in the city were disappearing.

POGROMY W WILNIE I OKOLICACH KWIECIEŃ-PAŹDZIERNIK 1915

The first year of the war witnessed almost constant struggle between Poles and Lithuanians in the city, the latter being represented mainly by Lithuanian Society. For example Society accused Municpial Council, dominated by Poles, of missmanagment, because they send 10 000 rubles as aid to a war-torn Congress Poland.

First months of German occupation (September 1915 - January 1916)

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Civic Committee

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Russian army and administration left Vilnius during the night of 17/18 September 1915, on the way out they failed to blow up bridges over the Neris river[19]. Leaving the city governor Pyotr Verevkin approved the Civic Committee, which evolved from the Vilnius–Kaunas Citizens’ Committee, approved earlier by Russian minister of interior. This new body was supposed to replace dominated by Poles city council, and take care of the population of Vilnius and Kauans provinces. At this point it consisted mainly of Poles and some representatives of Jewish and Belarusian communities, Lithuanians were still unwilling to join[20].

In general Civic Committee was created and consisted of intelligents associated with political faction called "krajowcy"[21] and have an ambition to be basis of future government of independent, unified Lithuanian state[22]. The idea of joint committee for all nationalities was even more attractive, after talks of including more non-Polish members to city's Duma eventually failed. Municpial officals weren't willing to change city's administration out of fear that Russian may soon return back and consider such actions as act of treason[23].

Traugott von Pfeil, the commander of first German unit that have entered Vilnius in September 1915

In the morning of 18 September German troops entered Vilnius, starting long period of occupation. First German unit that entered the city was 101st regiment of the famous Pfeil Brigade, under the command of Traugott von Pfeil[24]. Von Pfeil went straight to Vilnius magistrate, where he met with the mayor Michał Węsławski, other members of the city's government and Tadeusz Wróblewski, as representative of local populace[25]. Wróblewski said to him in French that the Poles had brought Christiniaty nad culture to this land, but were lately persecuted by Russians[25]. In response von Pfeil issued an address to inhabitants of Vilnius written in German, Russian and Polish, in which the city was called "pearl of the illustrious Kingdom of Poland", he also made a promise to maintain exisiting municipal administration[26]. Lithuanians protested and send delegation consisting of Emilija Vileišienė, Jonas Basanavičius and Jonas Kymantas[27] Separate delegation was also send by Civic Committee, which stressed that Vilnius was not capital of Poland, but of Grand Duchy of Lithuania[28]. Soon however Germans realised on their own that it isn't in their interest to favour Polish element in the city, and the proclamation was taken off[26]. Most of Polish organisations and societies, and all non-German newspapers were banned.

The gesture of Civic Committee evenetually convinced Lithuanians to join it on 23 September[29]. Finally Civic Committee consisted of up to 26 members, exact number varies depending on the source. 11 of them were Polish:

Lithuanians were represented by Democrats Jurgis Šaulys, Vladas Stašinskas, Jonas Vileišis, B. Žilinskas and one Nationalist Jonas Kymantas[31]. Representatinve of Social Democratic Party of Lithuania Pranas Eidukevičius earlier was a member of Polish Socialist Party and was using name Franciszek Ejdukiewicz, so some sources list him as a Pole.

Jews representative were Zionist Jakub Wygodzki, member of Folkspartei Zemach Shabad, Bundists Józef Izbicki and Litauer[32]. Belarusians were represented on paper also by four figures, but Aleksander Zasztowt was a Polish socialist activist and agreed to represent Belarusians on their wish. Other three representative were well-known activists of Belarusian national movement - Vaclau Lastouski and brothers Luckievich Anton and Ivan[33].

Stanisław Kognowicki, who was born in Dorpat and was speaking perfectly in German, was nominated a chairman of the Committee. Jonas Vileišis and Jan Bohuszewski were vice-chairmen, Kazimierz Świątecki and Anton Luckievich were secretaries, Littauer and Illiński Kaszowski were treasurers.

Germans approved Civic Committee on 4 October and even granted it an advisory vote on matters concerning Vilnius and Kaunas provinces[28]. Members of the Committee made use of their new role without much of a hesitation. On 19 October they presented a memorandum to governor's chief of staff von Stolzenberg On the abnormal economic, and partly public relations determining the historic rupture involving the region and the lack of actual power, addressed to Paul Hindenburg. German officials accepted the memo reacted favorably, which certainly strenghned the position of the Committee, especially in comparison with diminishing role of city's Duma[34]

Initially the works of joint Civic Comittee were quite compatible, but quickly disrupted because of the infighting[35]. Matter of the conflict were the donations send to Vilnius by representatives of Polish relief committees from abroad, 50 000 rubels send in October from Lausanne and 10 500 marks from Poznań[36]Cite error: A <ref> tag is missing the closing </ref> (see the help page).. Augustinas Janulaitis and Jonas Kymantas complained about what they percived as injustice to chief Beckerath[37], Kymantas decided even to leave the Committee in protest[38]. As a result Germans decided to distribute the aid by German themselves. On 19 November 1915 by the decision of von Hindenburg Germans limited Committee activity to charity and only within boundries of the city of Vilnius. After that Civic Committee basically stopped functioning[39].

On 23 December Governor Adalbert Wegner nominated mixed commision in order to distribute aid between charitable societies[40]. On 28 J

Civic Committee was losing the usefulness for Germans, because meanwhile city's Duma was supplemented with the representatives of all nationalities, and the existence of joint representation of the whole local population was dangerous, especially since the end of 1915 Germans decided to play one nationality against the other in order to maintain full control.

