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Huey Long

First year

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A desk in an office
Long's office in the Governor's Mansion

Once in office as governor on May 21, 1928, Long moved quickly to consolidate power, firing hundreds of opponents in the state bureaucracy, at all ranks from cabinet-level heads of departments to state road workers. Like previous governors, he filled the vacancies with patronage appointments from his own network of political supporters.[1][2][3] Every state employee who depended on Long for a job was expected to pay a portion of their salary at election time directly into Long's campaign fund, which raised $50,000 to $75,000 each election cycle.[4] Some higher level officials had the portions directly deducted from their paychecks by the state government.[5] The funds were kept in a locked "deduct box" to be used at Long's discretion for political and personal purposes. It was rumored that this box contained over a million dollars.[4]

Once his control over the state's political apparatus was strengthened, Long pushed a number of bills through the 1929 session of the Louisiana State Legislature to fulfill campaign promises. His bills met opposition from many legislators, wealthy citizens, and the media, but Long used aggressive tactics to ensure passage of the legislation he favored. He would show up unannounced on the floor of both the House and Senate or in House committees, corralling reluctant representatives and state senators and bullying opponents.[6][7] When an opposing legislator suggested that Long was not familiar with the Louisiana Constitution, he declared "I'm the Constitution around here now."[8][9]

One of the programs which Long had approved was a free textbook program for schoolchildren. Long's free school-books angered Catholics, who usually sent their children to private schools. Long assured them that the books were to be granted directly to all children, regardless of whether they attended public-school. This was criticized by conservative constitutionalists who claimed it was a violation of the separation of church and state and sued Long. The case ultimately went to the U.S. Supreme Court, which ruled in favor of Long.[10][11]

Irritated by what he saw as immoral gambling dens and brothels in New Orleans, Long sent the National Guard to raid these establishments with orders to "shoot without hesitation." Gambling equipment was burned, prostitutes were arrested, and over $25,000 was confiscated for government funds. Local newspapers ran photos of nude women being forcibly searched by National Guardsmen. City authorities had not requested military force and martial law had not been declared. The state's Attorney General denounced Long's actions as illegal, but was rebuked by Long: "Nobody asked him for his opinion."[12]

Despite wide disapproval, Long had the Governor's Mansion, built in 1887, razed by convicts from the State Penitentiary under his personal supervision.[2] In its place, Long had a much larger Georgian mansion built. It bore a strong resemblance to the White House as he reportedly wanted to be familiar with the residence when he became president.[13][14]

Impeachment

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The Old Louisiana State Capitol, a Gothic style building
Long's impeachment was conducted at the Old Louisiana State Capitol.

In 1929, Long called a special session of both houses of the legislature to enact a new five-cent per barrel "occupational license tax" on production of refined oil, to help fund his social programs.[15] The bill was met with fierce opposition from the state's oil interests. Long declared in a radio address that any legislator who refused to support the tax had been "bought" by the oil companies. Instead of placing pressure on the legislature, the accusation infuriated many of its members, who felt that Long was no longer fit to serve as governor.[16] The "dynamite squad", a caucus of opponents led by freshman lawmakers Cecil Morgan and Ralph Norman Bauer, introduced an impeachment resolution against Long.[17][18] Nineteen charges were listed. They ranged from blasphemy to abuses of power, bribery, and the misuse of state funds. The most serious was subornation of murder. One of Long's subordinates claimed in an affidavit that an intoxicated Long had told him to kill Representative J. Y. Sanders Jr., the son of a former governor, and "leave him in the ditch where nobody will know how or when he got there." Long allegedly promised him "a full pardon and many gold dollars."[17][19] Even Long's Lieutenant Governor, Paul Cyr, supported the impeachment: he accused Long of nepotism and alleged that he had made corrupt dealings with a Texan oil company.[20][note 1]

Concerned by the progression of the impeachment trial, Long attempted to shut down the session. Pro-Long Speaker John B. Fournet called for a vote to adjourn. Despite a majority of representatives opposing adjournment, the electronic voting board showed 68 ayes and 13 nays. This sparked confusion and the anti-Long representatives began chanting that the voting machine had been rigged.[note 2] Some of them ran for the speaker's chair to call for a new vote, but met resistance from their pro-Long colleagues,[25] sparking a brawl across the floor of the state legislature later known as "Bloody Monday".[19] In the scuffle, inkwells were thrown, legislators allegedly attacked others with brass knuckles, and Long's brother Earl bit a legislator on the neck.[10][26] Following the fight, the legislature voted to remain in session and proceed with the impeachment.[27] A trial in the house took place with dozens of witnesses, including a hula dancer who claimed that Long had been "frisky" with her.[3] Impeached on 8 of the 19 charges,[note 3] Long was the first Louisiana governor to be charged in the state's history under four different nations.[17][26]

Paper document with signatures arranged in circle
A round robin, such as this one from 1623, organizes signatures in a circle, making it difficult to discern who signed first.

