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While the images draw upon traditional antisemitic caricature of Jewish moneylender,[1][2] opinions vary on the modern images, and range from harmless folklore or nostalgia that is perhaps bizarre to offensive or antisemitic.[3][4][5]


EHESS

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Analysis

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News orgs

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NEWSORG on events (threats, disruption, French government condemnation, "how to spot a Jew" front pager):

Other

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  • [4] - conference program for La nouvelle école polonaise d’histoire de la Shoah. Has a bunch of links to subsequent coverage / condemnations.
  • IHRA stmt.

Bizarre

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From Polish Media Issues :

"We announce that:

  • every Pole who is mentioned by name and surname, who cannot defend himself against false accusations, or because the accusations were only made after his death, or because as a victim of the Holocaust and five decades of Soviet communist slavery they have no independent financial means of defense, and
  • every Polish organization subjected to similar defamations

will receive support through the emerging international foundation which, with the consent of the Trade Union “Solidarity”, we would like to call the Polish Foundation of Solidarity with the Victims of Hitler’s Germany and Soviet Russia. "

Other

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  • "An important exception in official treatment of the National Radical legacy has been the recognition of the role of the National Armed Forces (Narodowe Sily Zbrojne, NSZ) as a group of heroic anti-communist free fighters, especially by the Institute of National Memory (Instytut Pamieci Narodowj, IPN). This important state institution, charged with historical commeration issues, has organzied numerous exhibitions and conferences as well as published books and articles in honour of the NSZ. For example, in 2008 the IPN advertised and promoted a music compilation CD in tribute to the NSZ featuring, among others, various skinhead nationalist bands. Not surprisingly, this tendency to rehabilitate and reward the NSZ has provoked criticism from various corners. Thus, Marek Edelman states: "to commemorate the NSZ with plaques after 50 years today is to commemorate a fascist organization". The Populist Radical Right in Poland: The Patriots, Rafal Pankowski, Routledge, pages 38-39
  • "One of the drivers of the digitalization of Polish public diplomacy is a desire to manage Poland’s historic image. Already in 2015, Polish embassies and the Polish MFA had dedicated substantial digital resources to altering the perception of Poland’s role in Nazi atrocities during World War II. Managing Poland’s historic image is achieved by monitoring articles in the press pertaining to World War II and correcting journalists who mislabel “Nazi death camps” as “Polish death camps.” ... In 2012, the Polish MFA invested additional resources in managing Poland’s historical image by launching a dedicated Twitter account named “Truth About Camps”, which is part of an ongoing campaign “aimed against false statements regarding Poland’s alleged responsibility for the Holocaust.” from: Manor, I. (2019). On Selfie Diplomacy. The Digitalization of Public Diplomacy, 257–287. doi:10.1007/978-3-030-04405-3_8 
  • Yet, this might also be a comfortable excuse to avoid recognizing that many IPN researchers are more interested in the history of the communist security apparatus than in everyday life. Besides, some might feel very comfortable with the totalitarian paradigm and the schematic opposition between state and society, as their political views are closer to the right-wing camp. The so-called ‘militant historians’ identified by Georges Mink (such as Janusz Kurtyka, Jan Żaryn, Sławomir Cenckiewicz, and Piotr Gontarczyk) do not hide their sympathies for conservative or nationalist interpretations of the past (Mink, 2013). from Behr, V. (2016). Historical policy-making in post-1989 Poland: a sociological approach to the narratives of communism. European Politics and Society, 18(1), 81–95. doi:10.1080/23745118.2016.1269447 
  • From: Hankivsky, Olena, and Rita Kaur Dhamoon. "Which genocide matters the most? An intersectionality analysis of the Canadian Museum of Human Rights." Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique 46.4 (2013): 899-920.:

    "Thus, in this case, the CPC argues that if a mass atrocities section is to be established in the museum, then a central focus should be on the injury caused to Poles and other Eastern Europeans by Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia"

  • From: Polec, Patryk. "From Hurrah Revolutionaries to Polish Patriots: The Rise of Polish Canadian Radicalism, 1918-1939." Polish American Studies 68.2 (2011): 43-66.