Establishing German administration

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Von Pfeil soon left the city, his place as the highest ranked German military was taken by general Hermann von Eichhorn, commander of the 10th Army, who had choose Vilnius as his headquarter and was residing in Tyszkiewicz Palace[41]. General Adalbert Wegner was appointed governor of the city on 19 September, his chief of staff was lieutenant-colonel Freiherr von Stolzenberg, colonel Scharwächter became city commandant (Ortskommendant), but was soon replaced by von Treskow[42].

Eldor Pohl, first German Lordy Mayor of Vilnius

Civic Comitee was recognised as a representation of local population on 4 October 1915 by Rudolf Heinrich von Beckerath, who was the first chief of the German administration and police (Polizeipräsident und Verwaltungschef) in the city and by Eldor Pohl, newly appointed on 22 September Lord Mayor (Oberbürgermeister) of Vilnius[43]. Pohl also recognised and subjugated all charitable societies in the city[44] Civii administration of Pohl was strenghtned with the arrival of Polizeimeister von Wasielewsky with German police officers, which steadily started to replace Feliks Zawadzki's Civil Guard[45]. Pohl deputy with the title of mayo (Bürgermeister) was Hans Weissenborn, before the war lord mayor of Halberstadt.

By the end of 1915 the frontline basically stabilised on Dünaburg–Baranovichi line, about 80 kilometers east of Vilnius. Germans divided occupied country on two zones, area east of Vilnius was called "communications area" (Etappengebiet), where civil administration was slowely being build, territory between Vilnius and the frontilne was an "operations area" (Operationsgebiet), under sole military command[46].

Governorate (Imperial Governorate of Vilnius - Das Kaiserliche Gouvernement Wilna) of General Wegner was rather small, consisted only the city of Vilnius and its surroundings, its borders were market by village Dusinėnai (Dusienięta) in the south, river Vokė in the east, Verkiai (Werke) in the north and Naujoji Vilnia (Nowa Wilejka) in the east[47]. Separately from this on 23 November creation of German Administration of Vilnius (Die Deutsche Verwaltung Wilna) was announced. It was headed by Rittmeister Rudolf von Beckerath and it covered the area of the theatre of 10th Army east of Neman (mentioned Etappengebiet). It was divided on six districts[48]:

  • Vilnius
  • Kaišiadorys (Koszedary)
  • Merkinė (Merecz), with its centre in Alytus (Olita)
  • Širvintos (Szyrwinty)
  • Molėtai (Malaty)
  • Pabradė (Podbrodzie)

Initially it wasn't clear what are the prerogatives of each official. Gradually Governor Wegner transferred all the civil affairs to von Beckerath and his administration[49]. It still didn't end the confusion, because von Beckerath still shared his powers with Lord Mayor Pohl, Germans also didn't disolve the prewar Duma with the Mayor Michał Węsławski as its head. Duma could theoretically serve as a representation of local population but this role was doubled by the Civic Committee. War turmoil strenghned the role of the Vilnius Diocese with the administrator Kazimierz Michalkiewicz as its head; system of parishes was generally intact and Germans were using it as the basis of their local administration[46].

On 19 December 1915 in Vilnius enigmatic organisation revealed itself by publishing, printed in Polish, Lithuanian, Belarusian and Yidish Universal of the Confederation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Document was advocating for recreating independent state on former territories of Grand Duchy, currently occupied by Germans. It was followed by next leaflet published in February 1916, which was much more anti-Russian and pro-German in tone, it was also calling up for unification of all nationalities under the banner of the common state "Lithuania and White Rus'"[50]. It is not clear, who was behind this affair, must probably it was published by some group aligned to krajowcy outlook[51]. According to Lithuanian historian Česlovas Laurinavičius it was joint effort of mixed group of activists, that earlier were part of Civic Committee: Aleksander Zasztowt, Vaclau Lastouski, Anton Luckievich, Ivan Luckievich, Szymon Rozenbaum, Zemach Shabat, Jurgis Šaulys, Jonas Vileišis and Vladas Stašinskas, who was the only newcomer[52]

Since 1st September 1915 Germans were printing in Lithuanian "Dabartis" ("The Present") — at first in Tilsit, but after German offensive it was moved to Kaunas. Chief editor of "Dabartis" was Wilhelm Steputat, who was using also Lithuanian version of his name — Vilius Steputaitis[53], he was a political leader of Prussian Lithuanians and active supporter of unification of Lithuania under German rule. With the new year Germans allowed also other ethnicities to publish their own newspapers[53]. Germans refused to Lithuanians wish to move the editorial board of "Dabartis" to Vilnius, for them the spritual capital of Lithuania, and to establish another Lithuanian newspaper there[54]. As a result "Dabartis" was the only Lithuanian newspaper avaiable in Vilnius during German occupation.

Polish community managed to reestablish "Dziennik Wileński", but only under condition that it will be always more expensive and have a smaller size than issued by occupational authorities "Wilnaer Zeitung"[55]. Chief editor of the newspaper was Jan Obst, connected with National Democracy, he was closely working with priest Józef Songin[56]. Jewish community established their own newspaper called "Letzte Nai's". There was also third newspaper issued at that time in Vilnius "Homan", that was printed by national Belarusian activists and German authorities since 15 February 1916 in Belarusian[57].