In response to his impeachment, Long took his case to the people with a mass meeting in Baton Rouge. He alleged that Standard Oil was attempting to prevent his programs.[26] The House referred the charges to the Louisiana Senate. Conviction required a two-thirds majority in the Senate, but Long produced a round robin statement signed by fifteen senators pledging to vote "not guilty" regardless of the evidence. These senators claimed that the trial was illegal, and even if proved, the charges did not warrant impeachment. The impeachment process, now futile, was suspended. It has been alleged that both sides used bribes to buy votes, and that Long later rewarded the Round Robin signers with state jobs or other favors.[29][30]

Following the failed impeachment attempt, Long became ruthless when dealing with his enemies. He fired their relatives from state jobs and supported candidates to defeat them in elections. After impeachment, Long concluded that extra-legal means would be needed to accomplish his goals: "I used to try to get things done by saying 'please'," said Long. "Now ... I dynamite 'em out of my path."[31] Receiving death threats, he surrounded himself with armed bodyguards at all times.[32] He had them "let go" on reporters, assaulting photographers, smashing cameras, and evicting them from government buildings. He became a persistent critic of the press, denouncing the "lying newspapers".[2] Long attempted to pass laws placing a surtax on newspapers and forbidding the publishing of "slanderous material," but these efforts were defeated.[32] In March 1930, Long established his own newspaper: the Louisiana Progress. The paper was extremely popular, widely distributed by policeman, highway workers, and government truckers.[2][33][34] To receive lucrative state contracts, companies were first expected to buy advertisements in the Progress.[32]

Senate campaign

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Shortly after the failed impeachment, Long announced his intention to run for the U.S. Senate in the 1930 Democratic primary. He portrayed his campaign as a referendum: if he won he would take it as a sign that the public supported his programs over the opposition of the legislature, and if he lost he promised to resign.[10]

His opponent was incumbent Senator Joseph E. Ransdell, the Catholic senator whom Long had endorsed in 1924.[35] At 72 years old, Ransdell had been in the Senate since Long was four years old. Ransdell was anti-Long, aligned with the Constitutional League, whom Long mocked as the "Constipational League",[10] and the New Orleans Ring. Ransdell had the support of all 18 of the state's daily newspapers. Although initially promising not to issue personal attacks, Long seized on the issue of Ransdell's age, donning him "Old Feather Duster."[36] Long purchased two new $30,000 sound trucks and had inmates paint campaign signs. He distributed over two million circulars attacking his opponent.[37] The campaign became increasingly vicious, with The New York Times calling it "as amusing as it was depressing."[38] Long critic Sam Irby[note 4], who was set to testify on Long's corruption to state authorities, was abducted by Long's bodyguards shortly before the election. Irby emerged after the election, having been missing for four days. Surrounded by Long's guards, he gave a radio address in which he "confessed" that he had actually asked Long for protection.[10][3][39] The New Orleans mayor labelled it "the most heinous public crime in Louisiana history."[3]

Ultimately, on September 9, 1930, Long defeated Ransdell by 149,640 (57.3 percent) to 111,451 (42.7 percent).[40][41] There were accusations of voter fraud against Long; voting records showed people voting in alphabetical order, among them celebrities such as Charlie Chaplin, Jack Dempsey, and Babe Ruth.[42]

