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In the modern digital era, the concepts of self and identity have expanded beyond traditional boundaries into virtual spaces, giving rise to what is commonly referred to as the Digital Self (DS) and Online Identity (O-ID). Through eliminating geographical barriers and facilitating time-efficient communication, digital spaces grant individuals access to a brand-new social domain unrestricted by physical constraints, enabling interactions that cater to social needs in today's fast-paced world (Subramanian, 2017).[1] As of October 2024, there are 5.22 billion global internet users, accounting for 67.5% of the world's population (Statista, 2024).[2] Meanwhile, social media platforms such as Facebook and Instagram each host over a billion accounts, with more than 4 billion individuals actively engaging across various platforms (Cheng et al, 2021).[3] Such pervasiveness emphasises the profound effect of digital spaces on present-day identity formation.

Digital Self and Its four key characteristics

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Digital Self was termed by Zhao (2005)[4] in his analysis of digital self construction through the looking glass of telecopresent others, describing the roles individuals construct within online environments and are solely shaped by interaction with virtual audiences ("e-audiences"). Such telecopresence context enables geographically-distant communication while creating a sense of "co-presence". Historically, digital self-presentation emerged from text-based interactions, such as those on Internet Relay Chat (IRC) and Multi-User Dungeons (MUDs) in the mid-1990s, where users lacked access to visual cues like photos or videos (Hartley, Burgess & Bruns 2013).[5] This context gave rise to four key features that distinguish digital self from its offline counterpart, which collectively reflect the unique dynamics of self-presentation, which construct a particular "self" that is only susceptible to digital changes.[4]

  1. inwardly oriented : digital self-presentation exhibits an inward focus, revealing an individual's inner thoughts and emotions more prominently than in face-to-face interactions.
  2. Multiplicity : the multiplicity of digital identities allows individuals to craft multiple roles tailored to different contexts, highlighting the flexibility and adaptable nature of self-expression in online spaces.
  3. Retractable : digital identities are retractable, which implies identity to be discarded and modified easily for users to control how they present themselves.
  4. Narrative nature : the narrative nature of the digital self arises from the anonymity and non-corporeal qualities of online environments, compelling individuals to actively construct narratives and introductions to communicate their identity to e-audience effectively.

Evolution of Digital Self

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Over time, the digital self has undergone a transformative evolution, which increasingly integrates with individual's real-world identities. This shift has been significantly driven by the advancements in social media platforms, which have expanded from primarily text-based communication to multimedia interactions (Qin & Lowe, 2019)[6] . Contemporary online platforms such as Facebook, YouTube, and Instagram have pioneered the integration of visual, auditory, and interactive elements, creating spaces that boost dynamic self-expression (Łobejko & Bartczak, 2021)[7] . These platforms offer diverse tools like video sharing, live streaming, photo editing, and creative storytelling features, allowing users to create personalized and idealized representations of their identities and thus construct digital self.

Online identity

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Unlike the digital self which emphasizes internal roles and intrinsic characteristics, Online Identity centers on external representation and performative expression. It encompasses the dynamic expression of self across digital platforms, requiring deliberate and conscious curation of virtual self-image tailored to specific audiences.[5] In contexts such as online dating profiles and Instagram, individuals intentionally project a polished version of themselves shaped by platform conventions and audience expectations (Bergs et al., 2023[8] ; DSpear, 2019[9]). Consequently, online identity emerges as a fluid and context-sensitive construct, continually evolving in response to the demands of digital spaces and audience feedback.

Relationship with Social Psychology

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From the social psychology perspective, the study of digital self and online identity are important to  understand how individuals perceive themselves and interact with others in the virtual realm, and also navigate the intersections of virtual and offline self. Research in this field investigates the psychological mechanisms behind digital self and online identity construction, the relationship between online and offline selves, and the broader impacts of these processes on individual's well-being and social behaviour.

Theories

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Self conception theory

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Carl Rogers' Self-Concept Theory (SCT) offers insights into how individuals perceive and define themselves online. According to this theory, the construct of self-concept is multidimensional, including the actual self (who one is), the ideal self (who one aspires to be), and the ought self (who one feels obligated to be based on responsibilities) (An Introduction to Social Psychology, 7th Edition).[10] Meanwhile the importance of consistency among these dimensions is emphasized, suggesting that individuals strive to align their behavior with their self-concept to maintain inner equilibrium. In online platforms, individuals often engage in strategic self-presentation, such as selective storytelling and imagery, to highlight ideal traits while concealing less desirable realities (Hu et al., 2022).[11] This curation of the digital self serves to align one's online identity with their ideal and ought selves, fostering a sense of coherence and authenticity in their digital identity.