Education

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The end of Russian rule in the city allowed to organise Polish education. Polish Committee of Education consituted itself under the auspices of Polish Society for the Support of the War Victims, with the city mayor Witold Węsławski as a president. Other prominent memebers were historian Stanisław Kościałkowski and priest Adam Kuleszo[58]. Committee was very successfull in creating the network of Polish schools. It was fairly easy because of intial indifference of Germans and already exisiting network of secret schools and self-educational societies[59].

At the begining of 1916 in Vilnius there was 88 Polish schools, which included over 50 elementary schools with 5000 pupils, 8 municipal schools with 1400 pupils and 4 gymnasiums with 900 pupils. Furthermore about 200 elementary schools was established in the other parts of Lithuania[60]. Basically Poles were able to replace prewar Russian school system, this time with Polish as a language of the education[61]. Apart of that first attempts to create center of higher education were made in the form of "Scientific Courses" (Kursy Naukowe)[59]. There were also other educational enterpises, various vocational courses, university for adults (folk high school), even trade school opened by Ludwik Kuczewski[59].

After some time Germans realised that Polish educational action is taking on dangerous proportions and at the same time is completely out of their control. On 28 October 1915 thus German decided to prohibit opening of new private schools, and on 22 December Gen. von Hindenburg decided to install German school inspectors in every school, mainly officers of Landstrum, that were suppose to control the entire system[62]. Still the situation didn't change much, new schools were opened and the already existing ones were conducting their activity. Much bigger blow was liquidation of Educational Committee in Febraury 1916 by Franz Joseph Isenburg-Birstein, who replaced Rudolf Heinrich von Beckerath as the chief of administration in Vilnius. Committee continued its work in secret, but was able to do it on obviously much smaller scale. Committee was applying for legalisation, but their petitions were ultimately refused on 20 February 1917[63]. Other, smaller Polish educational organisations were also gradually liquidated, the only one that survived the whole German period was the Society of Catholic Popular School (Towarzystwo Katolickiej Szkoły Ludowej), but its activity was severly limitedCite error: The opening <ref> tag is malformed or has a bad name (see the help page).. In March 1916 all other educational enterprises, like Scientific Courses, vocational schools, Adama Mickiewicz University were liquidated[64]. The development of Polish educational system was slowed down, but not stopped entirely. In April 1917 on the territory of former Vilna Governorate 346 Polish schools existed with about 17 300 pupils[65]

Polish Society of Friends of Science in Wilno, which was the main body of scientifical research in Lithuania since its establishment in 1907, was forbidden to function by German authorities after their entrance. On 23 May 1916 Lord Mayor Eldor Pohl confirmed this decision. At the same time Lithuanian Scientific Society enjoyed the full support of occupational authorities, the same goes of Lithuanian Education Society Rytas. Rytas led by six-member board, which included chairman priest Jonas Steponavičius, priest Vladas Mironas, Liudas Gira and Jonas Basanavičius, existed since 1913, but during Russian times their achievements were rather modest[66]. The situation have changed after the arrival of Germans. Lithuanians established courses for teachers, several elementary schools, and first of all in October 1915 Lithuanian gymnasium in Vilnius[66].

Germans started replacing Polish schools with Lithuanian and Belarusian ones since the beginning of 1916[61].

Vilnius Jews managed to establish Hebrew gymnasium in 1915, it was first school of this kind on the whole territory of former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In 1918 first Yidish gymnasium was created[67].

Switch in German occupational policy

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Censuses

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German censuses of Vilnius 1915-1917
Nationality 1 Nov 1915 9-11 Mar 1916 14 Dec - 10 Jan 1917
Poles — 70 629 50,15% 74 466 53,65%
Jews — 61 265 43,50% 57 516 41,44%
Belarusians — 1 917 1,36% 611 0,44%
Lithuanians — 3 699 2,63% 2 909 2,10%
Russians — 2 080 1,48% 2 212 1,59%
Germans — 1 000 0,71% 880 0,63%
Other — 300 0,21% 193 0,14%
Overall 142 063 140 840 138 787

In 6 March 1916 Germans ordered grand census. It was organised by Oberbürgermeister Eldor Pohl. Representatives of local population were included in the commission. Poles were represented by Jan Boguszewski, Feliks Zawadzki and Władysław Zawadzki, Jews by Nachman Rachmilewicz, Simon Rosenbaum and Zemach Shabad, Lithuanians by Antanas Smetona, Aleksandras Stulginskis and Augustinas Janulaitis. Belarusians did not have any representation[68]. Each member of the commission was responsible for census in one of the nine parts on which the city was divided, and was accompanied by two representatives of other nationalities. As a result each part of the city was entrusted to comission consisted of one Pole, Jew and Lithuanian[69]. Each comission had a team of ethnically mixed clerks in their dissposal. Overall 425 of them was engaged in carrying out the census, 200 of them were Jews, 150 Poles, 50 Lithuanians and 25 Belarusians[69]. Yet it didn't stop many Lithuanians from complaining that many of the clerks employed in carrying out the census where Polish citizens of Germany, mainly from Poznań, so the results of census were unreliable[70].

Census itself was carried out in days 9-11 March, for 5 more days people were able to correct their declarations and make complaints[71]. The main complain was that many of the clerks, mainly Jewish ones, did not know any other language other than Yidish or Russian, often also didn't know latin script, which in effect let to many mistakes, also many people simply refused to answer the questions they didn't understand[72]. There were also instances when for political reasons people were registred as belonging to different nationality than they declared[73]. Overall according to census city was inhabited by 140 480 people, 76 196 of them were Roman Catholics (54,10%), 70 692 were Polish (50,15%). The second group were Jews, 61 265 declared such nationality (43,5%) and 61 233 declared Judaism as their religion (43,47%)[74]. The population of the city deacreased from 205 300 in 1909 to just 140 800 registred in the new census. Almost all of Russians left the city with the army, their percentage shrinked from 20% in 1909 to just 1,46% now[75].