Although his Senate term began on March 4, 1931, Long completed most of his four-year term as governor, which did not end until May 1932. He declared that leaving the seat vacant for so long would not hurt Louisiana; "with Ransdell as Senator, the seat was vacant anyway." By not leaving the governor's mansion until January 25, 1932, Long prevented Lieutenant Governor Paul N. Cyr, a former ally, from succeeding to the office. Cyr had been threatening to roll back his reforms if he succeeded to the governorship.[43][44] On one occasion, Cyr attempted to seize the office after learning that Long had spent a night in Mississippi. Long had the state capitol surrounded by armed National Guardsmen, blocking Cyr's bid.[45] In October 1931, Lieutenant Governor Cyr, by then Long's avowed enemy, argued that the Senator-elect could no longer remain governor. Cyr declared himself the state's legitimate governor. In response, Long ordered state National Guard troops to surround the State Capitol and fended off Cyr's attempted "coup d'état," as Long labelled it. Long then brought the issue to the Louisiana Supreme Court.[43][35] He argued that the office of lieutenant-governor was vacant because Cyr had resigned when he attempted to assume the governorship. His suit was successful and Cyr was ejected from office.[43]

Renewed strength

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Now governor and senator-elect, Long returned to completing his legislative agenda with renewed strength. He continued his intimidating practice of presiding over the legislature;[note 5] when legislators voiced their concerns, Long would shout "Shut up!" or "Sit down!" In a single night, Long was able to pass 44 bills in just two hours, or one every 3 minutes. He later explained his tactics: "The end justifies the means."[46] Long strengthened his power, endorsing pro-Long candidates and wooing others with favors; he often joked that his legislature was the "finest collection of lawmakers money can buy."[47] He organized and concentrated his power into a political machine: "a one-man operation," according to Williams.[48] Feeling he had to counter the organizational strength of his opponents, he used his old campaign network of parish officials to craft a system for maintaining and exerting his power. He placed his brother Earl in charge of allotting patronage appointments to local politicians and signing state contracts with businessmen in exchange for loyalty. Long appointed allies to key government positions, such as giving Robert Maestri the office of Conservation Commissioner and making Oscar K. Allen head of the Louisiana Highway Commission. Maestri would be deliberately neglectful in regulating energy companies in exchange for industry donations to Long's campaign fund while Allen took direction from Earl on which construction and supply companies to contract for road work.[5] Concerned by these tactics, Long's opponents charged that he had become the virtual dictator of the state.[49]

As governor, Long was not popular among the "old families" of Baton Rouge society or indeed in most of the state. He instead held gatherings of his leaders and friends who listened to the popular radio show Amos 'n' Andy. One of Long's followers dubbed him "the Kingfish" after the master of the Mystic Knights of the Sea lodge to which the fictional Amos and Andy belonged. The character of the "Kingfish" was a stereotypical, smooth-talking black conman who was forever trying to trick Amos and Andy into various get-rich schemes. The nickname stuck with Long's encouragement.[47][50]

In addition to the new nickname, Long cultivated his mass-appeal, furthering the public perception of him as a common-man. He espoused the merit of "potlikker," the leftover water from boiling vegetables and meat. He declared it the "poor folks' staple – the food of the gods." He would often conduct government business barefoot in his pajamas.[51] On one occasion, he sported striped pajamas while he boarded a visiting German warship carrying a German commander. Long's attire and the outraged German response became national news.[52] Long was showered with pajamas by supporters, and campaign posters would feature pajamas in reference to the event. Long repeated this crude reception when, only wearing underwear, he received a United States general and his aides. The Baton Rouge State-Times reflected, "If General McCoy is loath to believe that he had a narrow escape, and that the governor does not receive visitors in the nude, he is just not acquainted with our governor."[10]

Cotton holiday

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See also: Great Depression in the United States

A record 1931 cotton crop of over 15.5 million bales, over two million higher than projected, resulted in a plunge in prices of agricultural commodities.[53] At its lowest since 1905, the price of cotton was less than the cost of production.[54][55] In a telegram to the governors of fourteen cotton-producing states, the Federal Farm Board (FFB) chairman recommended that farmers be forced to plow over every third row of cotton, destroying some 4 million bales of the 1931 crop.[56] The advice was widely criticized.[57]

Long proposed that the states mandate a "cotton holiday" in 1932, in which not a single bale of cotton would be produced.[57] Long wired his proposal to the other governors and invited them to discuss the proposal at the New Orleans Cotton Conference.[58] To protect domestic prices, Long further proposed that the holiday be imposed internationally, which some nations, such as Egypt, supported.[59] The 1931 convention was attended by delegates from every major cotton-producing state.[60] After defeating a countering Texas plan of only 50% reduction, the delegates agreed to codify Long's proposal into law on the caveat that they not come into effect until states producing three-quarters of US cotton passed such laws.[61] As the proposer, Louisiana unanimously passed the legislation.[62] Conservative Texan governor Ross S. Sterling, whose state was the largest producer of cotton, condemned the law as radical.[63] When the Texas legislature voted against the measure, the holiday movement collapsed.[64][note 6] Although traditional politicians would have been ruined by such a defeat, Long became a national figure and cemented his image as a champion of the poor.[65]

Accomplishments as governor

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Tall art-deco tower illuminated at night
Long constructed a new capitol building, seen here in 1932. At 450 feet (140 m), it is the tallest capitol in the United States.

