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User:Grover cleveland/PII Phonology

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Proto-Indo-Iranian consonant segments
Labial Coronal Palatal Velar Laryngeal
dental/

alveolar

post-

alveolar

first second
Plosive

voiceless

*p *t *ĉ *č *k  
voiced *b *d *ĵ *ǰ *g  
aspirated * * *ĵʰ *ǰʰ *  
Fricative

voiceless

*s *š *H
voiced (*z) (*ž)  
Nasal *m *n  
Liquid *l *r *  
Semivowel *y *w  
PII vowel segments
High *i *ī         *u *ū
Low     *a *ā    

In addition to the vowels, *H, and *r̥ could function as the syllabic core.

Two Palatal series

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Proto-Indo-Iranian is hypothesized to contain two series of palatal stops or affricates.[1] The following table shows the reflexes and origins of the two series (Common Iranian is a hypothetical ancestor to the Iranian languages, including Avestan and Old Persian):[2][3]

PIE PII Sanskrit Common Iranian Avestan Old Persian Nuristani
*k̂ ś ([ç]) *ts s θ ċ ([ts]) / š
j ([ɟ]) *dz z d j ([dz]) / z
*ĝʰ *ĵʰ h ([ɦ]) *dz z d j ([dz]) / z
*k/kʷ c č č č
*g/gʷ j ([ɟ]) ǰ ǰ ǰ / ž
*gʰ/gʷʰ *ǰʰ h ([ɦ]) ǰ ǰ ǰ / ž

Laryngeal

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Proto-Indo-European is usually hypothesized to have three or more laryngeal consonants, each of which could occur in either syllabic or non-syllabic position. In Proto-Indo-Iranian, the laryngeals merged together as one phoneme /*H/. Beekes suggests that some instances of this /*H/ survived into Avestan as unwritten glottal stops.[4]

Accent

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Like Proto-Indo-European and Vedic Sanskrit (and also Avestan, though it was not written down[5]), Proto-Indo-Iranian had a pitch accent.

Characters

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á ā ā́

é ē ḗ

í ī ī́

ó ō ṓ

ú ū ū́

l̥ ĺ̥

r̥ ŕ̥ r̥̄

m̥ ḿ̥

n̥ ń̥

k̂ ḱ

ĝ ǵ

ć č ĉ

j́ ǰ ĵ

  • h₁, *h₂, *h₃

bʰ dʰ ĵʰ ǰʰ ĝʰ gʰ

Historical Phonology

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This section lists sound changes between PIE and PII.