In comparison with the first Germans census (carried out in November 1915, wasn't asking about nationality), the number of inhabitants decreased by 1 223 from 142 063[76]. The most striking result was the difference in the number of inhabitans and the number of people registered for food ration stamps. According to responsible office in March 1916 there was 170 836 people in the city eliglble to recieve food rations, which gave the difference of about 18%[77]. German authorities alarmed by the results reformed the rationing system and in October the number of stamps was reduced so the number of registed persons decreased to 142 218[78]. Given people were rather leaving Vilnius — refugees were going back to their homes, people were trying to find better life conditions in the countryside — the numbers were still most likely inflated.[79] In a result Germans decided to carry out additional census.

Every inhabitant of Vilnius was ordered to appear in the right office with a passport and a ration card. In front of ethnically mixed comission he needed to declare his and his family nationality and religion, and also declare the number of people in the household. After that he was given a new ration card where such informations were included. Results were even more favourable for Poles, their number increased to 74 466 (53,65%), while the overall number of people in the city decreased to 138 787.[80]

Germanisation

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In the first month of occupation Germans weren't trying to favour any of the local ethnic groups, they rather supported one against another on ad hoc basis, trying to secure for themselves overrule. It resulted from lack of general idea what to do in the future with the occupied territories.

The basis for the new German policy in the newly conquered territories was a report made in October 1915 by Max Sering, Professor of Agronomics of Berlin University. He was send to Lithuanian by Gottlieb von Jagow, secretary in German Foreign Office. In short he advised to annex entire Courland and Lithuania, not only Kaunas but also Vilnius provinces. And later colonise them by Germans deported from inner Russia and steadily to germanise the local population. He regarded Lithuania to be a bit harder to germanise than Latvian territories, because of the dominant role of Polish aristocracy (instead of German, like in Courland), but also because of growing Lithuanian national movement. His solution was to simply deport local Poles to the newly created Polish state[81].

As a result Lithuania was to be a part of Germany as an extention of the "frontier strip" - planned since the end of 1914 annexation of large part of Polish territory along the Prussian border, which was generally accepted idea at that time among the German rulling elite[82]. At the same time in governmental circles matured the idea of creating out of the rest Polish territories, that were part of Russia before the war, semi-independent Polish Kingdom. German chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg was planning to expand such buffer Polish state to the east, attaching to it as much Polish lands as it was possible, among them also Vilnius. That's why Germans were somewhat favorable towards Polish educational and cultural endeavors during first months of the occupation[83]. However the opinion of military commanders of Ober Ost was different [84]. Especially gen. Erich Ludendorff, who was disconsolate because the territory of Congress Poland was excluded from direct military command and turned into General-Government, he didn't want to lose control over Lithuania and Courland[85].

Ruins of Kaunas Castle in 19th century

Ludendorf felt also strong responsibility to fulfill German historical mission in these lands. In September 1915 in Kauans, when the main headquarter of military command was located, he noted after seeing ruins of Teutonic Kaunas Castle: "Might historical traditions swelled in me. I decided to resume cultural work in the occupied land, which the Germans planted in these countries for many centuries. The confused local people will not create any culture by themselves; left alone, it will fall prey to Polishness"[85].

At the same time the idea of the second "frontier strip" was shaping up. Territories west of the Łomża-Grodno-Brest Litovsk line were to be annexed, thus linking Eastern Prussia with planned new Ukrainian state. This goal was highly supported by leader of Prussian Lithuanians Wilhelm Steputat, because it would cut off Poland from Lithuania[86] In April 1916 Hindenburg expressed his support to this idea, it was in line with his own idea to separate Poland from Russia, and also to create huge "Baltic-Lithuanian area" from governments of Vilnius, Grodno and Minsk[86].

Max Sering observations and opinions were acknowledged and accepted by Ludendorff and von Hindenburg right away[87]. On 27 April 1916 Ludendorff gave an order to start preparing and gathering accurate data of demographic situation, ownership of the land, settlement possibilities and so on[87]. In May 1916 Ludendorf ordered to work against Polish influence in areas under his command (Ober-Ost) and to support instead other nationalities — Lithuanians, Belarusians and Jews[88] and decided to allow political activity of Lithuanian and Belarusian organisations, but not Polish[53].

The same month Vilnius and Suwałki military administrations were joined, just to reduce the Polish predominance, since Suwałki region was mostly inhabited by Lithuanians[89], forming Militärverwaltung Wilno-Suwałki-Litauen[90]. After a year, on 15 March 1917 newly created district was merged with district encompasing eastern Lithuania and Samogitia, with the center in Kaunas, forming "Militärverwaltung Litauen"[90]. Prince Franz Joseph Isenburg-Birstein was the head of this district.

