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Institutional racism in the United States

Institutional racism in higher education

In the 1960s, students of color started attending colleges and universities in record numbers after the passage of the Civil Rights and Higher Education Acts. However, the obstacles of integration in Predominantly White Institutions of higher education led to unforeseen obstacles for faculty and students of color working and studying in such environments. According to Engberg (2004), “few colleges and universities were prepared for the inherent challenges in educating such a diverse population of college students. As a result, the history of intergroup relations is marked by periods of campus unrest and heated, if not violent, exchanges between diverse groups of students."

The 1954 Brown vs. Board of Education decision was the beginning of the process of desegregation and the elimination of de jure discrimination. However, it was hard to determine the challenges that the process would present and the obstacles that would continue to this day. If anything “Evidence in the post-Brown era points to increases in bias-related incidents, ranging from verbal and physical intimidation to the use of degrading and insensitive stereotypes,” . The increase of racial tension and racial incidents in institutes of higher education are said to be due to the “lack of knowledge, experience, and contact with diverse peers; peer-group influence; increased competition and stress; the influence of off-campus groups and the media; alcohol use; changing values; fear of diversity; and the perception of unfair treatment" . Institutionalized racism in higher education has yet to become a prevalent conversation, even though it is a relevant issue that is affecting many colleges and universities.

Institutional racism faced by faculty

Faculty of color face racism within institutions of higher education as they challenge widely-held beliefs regarding race relations in America. Structural inequality may be ignored under the assumption that racism will disappear within its own time. Racism is manifest in a variety of ways, including but not limited to, undervaluation of research, unwritten rules and policies regarding the tenure process, and a lack of mentorship for faculty of color . Women of color faculty are often caught within a double bind as they face discrimination based on both race and gender . Faculty members at institutions of higher education are predominately white, with faculty of color constituting roughly 17% of total faculty, with 7.5% Asian, 5.5% Black, 3.5% Latino, and 0.5% American Indian (see chart). Failure to fully implement Affirmative Action is identified as another contributing factor to low numbers of representation .

2005 Chronicle of Higher Education Almanac, cited in: Turner, C. S. V., González, J. C., & Wood, J. L. (2008). Faculty of color in academe: What 20 years of literature tells us. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 1(3), 139.

Faculty members of color often engage in research regarding issues of diversity, which is frequently deemed “risky” by white faculty members . Widespread beliefs founded on the concept of meritocracy, where success is based solely on individual effort, put into question research revealing structural issues that contribute to success . Political undertones of research within the social sciences are used to put the validity and scientific nature of the findings into question, despite the fact that research in these fields is conducted in the same manner as research in less politically-contentious areas of interest . Research methodologies long accepted in other disciplines is called into question depending on the implications of findings, particularly when these findings may reveal racial inequities in the general population and/or the institution itself. “Thus, research appearing to be neutral and scholarly, has important political manifestations, including the justification for racial inequalities that are replicated within the student and alumni bodies of institutions that formally state that they value diversity even as all of their internal mechanisms reproduce exclusionary dominance for some racial groups” .

This concern is especially glaring in private institutions, where concerns regarding the reception of said research by alumni, corporate interests, and other potential donors play into acceptance of research by faculty . In one case study, race- and diversity-related research deemed valid by the highest level of national disciplinary associations was rejected by faculty and administrators, alluding to the existence and enforcement of unwritten rules regarding research acceptance . The rejection of research by faculty of color is a contributing factor to difficulty attaining tenure, with a higher performance bar set for those whose findings may contradict widely-accepted beliefs regarding race relations .

Faculty members of color also face barriers as they work to include topics of diversity in their courses, as White students often resist the inclusion of multicultural perspectives. Challenges in the classroom appear to be connected to issues of gender and age as well as race. For example, African American women faculty aged 35 and younger are challenged more by White female students in their 20s, while those 40 and older face more challenges from students in nontraditional age groups.