  • The Satem shift, consisting of two sets of related changes. The PIE palatals *k̂ *ĝ *ĝʰ are palatalized, eventually resulting in PII *ĉ, *ĵ, *ĵʰ, while the PIE labiovelars *kʷ *gʷ *gʷʰ merge with the velars *k *g *gʰ.[6]
PIE PII Sanskrit Avestan
*k̂m̥tóm *ĉatám śatám satəm "hundred"
*ĝónu *ĵā́nu jā́nu zānu "knee"
*ĝʰéi-mn̥ *ĵʰimá- himá- zima- "winter" / "snow"
*kʷó- *ká- ká- "who?, what?"
*gʷou- *gau- go gau- "cow"
*gʷʰormó- *gʰarmá- gharmá- garəma- "heat"
  • The PIE syllabic liquids *l̥, *r̥ merge as *r̥.[7]
PIE PII Sanskrit Avestan
*wĺ̥kʷo- *wŕ̥ka- *vŕ̥ka- vəhrka- "wolf"
  • The PIE syllabic nasals *m̥ *n̥ merge with *a.[7]
PIE PII Sanskrit Avestan
*k̂m̥tóm *ĉatám śatám satəm "hundred"
*mn̥tó- *matá matá- "thinking"
  • Bartholomae's law: an aspirate immediately followed by a voiceless consonant becomes voiced stop + voiced aspirate. In addition, dʰ + t > dzdʰ.[8]
PIE PII Sanskrit Avestan
*ubʰto- *ubdʰa- ubdaēna "weaved" / "made of weaved material"
*urdʰto- *urdzdʰa- vr̥ddʰá- vrzda- "complete/mature"
*augʰ-tá- *augdʰá- *óhate *augda "he said"
  • The Ruki rule: *s is retracted to *š when immediately following *r *r̥ *u *k or *i. Its allophone *z likewise becomes *ž.[7]
PIE PII Sanskrit Avestan
*wers- *warš- varṣman- "summit"
*pr̥sto- *pr̥šta- pr̥ṣṭhá- paršta "back" / "backbone"
*ǵeus- *ĵauš- joṣati zaošō "taste"
*kʷsep- *kšap- (< *ksep) kṣāp xšap "darkness"
*wis- *wiš- viṣa- viša- "poison"
*nisdo- *nižda- nīḍa- "nest"
  • Before a dental occlusive, *ĉ becomes *š and *ĵ becomes *ž. *ĵʰ also becomes *ž, with aspiration of the occlusive.[9]
PIE PII Sanskrit Avestan
*h₂ok̂tṓ *aštā́ (< *h₂oĉtṓō) aṣṭaú ašta "eight"
*h₃mr̥ĝt- *mr̥žd- (< *h₃mr̥ĵd- ) mr̥ḍīká- mərəžḍīka "wiped away" / "pardon"
*uĝʰtó- *uždʰá- (< *uĵʰtó-) ūḍhá- "carried"
  • The sequence *ĉs was simplified to *šš.[10]
PIE PII Sanskrit Avestan
*h₂ék̂s- *ášš- (< *h₂éĉs-) ákṣa- aši- "shoulder" / "axle"
  • The "second palatalization" or "law of palatals": *k *g *gʰ develop palatal allophones *č *ǰ *ǰʰ before the front vowels *i, *e.[8]
PIE PII Sanskrit Avestan
*kʷe *ča (< *ke) ca ča "and"
*gʷíh₃weti *ǰī́wati ( < *gíh₃weti ) jī́vati jvaiti "lives"
*gʷʰénti *ǰʰánti (< *gʰénti) hánti jainti "slays"
PIE PII Sanskrit Avestan
*deh₃tór-m *dātā́ram(< *deh₃tṓr-m) dātā́ram dātāram "giver" (acc. sg.)
  • The vowels *e *o merge with *a. Similarly, *ē, *ō merge with *ā. This has the effect of giving full phonemic status to the second palatal series *č *ǰ *ǰʰ.
PIE PII Sanskrit Avestan
*kʷe *ča (< *če) ca ča "and"
*gʷʰormó- *gʰarmá- gharmá- garəma- "heat"
*bʰréh₂tēr *bʰrā́tār bʰrā́tā brātā "brother"
*wōkʷs *wākš vāk vāxš "voice"
  • PIE laryngeals *h₁, *h₂, *h₃ merge as a single phoneme *H. This is probably contemporary with the loss of *e and *o[12]
  • Other developments of the laryngeals (possible before the merger) were as follows:
    • In certain environments, *H is vocalized to *i
      • Following a consonant, in the final syllable of a word:
        • Example:
          • 1st person plural middle ending PIE *-medʰh₂ > PII *-madʰi > Skr. -mahi, Av. madi
    • Following a consonant, and before a pair of consonants:
      • PIE *ph₂trei "father (dat. sing.)" > PII *pitrai > Skr. pitre, Av. piθrai. [13]
    • Otherwise between two consonants, *H may be retained:
      • Example:
        • PIE *ph₂term?? "father (acc. sing.)" > PII *pHtaram > Skr. pitaram, Av. ptaram
  • Where PII *H follows a vowel *H is lost, with compensatory lengthening of the vowel.
    • Examples:
      • PIE *ṇh₁sṇt "not-being" (> *aHsat) > PII *āsat > Ved. āsat
    • ???Exception: Lubotsky's Law. Where *H is followed by a voiced stop and another consonant, the vowel is not lengthened. MUST PRECEDE SATEM???
      • ???? PIE *peh₂ǵ- "firm" (> *peĵra-) > PII *paĵra- > Skr. pajra [14]
      • ??? PIE *meh₂d- "intoxicating drink" > PII
  • According to Lubotsky p. 53, the order is as follows:
    • Vocalization of interconsonantal laryngeals
    • Palatalization
    • Vowel merger
    • Laryngeal merger into *H, which Lubotsky interprets as a glottal stop
    • Loss of *H before mediae (*b, *t, *j, *g, *z' ??)
    • Laryngeal accent shift (roots with iH- or uH move the accent to the suffix)[15]
    • Laryngeal metathesis (CHRC > CRHC) [16]

Notes

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  1. ^ Burrow, pp. 78-79
  2. ^ Ramat, Anna Giacalone (1998). The Indo-European Languages (illustrated ed.). London ; New York: Routledge. p. 134. ISBN 041506449X.
  3. ^ Cardona, George (2003). The Indo-Aryan Languages. London ; New York: Routledge. p. 24. ISBN 0700711309. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  4. ^ Beekes (1988), p. 50
  5. ^ Beekes, p. 55
  6. ^ Burrow, pp. 74-75
  7. ^ a b c Fortson, p. 182
  8. ^ a b Fortson, p. 181
  9. ^ Burrow, p. 91
  10. ^ Burrow, pp. 92-94
  11. ^ Fortson, p. 183
  12. ^ Beekes, p. 83
  13. ^ Beekes, p. 87
  14. ^ Beekes. p. 89
  15. ^ Lubotsky (1988), p. 53
  16. ^ Lubotsky (1988), p. 52


Bibliography

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