Also situation of Jewish population get better. Germans lifted most antisemtic Russian regulations, like limitation of settlements and special taxes, Yidish speaking Jews were often hired as low-ranking officials and translators[89]

Polish Committee

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In the face of changing and with each day more represive occupational policy, at the begining of 1916 Polish politicians decided to create new body one the basis of Polish aid committee established back in 1914. The full list of members is unknown, but certainly representatives of all main political movements were present[91]:

The first action of the Committee was a declaration of 1 November 1916, where activists expressed their wish that after the war "Vilnius would stay in political [państwowej] connection with Warsaw" and that creation of "legal and political union [prawno-państwowy związek] of their country with Kaunas"[92]. Declaration predated act of 5 November

May 1917

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The change of German policy towards the "North-East territory" came in May 1917, after the American entry into the war and after the declaration of the Russian provisional government to create an autonomous Lithuanian state within federalized Russia[93]. That month chancellor Bethmann Hollweg declared a new program of "autonomy" for Baltic territories. In short, he sought to create satellite states with large internal administrative autonomy, but military and economically strongly associated with Germany[94] At first military command of Ober Ost was opposing the new approach, but both sides came to an agreement at Bingen Conference of 31 July 1917. The conference was held in vastly different circumstances — after the failure of the last Russian great offensive of the war, so-called Kerensky offensive, earlier this month and under the leadership of newly appointed chancellor Georg Michaelis. The former chancellor was overthrown after the passing of Peace Resolution by the Reichstag majority, prepared by Catholic leader Matthias Erzberger, which urged for a "peace without annexations".

It was decided at the conference that "Trustee Councils" (Vertrauensrat) composed of representatives of the local population ought to be created and attached to administrative chiefs of Courlandish and Lithuanian districts. In Lithuanian district (Militärverwaltung Litauen), headed by Franz-Joseph zu Isenburg-Birstein, such council was to be "purely Lithuanian"[95]. After a certain period of time, the councils were to become "Provincial Councils" and ask for "the protection and shelter of His Majesty and the mighty German Empire"[95]. Germans were trying initially to interest Lithuanian clerical nationalists by creating such a council. They were although reluctant to so openly associate themselves with Germans, not being convinced that German rule will be any different than Russian or Polish[96]. Instead, Lithuanians get permission to organize a big national conference in Vilnius. Jurgis Šaulys, Antanas Smetona and Justinas Staugaitis were appointed as chairmen and organizers, the rest of the participants were to be appointed from among all Lithuanian activists, no general elections were planned[97]. Lithuanians started to publish the new newspaper Lietuvos aidas on 6 September 1917, which became the main organ of the Lithuanian council[98].

The conference was held in Vilnius from 18 to 23 September 1917. During it the State Council (Taryba) was elected, it consisted of 20 representatives of Lithuanian political activists, among them only one, Stanisław Narutowicz, who considered himself as Lithuanian Pole, wasn't an ethnic Lithuanian. Taryba was proclaimed by von Isenburg-Birstein in the name of Leopold von Bayern, the main commander of German forces on the eastern front, on 23 September 1917 as a consultative body[99]. Leopold von Bayern initially planned to expand the body by the addition of new members of non-Lithuanian ethnicity. Lithuanians were seeing things differently. They were ready to add only 5 or 6 new members, securing for Lithuanians 80% of seats, for them Taryba was going to be a supreme council of the Lithuanian nation[100]. And soon Taryba was accepted as such by the Lithuanian organizations in Sweden and Switzerland[101]. Germans were trying to impose on Taryba a German official as a president of the council and to introduce German as a language of the proceeding. Lithuanians protested against it in October 1917 to the German parliament, and also demanded degermanisation of the school system[102]. OHL stepped back and agreed to install a new head of administration in the person of von Falkenhausen, who replaced universally detested by local population von Isenburg-Birstein. He was nonetheless completely subordinated to the military command[102].

In the upcoming months it was decided that Lithuania won't be immediately germanised, and only sparsely populated areas will be colonized. Hindenburg expressed the idea that "the policy of divide et impera is the one for these dubious", and it was decided that meeting of the territorial demands of Lithuanians (for example Vilnius) will bring them closer to Germany and detach them from Poland[103]. The newly created Lithuanian state was to be a duchy in a personal union with Germany and linked with them by series of international treaties. Lithuanians faced a choice between big Lithuanian state with Vilnius, independent from Russia, but closely associated with Germany or Lithuania divided between Germany and Russia, simply annexed by both countries[104]. It was obvious which option is better for Lithuanian politicians, at least for now.


Envoys of Taryba Smetona, Kairys and Šaulys had a meeting on 1 December 1917 with the new chancellor Hartling. At the meeting they promised to ask Taryba for the proclamation of independent Lithuania in perpetual alliance with Germany[105]. As a result, Taryba declared independent Lithuania in a close alliance with Germany on 11 December. During Brest Litovsk negotiations between Russian and Germany, Russians demanded a notification from Taryba about the groundings of their independence. Lithuanians in the new circumstances were ready to do it only under several new conditions − withdrawal of German forces, recognition of the independence by Germany and others. Germans agreed only to convoke a Lithuanian constituent assembly in the near future[106]. Taryba adopted a new declaration on 16 February, this time without any mention of alliance or union of any sort with Germany. The publication of this document was stopped by German military command.

The situation changed once again after the Treaty of Brest Litovsk was signed on 3 March 1918, and with it German policy have changed too. The new plan as outlined by Rudolf Nadolny was to dissolve Taryba, appoint on its place puppet Lithuanian government, which under German guidance would organize the country. Convoking any popular representation would be postponed indefinitely. The only real change would be the replacement of the military administration of OHL with a purely civilian one. Nadolny also planned to initiate similiar policy to the one practiced in Polish territories of the Reich, which was of buying up Polish-owned estates, and thus changing the social structure in German favor[107]. Largely it was the return to 1916 policy of the germanisation. The appointment of count Robert von Keyserlingk-Cammerau as "commissioner for the handling of Lithuanian, Courlandish and other Eastern questions, with the exception of Poland" was the mark of the new approach; Keyserlingk was known as a fierce supported of germanisation policy since 1914[108].