Social identity theory

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The social identity theory (SIT) proposed by Tajfel provides a framework for studying how individuals derive their self-identity from being members of social groups (Neighbors, Foster & Fossos 2013).[12] In the context of online identity construction, Individuals curate their profiles in social media platforms to emphasize traits and characteristics aligned with their desired group memberships, such as shared interests, values and beliefs[6]. This intentional self-presentation fosters a sense of belonging and coherence with the targeted group's identity. Additionally, social similarity theory complements such perspective (Byrne, 1962)[13] proposing that individuals are drawn to those with similar traits, thus enhancing their in-group attractiveness and foster group cohesion. Meanwhile the internet as a platform enables like-minded individuals to freely select targeted groups and communities, amplifies this dynamic. Individuals find resonance within online groups through constructing their digital selves, and thereby reinforcing their self-identity via social group affiliation.

Symbolic interactionism

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Symbolic interactionism posits that the self emerges and evolves merely through social interaction. Individuals develop their self-concept by interpreting others' reactions and using them as a reflective mirror. In digital environments, this process becomes more complex due to the intangible nature of online communication, which limits access to nonverbal cues (e.g. gestures, facial expression) in corporeal context. This constraint obscures the clarity of feedback received on self-expression online.[4] However, the essence of self-awareness addresses this limitation, that self-awareness lies not in others' actual perceptions but in our interpretation of how they perceive us. Apart from that, purely textual communication provides sufficient context to form mental representations of others' image (Pearson et al., 2015).[14] As a result, the process of self-construction persists in digital spaces, grounded in the use of text and mediated through feedback mechanisms such as likes, comments, and subscriptions in contemporary platforms (Foster & Josephine, 2014).[15] The "looking-glass self" concept thus applies seamlessly to the digital context, where individuals actively shape and adjust their online identities through feedback and response of telocopresent others.

Research Areas

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consistency of digital-self and online self

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The relationship between individual's digital and offline self has become a pivotal focus in understanding how people navigate online spaces. Research highlights significant variability in the alignment between digital and offline selves. Online identities that authentically reflect their offline selves enable expression of  true identity in a more comfortable manner compared to face-to-face interactions (Towner et al., 2022).[16] Conversely, other studies suggest that online self-disclosure is not always greater than offline self-disclosure, that individuals selectively curate their online identity to align with societal ideals, creating a disconnect between their digital presence and real-world identities (Nguyen, Bin & Campbell, 2011)[17] Such dissonance becomes problematic when the divergence between digital and offline self is significant, as individuals may struggle to reconcile these two dimensions of their identity, which leads to cognitive dissonance and adverse psychological outcomes, including feelings of inauthenticity, social anxiety, and identity confusion (Michikyan, 2020[18] ; Yen et al., 2011[19]).

Nevertheless, online platforms also offer unique opportunities for self-affirmation and the enhancement of self-esteem. Positive feedback from peers (e.g. likes and supportive comments) strengthen self-concept and bolster confidence[19]. While positive feedback may sometimes encourage idealized or exaggerated self-representations, it can also validate and enhance personal self-awareness, contributing to a more nuanced understanding of one's identity.

Outcome of digital self and online identity in reality

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Digital platforms provide a transformative arena for individuals to craft identities distinct from their offline selves, addressing stigmas and shortcomings experienced in reality. Unlike face-to-face interactions which are shaped by traditional identity markers such as race, gender, and appearance, online interactions largely transcend these biases. Such freedom enables individuals to challenge societal norms and resist discriminatory stereotypes. For instance, those labeled as "nerds" or "overweight" can leverage the anonymity of the digital space to erasing facets of themselves that might be stigmatized or marginalized offline.[4]

Apart from that, the fluidity of online identities also allows individuals to experiment with various roles. For example, individuals exploring gender identities may adopt traditional male roles in racing games or female personas in fashion games, navigating these identities safely within a low-risk environment[6]. Through these digital experiments, individuals can achieve a sense of belonging or recognition unavailable in offline contexts, fostering self-worth and accomplishment.