Long was unique among southern populist leaders in that he achieved tangible progress. T. Harry Williams concluded that "the secret of Long's power, in the final analysis, was not in his machine or his political dealings but in his record – he delivered something." Robert Penn Warren[note 7] stated it more bluntly: "Dictators, always give something for what they get."[67]

As governor, Long created a public works program that was unprecedented in the South, constructing roads, bridges, hospitals, schools, and state buildings. During his four years as governor, Long increased paved highways in Louisiana from 331 to 2,301 miles (533 to 3,703 km), plus an additional 2,816 miles (4,532 km) of gravel roads. By 1936, the infrastructure program begun by Long had completed some 9,700 miles (15,600 km) of new roads, doubling the size of the state's road system. He built 111 bridges and started construction on the first bridge over the Mississippi entirely in Louisiana, the Huey P. Long Bridge near New Orleans. All of these projects provided thousands of much-needed jobs during the Great Depression, including 22,000 - or 10 percent - of the nation's highway workers.[68] Including the Airline Highway between New Orleans and Baton Rouge, Long's road network gave Louisiana some of the most modern roads in the country and formed the state's highway system. Long constructed the Charity Hospital in New Orleans.[69] Long built a new State Capitol, which at 450 feet (140 m) tall is the tallest capitol, state or federal, in the United States.[70] Long's massive infrastructure spending greatly increased the state government's debt. From 1928 to 1935 it rose from $11 million to $150 million.[71]

Long became an ardent supporter of the state's primary public university, Louisiana State University (LSU). Having been unable to attend, Long now regarded it as "his" university.[72] He greatly increased LSU's funding, expanded its enrollment, and authorized financial support for poorer students. He intervened in the university's affairs, choosing its president and expelling seven students who criticized him in the school newspaper.[73][74] He constructed new buildings, including a field-house that reportedly contained the longest pool in the United States.[72][75][76] Long founded a LSU Medical School in New Orleans. Although he claimed it was to educate poor doctors, it may have been based on a personal vendetta against Tulane University, which had declined to grant him an honorary degree.[77] To generate excitement for the university, he converted the school's military marching band into the flashy "Show Band of the South". He hired Costa Rican composer Castro Carazo as the band director and worked with him on several new songs, many of which are still played today.[72] Long expressed his avid support for the school's football program, nearly doubling the size of the stadium.[72] He arranged for lowered train-fares so students could travel to out-of-town games. Long's contributions resulted in LSU gaining a class A accreditation from the Association of American Universities.[72]

Long's night schools taught 100,000 adults to read.[47] His provision of free textbooks resulted in a 20% increase in school enrollment.[78] Long modernized the public health facilities, ensuring adequate conditions for the mentally ill.[76] He established the first rehabilitation program for penitentiary inmates in Louisiana history.[79] Through tax reform, Long made the first $2,000 in property assessment free, resulting in half of the state's homeowners paying nothing in property taxes.[80] Other policies have been criticized. Long placed high consumer taxes on gasoline and cigarettes and reduced the mother's pension. Teacher's salaries remained low during his rule.[81]