In such circumstances, Taryba was forced to forget about full independence for the time being. Jurgis Šaulys, Jonas Vileišis and Justinas Staugaitis went to Berlin to notify the German government about the declaration of independence. On 23 March Emperor recognised officially the independence of Lithuania, but under the condition of signing several treaties with Germany, as it was expressed in the 11 December declaration[109]. Nothing really has changed after that, Lithuanian

On 3 May 1918 Stanisław Kognowicki with count Marian Broel-Plater, Bolesław Skirmunt, count Wincenty Łubieński and Karol Wagner established Związek Odbudowy Litwy (Committee for Rebuilding of Lithuania), they were trying to continue conservative Krajowcy approach by cooperation with Taryba, loyalty to Emperor and new Lithuanian state[110].

Last months of the German rule

[edit]

Since the last months of summer of 1918 the German defeat seemed inevitable. In such circumstances local population was getting ready to take over the city from the occupiers hand. Poles proved to be the best prepared to such a task. Polish Military Organisation in Vilnius was established already in 1915, in September 1917 Association of Poles Military Men in Vilnius (ZWP, Związek Polaków Wojskowych w Wilnie) was established. By the Ocotber of the next year it had 130 officers and about 5 thousands soldiers in their ranks, but in majority ill-equiped[111]. General Władysław Wejtko was appointed on 28 October 1918 by Polish chief of staff general Tadeusz Rozwadowski as a commander of Self-Defence of Lithuania and Belarus (1918)[111].

On 20 October Polish population held great patriotic manifestation demanding the unification of the region with Poland; it was organised as a response Polish regency council appeal for unification of all Polish lands in to one state. Patriotic procession ended with clashes with German police, sever people was wounded[112]. Lithuanians planned to organise their own manifestation, but it was prohibited by German administration, according to Poles on Lithuanians own request, because they realised how small it would be in comparison with Polish procession[111].

Humanitarian disaster

[edit]

In joint memorial addressed to Franz-Joseph zu Isenburg-Birstein, signed by representatives of all ethnic groups of Vilnius, signatories complained about terrible hunger the city's residents were suffering. According to them the mortality jumped from 0.22% before the war to 0.82% in April 1917 (0.95% among Jewish population), and the population was receiving only 100 grams of bread[113].

Situation was in fact disastrous. At the begining of 1917 Vilnius was hit by typhus epidemic, that took more than 300 lives, and affected 2 200 residentsCite error: A <ref> tag is missing the closing </ref> (see the help page).

Organizacje lokalne

[edit]
  • Polski Komitet Pomocy: prezes A. Węsławski, wiceprezes W.Zawadzki
  • Centrala Żydowska: prezes S. Rosenbaum
  • Litewskie T-wo pomocy gospodarczej i prawnej: wiceprezes W. Domaszewicz
  • Centralny Zarząd Związków Zawodowych: prezes F. Eidukiewicz/Pranas Eidukevičius (komunista)

Litewskie

[edit]
  • Lithuanian Society for the Support of War Victims
  • Lithuanian Scientific Society
  • Lithuanian Educational Society Rytas
  • Lithuanian Art Society
  • Vilnius Ruta Club
  • Saint Zita Society

the Lithuanian co-operative Laime [Happiness], Jurasaiciai Photography Studio, Dr. Domasevicius Clinic, the Lithuanian Canteen, M. Kukta’s Print Shop, Macys’ tailor/dress-making shop, Rodavicius Pharmacy, and M. Putvinskaite-Zmuidzinaviciene Dentistry

one high school

Białorusini

[edit]

pl:Wacłau Iwanouski, Iwan Łuckewicz

Frantsishak Alyakhnovich

Alaiza Paszkewicz "Cetka"

Vaclau Lastouski

Baljaslau Pacobka

Juliana Meonke

Żydzi

[edit]

Krajowcy: Józef Czernichow, Niger

Zarząd miasta

[edit]

Michał Węsławski (burmistrz)

  • Komitet miejski opieki nad rodzinami rezerwistów
  • Komisja Ewakuacyjna
  • Kuratorium miejskie nad biednymi: A. Jankowski (prezes), Z. Śmiałowski (sekretarz)

Inni: Adam Wolański, Wincenty Urniaż, Szymon Reniger, Maciej Stankiewicz, Br. Krzyzanowski, Józef Korolec, Adam Skarżyński, Trofil Szopa

  • Komitet Czerwonego Krzyża (Rennenkampfowa)
  • Rosyjski Damski Komitet Czerwonego Krzyża (Wieriowkinowa)
  • Komitet Organizacyjny Straży Obywatelskiej - Feliks Zawadzki
    • Biuro ds. Zażaleń Obywatelskich na Wojsko Niemieckie, Biuro Referatu Kryminalnego, Biuro Wykonywania Poleceń Władz Okupacyjnych

Polskie

[edit]
  • Polski Komitet Pań niosących pomoc rannym:

prezes Maria ze Skórzewskich księżna Ogińska (adres 2 Świętojerski zaułek), wiceprezes Karolina Mączyńska

  • Komitet Edukacyjny (polski):