According to Valkenburg and Peter's hypothesis about internet enhancing self-disclosure (2009),[20] online interactions strengthen social connections and emotional well-being. While expressing vulnerable emotions face-to-face may risk judgment or exploitation, the anonymity of online platforms creates a secure, controlled environment for individuals to disclose private thoughts and feelings without fear of immediate repercussions. These qualities make digital spaces particularly appealing to those with social anxiety, allowing them to comfortably share without emotional burdens (McKenna & Bargh, 2000).[21]

Identity is a dynamic and context-dependent construct, actively adjusted to suit the environment and audience[5]. However, in the era of large social networking platforms like Facebook and Twitter, the traditional separation of audiences has dissolved (Marwick & Boyd 2011).[22] This phenomenon, known as context collapse, occurs when different social groups (e.g., friends, family, and colleagues) converge into a single audience, complicating the management of self-presentation. Maintaining distinct roles becomes increasingly difficult on such platforms. For example, posts revealing personal vulnerabilities or party photos may lead to professional consequences, such as job termination[5]. The integration of social groups on these platforms exacerbates privacy concerns, as users lose control over who views their content. This undermines self-expression and generates anxiety about surveillance or criticism.

On the other hand, prolonged use of the platform has been linked to increased depressive symptoms and is reflected as a digital phenomenon as "Facebook depression" (Kross et al., 2013).[23] This can occur through social comparison, where users feel inadequate relative to others' curated lives, or as a form of expressive distress. For instance, individuals may post distressing updates to seek attention, blurring the line between their genuine emotional state and its digital idealised identity (Moreno et al., 2011).[24] While numerous studies have highlighted the relationship between social media use and mental health, the causality remains inconclusive, with research primarily focused on Western societies (Primack et al., 2017).[25] Future studies could investigate whether social media contributes to emotional disorders such as depression or anxiety in non-Western contexts and explore the universality of these findings.

Conclusion

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The advent of the digital age has profoundly transformed the ways in which individuals construct, express, and negotiate their identities. The concepts of digital self and online identity underscore the fluid, performative, and multifaceted nature of identity in virtual spaces. From introspection and diversity to scalability and narration, the digital self empowers individuals to navigate new social realities, fostering self-expression and connection in an increasingly interconnected world.

By examining these phenomena through the lens of social psychology, researchers gain valuable insights into the interplay between virtual and offline lives. The psychological mechanisms underpinning digital identity construction, coupled with the broader impacts on social behavior and well-being, highlight the profound significance of this field in understanding contemporary human interaction.