See also

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References

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Citations

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  1. ^ Brinkley (2011) [1983], pp. 23–24.
  2. ^ a b c d Brinkley (2011) [1983], p. 26.
  3. ^ a b c d e Cite error: The named reference sleazy was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  4. ^ a b Brinkley (2011) [1983], p. 27.
  5. ^ a b Kurtz & Peoples 1991, Chapter 2: Political Baptism.
  6. ^ Hair (1996), p. 31.
  7. ^ Dethloff (1976), p. 79.
  8. ^ Kane, Harnett Thomas (January 31, 1971). Huey Long's Louisiana Hayride. Pelican. p. 64. ISBN 978-0882896182. Archived from the original on December 24, 2020. Retrieved November 12, 2020.
  9. ^ Sanson (2006), p. 265.
  10. ^ a b c d e f g Cite error: The named reference heritage was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  11. ^ Kane (1971), pp. 65–66
  12. ^ Kane (1971), pp. 67–68
  13. ^ "Old Louisiana Governor's Mansion". National Park Service. US Department of the Interior. Archived from the original on November 22, 2019. Retrieved June 16, 2020.
  14. ^ Kane (1971), pp. 115–116
  15. ^ Brinkley (2011) [1983], p. 24.
  16. ^ Hair (1996), pp. 177–178.
  17. ^ a b c Kane (1971), p. 71
  18. ^ "Cecil Morgan; led group that impeached Huey Long". The Los Angeles Times. June 20, 1999. Archived from the original on August 31, 2020. Retrieved August 31, 2020.
  19. ^ a b "Political Notes: Louisiana's Kaiser". Time. New York City. April 8, 1929. Archived from the original on June 16, 2020. Retrieved June 16, 2020.
  20. ^ White (2006), p. 65.
  21. ^ White (2006), p. 65.
  22. ^ White (2006), pp. 58–59.
  23. ^ Quinlan, Adriane (October 5, 2014). "Nearly 90 years after first woman hanged in Louisiana, the case still intrigues, newspaper reports". Nola. Archived from the original on September 7, 2020. Retrieved September 7, 2020.
  24. ^ Hair (1996), p. 180.
  25. ^ Hair (1996), pp. 179–180.
  26. ^ a b c Brinkley (2011) [1983], p. 25.
  27. ^ "Long escaped early impeachment try". The Shreveport Times. September 5, 2015. Archived from the original on June 11, 2020. Retrieved June 11, 2020.
  28. ^ Harris (1938), pp. 59–61, 65.
  29. ^ White (2006), pp. 88–89.
  30. ^ Williams (1981) [1969], pp. 403–06.
  31. ^ Parrish (1994), p. 164.
  32. ^ a b c Hamby (2004), p. 263.
  33. ^ Kane (1971), pp. 78–79
  34. ^ Warren (2008), p. 379.
  35. ^ a b Jeansonne (1989), p. 287.
  36. ^ Kane (1971), p. 107
  37. ^ Kane (1971), p. 108
  38. ^ Kane (1971), p. 109
  39. ^ Jeansonne (1989), pp. 289–290.
  40. ^ Kane (1971), p. 113
  41. ^ Brinkley (2011) [1983], p. 29.
  42. ^ Cite error: The named reference leg was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  43. ^ a b c Hair (1996), pp. 221–22.
  44. ^ "Long/Overton Expulsion". The United States Senate. Retrieved July 22, 2020.
  45. ^ White (2006), pp. 132–133.
  46. ^ a b Brinkley (2011) [1983], p. 28.
  47. ^ a b c Leuchtenburg, William E. (Fall 1985). "FDR And The Kingfish". American Heritage. Archived from the original on June 26, 2020. Retrieved June 30, 2020.
  48. ^ Williams (1981) [1969], p. 253.
  49. ^ Latson, Jennifer (September 8, 2015). "The Strange Career of Assassinated Louisiana Politician Huey Long". Time. New York City. Archived from the original on November 20, 2019. Retrieved June 11, 2020.
  50. ^ Watkins, Mel (July 7, 1991). "What Was It About 'Amos 'n' Andy'?". The New York Times. Archived from the original on December 24, 2020. Retrieved August 14, 2020.
  51. ^ Kane (1971), pp. 80–81
  52. ^ Brinkley (2011) [1983], p. 36.
  53. ^ Snyder (1977), pp. 133-135.
  54. ^ Snyder (1977), pp. 135.
  55. ^ a b "Telegram from Huey Long, August 16, 1931". Texas State Library and Archives Commission. Archived from the original on December 28, 2020. Retrieved December 28, 2020.
  56. ^ Snyder (1977), pp. 136-137.
  57. ^ a b Snyder (1977), pp. 138-139.
  58. ^ Snyder (1977), pp. 139-140.
  59. ^ Snyder (1977), pp. 144-145.
  60. ^ Snyder (1977), p. 147.
  61. ^ Snyder (1977), pp. 147-149.
  62. ^ Snyder (1977), p. 152.
  63. ^ Snyder (1977), pp. 154-158.
  64. ^ Snyder (1977), p. 158.
  65. ^ Snyder (1977), pp. 158-160.
  66. ^ Viator, Gunnar (October 29, 2019). "'It started here in Allen Hall': LSU boasts rich literary history, prominent literary figures". Revielle. Baton Rouge. Archived from the original on December 24, 2020. Retrieved August 15, 2020.
  67. ^ Sanson (2006), p. 273.
  68. ^ Williams (1981) [1969], p. 546.
  69. ^ Mahne, Theodore P. (July 1, 2009). "Huey Long just one chapter of storied history of New Orleans' Roosevelt Hotel, which reopens Wednesday". The Times-Picayune. New Orleans. Archived from the original on June 16, 2020. Retrieved June 11, 2020.
  70. ^ "Louisiana Capitol History and Tour". Louisiana House of Representatives. Archived from the original on July 18, 2020. Retrieved July 18, 2020. The building stands 450 feet tall (34 floors,) making it the tallest capitol in the United States.
  71. ^ Sanson (2006), p. 270.
  72. ^ a b c d e Baus, Mary Walker (October 15, 2009). "Huey P. Long's legacy, impact still linger". Reveille. Baton Rouge. Archived from the original on June 26, 2020. Retrieved July 14, 2020.
  73. ^ Williams (1981) [1969], pp. 492–525.
  74. ^ Gallo, Andrea (October 23, 2013). "Reveille Rebels: Reveille Seven's clash with Huey P. Long leaves lasting legacy". Reveille. Baton Rouge. Archived from the original on July 18, 2020. Retrieved July 17, 2020.
  75. ^ Schardt, Julian (January 6, 2015). "Huey P. Long Field House to undergo renovations". Reveille. Archived from the original on July 3, 2019. Retrieved July 25, 2020.
  76. ^ a b Brinkley (2011) [1983], p. 30.
  77. ^ Jeansonne (1989), p. 294.
  78. ^ Long (1933), p. xvii.
  79. ^ Pleasant Jr. (1974), p. 357.
  80. ^ Vaughn (1979), p. 100.
  81. ^ Vaughn (1979), p. 95.