Witold Węsławski (prezes), Stanisław Kościałkowski, Adam Kulesza

  • Komitet Polski:
  • Związek Wojskowych Polaków miasta Wilna:

prezes: mjr. pl:Stanisław Bobiatyński

10 September 1917(1918?) - creation

20 October - march through the city to cathedral

20 November - Komitet Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego: prezes - Bańkowski, wiceprezes - Abramowicz, skarbnik - Kognowicki, Zwierzyński, Nagrodzki, Bobiatyński

Administracja rosyjska

[edit]

governor: Pyotr Vladimirovich Verevkin

komendant miasta gen. major Stepan Kalantarov Gerasimovich

Administracja niemiecka

[edit]

de:Rudolf Heinrich von Beckerath - szef administracji i policji/szef zarządu cywilnego (Heinrich Yorck von Wartenburg) 1915- do początku maja 1916

Biogram

Memoriał: styczeń 1917

przeprowadzał spis z marca 1916

kiedy odwołany?

de:Heinrich Yorck von Wartenburg - szef administracji Wilno i Suwałki (Verwaltungschef von Wilna und Suwałki)

de:Eldor Pohl - burmistrz Wilna (?) potem Kurt Pilz (?)

Max Hoffmann - dowódca sztabu Ober Ost (od połowy 1916?)


de:Ernst von Eisenhart-Rothe - Oberquartiermeister der Ober Ost (od 1 lutego 1915)

Hans Georg Altmann (minister kultury Prus?) - szef wydziału ds. szkolnictwa i kościoła

de:Adolf Georg von Maltzan - reprezentant MSZ rzy Ober-Ost

de:Robert von Keyserlingk-Cammerau - Reichskommissar für Litauen und das Vereinigte Baltische Herzogtum, zastępiony przez Falkenhausena


Ober Ost:

Wydarzenia

[edit]
  • listopad 1915 - obchody 60-lecia śmierci Mickiewicza
  • grudzień 1915 - śmierć Jerzego Żuławskiego w Legionach

Bibliography

[edit]
  • Tomas Balkelis, War, Revolution, and Nation-Making in Lithuania, 1914-1923, Oxford 2018.
  • Michał Brensztejn, Spisy ludności m. Wilna za okupacji niemieckiej od d. 1 listopada 1915 r., Warszawa 1919.
  • Edmundas Gimžauskas, Institutions for the Administration of Vilnius at the Beginning of the German Occupation during the First World War, "Lithuanian Historical Studies", vol. 19 (2014).
  • Leszek Jaśkiewicz, Sprawa pomnika Murawiowa "Wieszatiela" w Wilnie, "Przegląd Historyczny", vol. 87/3 (1996), pp. 531-539.
  • Mačiulis and Darius Staliūnas, Lithuanian Nationalism and the Vilnius Question, 1883-1940 Marburg 2015
  • Jan Jerzy Milewski, Samorząd miejski w Wilnie w latach przełomu (1919-1920), Przegląd Historyczny, vol. 100/1 (2009).
  • Theodore R. Weeks, Kształtowanie kultury litewskiej w Wilnie w latach 1900-1920, in: Imperia, narody i społeczeństwa Europy Wschodniej i Środkowej na progu pierwszej wojny światowej, ed. Andrzej Nowak, Warszawa 2016.