"During the Cold War, this strategy reinforced the stereotype—Polak-anty-komunista—that Poles, by nature, have always been anti-communists. The Canadian-Polish Congress, a conservative umbrella organization that zealously denounced the Polish People's Republic (PRL), played an integral role in this process by subsiding many historical mono graphs and research projects on the Canadian Polonia.8"

  • From : Levin, Laura, Belarie Zatzman, and Joel Greenberg. "Studio 180’s Political Engagements: Finding the Jewish Soul in Canadian Theatre." Canadian Theatre Review 153 (2013): 50-55.

Similarly, with Our Class—which includes Catholic and Jewish Polish characters—the Canadian Polish Congress started writing letters of protest to the arts councils, saying we had rewritten history. I also got an e-mail from somebody saying information was wrong in the play. This person wanted to see all our educational materials and expected us to put her handout into the program—which of course we weren’t going to do.

BELARIE: This handout would correct the number of Poles that were involved in the massacre of Jews that takes place in the play—

JOEL: —and dispute that they were involved at all, and include the number of incidences of Jews killing Poles. They suggested there was misinformation about the pogroms, particularly events like the Kielce massacre, which have been widely acknowledged—

BELARIE: —as well-recorded, documented historical events.

JOEL: I immediately contacted this wonderful professor at University of Toronto who I had met while doing research— Piotr Wróbel, Chair of Polish Studies—and the publisher from a Polish daily paper. They both wrote back and said that this group is aggressively right-wing and will not stop. The professor suggested writing one brief note, “Thank you for your interest, but no.” There was no real demonstration at the opening, just a stack of flyers sitting on the front step of the Berkeley Street Theatre one morning with a stone on top of it. For about five consecutive days, these flyers would appear, so somebody had the time to deliver them but not the commitment to actually demonstrate.

From Weizman, Yechiel. "Unsettled possession: the question of ownership of Jewish sites in Poland after the Holocaust from a local perspective." Jewish Culture and History 18.1 (2017): 34-53.:

  1. "Although the decrees regarding the status of abandoned and allegedly ownerless property confiscated by the Germans, published in the beginning of 1945, did not mention Jewish property as a distinct category, Poles and Jews alike clearly understood that one of their primary goals was to prevent Jewish property from returning to Jewish hands.19" Under the emerging category of ‘abandoned property’ (mienie opuszczone) fell all assets belonging to Polish citizens and organisations that had been confiscated during the war by the German occupiers, and others properties whose owners were absent for different reasons. According to the new legalization, those properties, as well as properties belonging to German citizens and institutions, were to be automatically nationalized.20 The fact that in occupied Poland only Jewish property as such was officially confiscated by the Germans, along with the unprecedented extermination rate of Polish Jews, suggested that ‘abandoned property’ was in many ways tantamount to ‘Jewish property.’21
  2. "The severe limitations placed on the possibility of reclaiming private property only further emphasized the extent to which the new legislation affected the status of Jewish property. In contrast to the pre-war law that allowed second-degree relatives the right to claim property, under the new, postwar regulations only the original owners or direct heirs could ask for restitution.22 In light the scale of the destruction of Polish Jewry, regaining Jewish family assets was to become an almost impossible task. Jewish leaders understood this problem very well and led the protests against the new legislation.23 Polish officials did not try to conceal that the change in the inheritance laws were aimed mainly at preventing the restitution of Jewish property.24 As the then Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs explained of the new legalization in October 1945: ‘We will not permit some foreign Jews, for instance Argentinian Jews, to inherit property in Poland.’25 In internal discussions regarding the formulation of the new laws, some of the participants argued that their purpose was to prevent the concentration of too much wealth in the hand of ‘unproductive and parasite factors’ and to preclude the inheritance of property by ‘distant relatives in Argentina who engage in despicable jobs.’26"


  1. ^ Cite error: The named reference Cala was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  2. ^ Luck Jews? Pictures + Essay by Erica Lehrer in Jewish Museum London's 2019 Jews, Money, Myth exhibition catalog
  3. ^ Hey Poland, What's Up with Those Lucky Jew Statues?, Vice, Ilana Belfer, 10 October 2013
  4. ^ Why ‘Lucky Jew’ imagery is so popular in Poland, Times of Israel (JTA reprint), 18 August 2018
  5. ^ Cite error: The named reference haaretz20141120 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).