Institutional racism faced by students

The racial demographics of institutions of higher education in the United States are quickly changing. Institutions of higher education were often traditionally known as Predominantly White Institutions (PWI's). These institutions are now challenged to improve their diversity efforts and create policies that address the root cause of negative racial climate on PWI campuses. It is estimated that by 2010, 40% of high school graduates would be non-white. While racial segregation in high schools increased, institutions of higher education were becoming more racially diverse . Due to segregation in high schools, a lot of college students find themselves having their first interracial contact in college. Universities and colleges that have identified diversity as one of their priorities should plan how to strategically and in a sensitive manner create a campus climate in which all students, in particular students of color in a PWI, do not have to risk feeling unsafe, discriminated against, marginalized or tokenized to obtain a post-secondary degree.

Data has shown that students of color and White students have different perceptions of campus racial climates. In a survey of 433 undergraduate students at one institution found that, in comparison to White students, students of color felt differently about campus policies. White students were more often to describe their campus racial climate as positive, while students of African descent rated it as negative. Findings indicate that students of color experience harassment that is, “offensive, hostile, or intimidating” at higher rates than White students, which interferes with their learning. Further, “students of color perceived the climate as more racist and less accepting than did White students, even though White students recognized racial harassment at similar rates as students of color” .

White students also felt more positive about their classroom experience and the way professors presented various viewpoints in the curriculum, about institutional policies as well as recruitment and retention of student of color. Students of African descent and other students of color felt the campus environment was not friendly and that they had been targets of racism. In another study of 5,000 first year students at 93 institutions, White students were more likely to agree with the statement that “racial discrimination is no longer a problem” than students of color . White students were also more likely to feel that the campus climate is improving in comparison to students of color. White students felt the campus climate was non-racist, friendly, and respectful white students of color felt that it was racist, hostile, and disrespectful . Research has shown that racial diversification in colleges and universities, without intentional education about systematic racism and the history of race in the United States, can lead to creating a racial campus climate that is oppressive towards students of color. There needs to be, “intentional education interventions related to the changing racial composition of college students [which] would likely influence how the climate of an environment changes” .

If institutional racism is to be addressed in institutes of higher education, different types of interventions need to be created, in particular interventions created specifically for the academy. Rankin and Reason’s research concluded that for intervention to be effective, faculty would need to be used as socializing agents on campus, in particular because, intellectual and behavioral norms on most campuses are set by faculty and, these norms have a heavy impact on campus climate . An example of students trying to change racial campus climate is the Being Black at the University of Michigan #BBUM moment. The Black Student Movement is organizing and collaborating with organizations to bring attention to the racial climate at the University of Michigan and how it is affecting all students . It order to create interventions that lead to sustainable learning about race, institutions of higher education need to equally value the histories and experiences of students of color and White students. One example of this is required coursework through the departments of African/African-American Studies, Xicano studies, Arab American studies, and Native American studies alongside the History department. Research has shown that curricular diversity is positively associated with intergroup attitudes, decreased racial prejudice and intergroup understanding, and attitudes toward campus diversity .

Sources

Christopher Brown II, M., & Elon Dancy II, T. (2010). Predominantly white institutions. In K. Lomotey (Ed.), Encyclopedia of African American education. (pp. 524-527). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781412971966.n193

Denson, N., & Chang, M. J. (2009). Racial diversity matters: The impact of diversity-related student engagement and institutional context. American Educational Research Journal, 46(2), 322-353.

Engberg, M. E. (2004). Improving Intergroup Relations in Higher Education: A Critical Examination of the Influence of Educational Interventions on Racial Bias. American Educational Research Association, 74(4), 473-524.

Fenelon, J. (2003). Race, Research, and Tenure Institutional Credibility and the Incorporation of African, Latino, and American Indian Faculty. Journal of Black Studies, 34(1), 87-100.

Rankin, S. R., & Reason, R. D. (2005). Differing Perceptions:How Students of Color and White Students Perceive Campus Climate for Underrepresented Groups. Journal of College Student Development, 46(1), 43-61.

Stanley, C. A. (2006). Coloring the academic landscape: Faculty of color breaking the silence in predominantly White colleges and universities. American educational research journal, 43(4), 701-736.

Turner, C. S. V., González, J. C., & Wood, J. L. (2008). Faculty of color in academe: What 20 years of literature tells us. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 1(3), 139.

Vega, T. (2014, February 24). Colorblind Notion Aside, Colleges Grapple With Racial Tension. The New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2014/02/25/us/colorblind-notion-aside-colleges-grapple-with-racial-tension.html?_r=0