Diaries and memoires

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ Gimžauskas 2014, p. 140.
  2. ^ Mačiulis and Staliūnas 2015, p. 45
  3. ^ Mačiulis and Staliūnas 2015, p. 45-46
  4. ^ a b "Kurier Litewski", no. 84 (2 April 1915), p. 2
  5. ^ "Kurier Litewski", no. 80 (28 March 1915), p. 2
  6. ^ Koss 2010, p. 52.
  7. ^ Mačiulis and Staliūnas 2015, p. 47-48
  8. ^ a b Balkelis 2018, p. 38
  9. ^ a b c Gimžauskas 2014, p. 151.
  10. ^ Pukszto 2001, p. 106.
  11. ^ Gimžauskas 2014, p. 149-150.
  12. ^ The Jews in the Eastern War Zone, p. 64
  13. ^ a b c Balkelis 2018, p. 22
  14. ^ Weeks 2017, p. 53-54
  15. ^ Gimžauskas 2014, p. 139.
  16. ^ Pukszto 2000, p. 20
  17. ^ a b Weeks 2017, p. 53
  18. ^ Jaśkiewicz 1996, p. 539
  19. ^ Weeks 2017, p. 54
  20. ^ Gimžauskas 2014, p. 155-156.
  21. ^ Pukszto 2000, p. 21
  22. ^ Sukiennicki 1974, p. 73
  23. ^ Gimžauskas 2014, p. 153.
  24. ^ Gimžauskas 2014, p. 141.
  25. ^ a b Gimžauskas 2014, p. 142.
  26. ^ a b Mackiewicz 2012, p. 124
  27. ^ Pukszto 2000, p. 18.
  28. ^ a b Gimžauskas 2014, p. 156.
  29. ^ Gimžauskas 2014, p. 153.
  30. ^ Pukszto 2001, p. 34.
  31. ^ Gimžauskas 2014, p. 156; Sukiennicki 1974, p. 99 mentions only Jurgis Šaulys, Vladas Stašinskas and Jonas Vileišis; Pukszto 2000, p. 21 mention Jurgis Šaulys, Vladas Stašinskas Jonas Vileišis, Jouzas Kymantas and Stepanos Kairys
  32. ^ Pukszto 2000, p. 21 mention only Shabad and Wygodzki
  33. ^ Sukiennicki 1974, p. 99
  34. ^ Gimžauskas 2014, p. 158-159.
  35. ^ Sukiennicki 1974, p. 100
  36. ^ Ilgiewicz 2019, p. 5-6.
  37. ^ Ilgiewicz 2019, p. 6.
  38. ^ Gimžauskas 2014, p. 164.
  39. ^ Cite error: The named reference Puk22 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  40. ^ Brensztejn 2015, p. 72: Members: Poles - Jan Boguszewski, Stanisław Kognowicki, Witold Węsławski; Lithuanians – Augustinas Janulaitis, Antanas Smetona, Jonas Vileišis; Jews – Nachman Rachmilewicz, Zemach Shabad, Jakub Wygodzki; Belarusians – Anton Luckevich
  41. ^ Gimžauskas 2014, p. 145.
  42. ^ Gimžauskas 2014, p. 146.
  43. ^ Milewski 2009, p. 72.
  44. ^ Gimžauskas 2014, p. 148.
  45. ^ Gimžauskas 2014, p. 158.
  46. ^ a b Gimžauskas 2014, p. 161.
  47. ^ Gimžauskas 2014, p. 162.
  48. ^ Gimžauskas 2014, p. 162.
  49. ^ Gimžauskas 2014, p. 163.
  50. ^ Sukiennicki 1974, p. 100
  51. ^ Sukiennicki 1974, p. 103-104
  52. ^ Pukszto 2000, p. 23
  53. ^ a b c Sukiennicki 1974, p. 102
  54. ^ Mačiulis and Staliūnas 2015, p. 56
  55. ^ Litwa za rządów ks. Isenburga, p. 94
  56. ^ Pukszto 2000, p. 34
  57. ^ Litwa za rządów ks. Isenburga, p. 94-95
  58. ^ Faszcza 2015, p. 22
  59. ^ a b c Faszcza 2015, p. 22
  60. ^ Litwa za rządów ks. Isenburga, p. 82-83. "Dziennik Wileński", no. 1(1916) gives sligthly different numbers for Lithuania: 4500 pupils in 30 elementary schools, 815 pupis in 4 gymnasiums, 1060 pupils in 8 municipal schools and 121 elementary schools outside of big cities in Lithuania; Faszcza 2015, p. 22 speaks about 86 schools opened in Vilnius alone during first three months of German rule, 52 of them were elementary; Balkelis 2018: In early 1916 there were 135 German schools, about 1,000 Lithuanian schools, and 500 Polish schools in the Ober Ost. In late 1916 Belarusians had only eight schools; yet in spring of 1918 their number increased to eighty nine
  61. ^ a b Sukiennicki 1974, p. 101
  62. ^ Faszcza 2015, p. 21
  63. ^ Faszcza 2015, p. 23.
  64. ^ Faszcza 2015, p. 24.
  65. ^ Faszcza 2015, p. 32.
  66. ^ a b Pukszto 2001, p. 98.
  67. ^ Pukszto 2001, p. 117.
  68. ^ Brensztejn 1919, p. 6
  69. ^ a b Brensztejn 1919, p. 7
  70. ^ Balkelis 2018, p. 29
  71. ^ Brensztejn 1919, p. 13
  72. ^ Brensztejn 1919, p. 15
  73. ^ Brensztejn 1919, p. 15-19
  74. ^ Brensztejn 1919, p. 21
  75. ^ Pukszto 2000, p. 26
  76. ^ Brensztejn 1919, p. 5
  77. ^ Brensztejn 1919, p. 22; In May 1915 the number was even bigger — 172 832 people was registred
  78. ^ Brensztejn 1919, p. 23
  79. ^ Brensztejn 1919, p. 23
  80. ^ Brensztejn 1919, p. 24
  81. ^ Fritz 1967, p. 274-275
  82. ^ Fritz 1967, p. 271
  83. ^ Studnicki 1974, p. 69
  84. ^ Mačiulis and Staliūnas 2015, p. 51
  85. ^ a b Studnicki 1974, p. 70
  86. ^ a b Fritz 1967, p. 279
  87. ^ a b Fritz 1967, p. 277
  88. ^ Sukiennicki 1974, p. 90
  89. ^ a b Balkelis 2018, p. 29
  90. ^ a b Mackiewicz 2012, p. 124
  91. ^ Pukszto 2001, p. 38.
  92. ^ Pukszto 2001, p. 39.
  93. ^ Fritz 1967, p. 464
  94. ^ Fritz 1967, p. 457
  95. ^ a b Fritz 1967, p. 458.
  96. ^ Fritz 1967, p. 465.
  97. ^ Fritz 1967, p. 465-466.
  98. ^ Mačiulis and Staliūnas 2015, p. 54
  99. ^ Fritz 1967, p. 466
  100. ^ Sukiennicki 1974, p. 75
  101. ^ Fritz 1967, p. 466-467
  102. ^ a b Fritz 1967, p. 467.
  103. ^ Fritz 1967, p. 459.
  104. ^ Fritz 1967, p. 466.
  105. ^ Fritz 1967, p. 468.
  106. ^ Fritz 1967, p. 469.
  107. ^ Fritz 1967, p. 470.
  108. ^ Fritz 1967, p. 471.
  109. ^ Fritz 1967, p. 472
  110. ^ Pukszto 2000, p. 31
  111. ^ a b c Łossowski 1996, p. 24.
  112. ^ Łossowski 1996, p. 23.
  113. ^ Litwa za rządów ks. Isenburga, p. 27
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