References

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  1. ^ "(PDF) Influence of Social Media in Interpersonal Communication". ResearchGate. Archived from the original on 2024-04-18. Retrieved 2024-12-15.
  2. ^ "Internet and social media users in the world 2024". Statista. Retrieved 2024-12-15.
  3. ^ Cheng, Cecilia; Lau, Yan-ching; Chan, Linus; Luk, Jeremy W. (2021-06-01). "Prevalence of social media addiction across 32 nations: Meta-analysis with subgroup analysis of classification schemes and cultural values". Addictive Behaviors. 117: 106845. doi:10.1016/j.addbeh.2021.106845. ISSN 0306-4603.
  4. ^ a b c d Zhao, Shanyang (2005). "The Digital Self: Through the Looking Glass of Telecopresent Others". Symbolic Interaction. 28 (3): 387–405. doi:10.1525/si.2005.28.3.387. ISSN 1533-8665.
  5. ^ a b c d Hartley, John; Burgess, Jean; Bruns, Axel, eds. (2013-02-09). A Companion to New Media Dynamics (1 ed.). Wiley. doi:10.1002/9781118321607.. ISBN 978-1-4443-3224-7. {{cite book}}: Check |doi= value (help)
  6. ^ a b c Qin, Yue; Lowe, John (2021-03-01). "Is your online identity different from your offline identity? – A study on the college students' online identities in China". Culture & Psychology. 27 (1): 67–95. doi:10.1177/1354067X19851023. ISSN 1354-067X.
  7. ^ Łobejko, Stanisław; Bartczak, Krzysztof (2021-01). "The Role of Digital Technology Platforms in the Context of Changes in Consumption and Production Patterns". Sustainability. 13 (15): 8294. doi:10.3390/su13158294. ISSN 2071-1050. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)CS1 maint: unflagged free DOI (link)
  8. ^ Bergs, Yoy; Peters, Pascale; Lub, X. D.; Blomme, R. J. (2023-12-14). "Online identity work dynamics of Instagram micro-influencers: an extreme case approach". Frontiers in Psychology. 14. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2023.1306248. ISSN 1664-1078.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: unflagged free DOI (link)
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  10. ^ "An Introduction to Social Psychology, 7th Edition | Wiley". Wiley.com. Retrieved 2024-12-15.
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  14. ^ Pearson, Joel; Naselaris, Thomas; Holmes, Emily A.; Kosslyn, Stephen M. (2015-10-01). "Mental Imagery: Functional Mechanisms and Clinical Applications". Trends in Cognitive Sciences. 19 (10): 590–602. doi:10.1016/j.tics.2015.08.003. ISSN 1364-6613. PMC 4595480. PMID 26412097.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: PMC format (link)
  15. ^ Foster, Josephine (2014). "Like, comment, subscribe! An interpretive phenomenological analysis of identity construction and the individual experiences of content creators on YouTube". e-space.mmu.ac.uk. Retrieved 2024-12-15.
  16. ^ Towner, Emily; Grint, Jennifer; Levy, Tally; Blakemore, Sarah-Jayne; Tomova, Livia (2022-06). "Revealing the self in a digital world: A systematic review of adolescent online and offline self-disclosure". Current Opinion in Psychology. 45: 101309. doi:10.1016/j.copsyc.2022.101309. PMC 7615289. PMID 37941912. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)CS1 maint: PMC format (link)
  17. ^ Nguyen, Melanie; Bin, Yu Sun; Campbell, Andrew (2012-02). "Comparing Online and Offline Self-Disclosure: A Systematic Review". Cyberpsychology, Behavior, and Social Networking. 15 (2): 103–111. doi:10.1089/cyber.2011.0277. ISSN 2152-2715. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  18. ^ Michikyan, Minas (2020). "Linking online self-presentation to identity coherence, identity confusion, and social anxiety in emerging adulthood". British Journal of Developmental Psychology. 38 (4): 543–565. doi:10.1111/bjdp.12337. ISSN 2044-835X.
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  21. ^ McKenna, Katelyn Y. A.; Bargh, John A. (2000-02-01). "Plan 9 From Cyberspace: The Implications of the Internet for Personality and Social Psychology". Personality and Social Psychology Review. 4 (1): 57–75. doi:10.1207/S15327957PSPR0401_6. ISSN 1088-8683.
  22. ^ Marwick, Alice E.; boyd, danah (2011-02-01). "I tweet honestly, I tweet passionately: Twitter users, context collapse, and the imagined audience". New Media & Society. 13 (1): 114–133. doi:10.1177/1461444810365313. ISSN 1461-4448.
  23. ^ Kross, Ethan; Verduyn, Philippe; Demiralp, Emre; Park, Jiyoung; Lee, David Seungjae; Lin, Natalie; Shablack, Holly; Jonides, John; Ybarra, Oscar (2013-08-14). "Facebook Use Predicts Declines in Subjective Well-Being in Young Adults". PLOS ONE. 8 (8): e69841. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0069841. ISSN 1932-6203. PMC 3743827. PMID 23967061.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: PMC format (link) CS1 maint: unflagged free DOI (link)
  24. ^ Moreno, Megan A.; Jelenchick, Lauren A.; Egan, Katie G.; Cox, Elizabeth; Young, Henry; Gannon, Kerry E.; Becker, Tara (2011). "Feeling bad on Facebook: depression disclosures by college students on a social networking site". Depression and Anxiety. 28 (6): 447–455. doi:10.1002/da.20805. ISSN 1520-6394. PMC 3110617. PMID 21400639.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: PMC format (link)
  25. ^ Primack, Brian A.; Shensa, Ariel; Sidani, Jaime E.; Whaite, Erin O.; Lin, Liu yi; Rosen, Daniel; Colditz, Jason B.; Radovic, Ana; Miller, Elizabeth (2017-07). "Social Media Use and Perceived Social Isolation Among Young Adults in the U.S." American Journal of Preventive Medicine. 53 (1): 1–8. doi:10.1016/j.amepre.2017.01.010. PMC 5722463. PMID 28279545. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)CS1 maint: PMC format (link)