Works cited

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  • Amenta, Edwin; Dunleavy, Kathleen; Bernstein, Mary (October 1994). "Stolen Thunder? Huey Long's "Share Our Wealth," Political Mediation, and the Second New Deal". American Sociological Review. 59 (5): 678–702. doi:10.2307/2096443. JSTOR 2096443.
  • Brands, H.W. (2008). Traitor to His Class: The Privileged Life and Radical Presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. New York: Doubleday. ISBN 9780385519588.
  • Brinkley, Alan (2011) [1982]. Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression. New York: Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. ISBN 9780307803221.
  • Gillette, Michael (1970). "Huey Long and the Chaco War". Louisiana History: The Journal of the Louisiana Historical Association. 11 (4): 293–311. JSTOR 4231146. (subscription required)
  • Hair, William Ivy (1991). The Kingfish and His Realm: The Life and Times of Huey P. Long. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. ISBN 9780807141069.
  • Jeansonne, Glen (Fall 1989). "The Apotheosis of Huey Long". Biography. 12 (4): 283–301. doi:10.1353/bio.2010.0636. JSTOR 23539493. S2CID 162206324. (subscription required)
  • Jeansonne, Glen (Winter 1990). "Huey P. Long: A Political Contradiction". Louisiana History: The Journal of the Louisiana Historical Association. 31 (4): 373–385. JSTOR 4232837. (subscription required)
  • Kennedy, David (2005) [1999]. Freedom From Fear The American People in Depression and War, 1929–1945. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195144031.
  • Sanson, Jerry P. (Summer 2006). ""What He Did and What He Promised to Do... ": Huey Long and the Horizons of Louisiana Politics". The Journal of Louisiana Historical. 47 (3): 261–276. JSTOR 4234200.
  • Snyder, Robert E. (Spring 1975). "Huey Long and the Presidential Election of 1936". The Journal of Louisiana Historical. 16 (2): 117–143. JSTOR 4231456.
  • Williams, T. Harry (1981) [1969]. Huey Long. New York: Vintage Books. ISBN 978-0394747903.
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Senate career Long Category:1932 beginnings Category:1935 endings
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