User:みしまるもも/sandbox
The Mishima Incident (三島事件, Mishima Jiken) was an incident that occurred on November 25, 1970,[a] where the Japanese author Yukio Mishima committed seppuku after calling on the Japan Self-Defense Forces to stage a coup d'état in order to abolish Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution and appealing to his own ideas and beliefs about reconstructing true national autonomy.[1][2][3][4][5][6] The incident is sometimes called the Tatenokai Incident (楯の会事件, Tatenokai Jiken) after the name of the private militia, Tatenokai, of which Mishima was the captain, as members of that organization also participated in the incident.[7][8][9]
This incident not only sent shockwaves through Japanese society, but also became breaking news outside of Japan,[10][11][12][13] where people expressed shock at the unprecedented actions of an internationally renowned author.[10][11][14] Mishima's shocking death sent huge ripples through Japanese society and literary circles, it was said that with Mishima's death marked the end of an era.[15][9][16][17] Also had a major impact on the Japan's political, including the rise to the New Right, which was grew out of minzoku-ha.[18][19][20] In Japan, in a survey conducted by the monthly magazine Bungei Shunjū in 2000 on the "20 Greatest Events of the 20th Century," the Mishima Incident was ranked second, ahead of global events such as the fall of the Berlin Wall.[21][b]
This incident was a political protest and a demonstration of their political vision, but the actions themselves were not directly aimed at political terrorism or seizing power with the aim of overthrowing the government, as has become clear from court investigations and Mishima's suicide note.[3][22][23][24] However, this incident is considered to have had social and political significance that will have long-lasting repercussions in Japanese history.[22][4][25][24]
Details of the incident
[edit]Visit and restraint of commander
[edit]At around 10:58 a.m. on November 25, 1970, Yukio Mishima (age 45), along with four other members of the Tatenokai, Masakatsu Morita (age 25), Masayoshi Koga (小賀正義) (age 22), Masahiro Ogawa (小川正洋) (age 22), and Hiroyasu Koga (age 23), passed through the main gate (Yotsuya Gate) of the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force Camp Ichigaya (市ヶ谷駐屯地, Ichigaya Chūtonchi) at Ichigaya Honmura-cho (市谷本村町), Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo, by their car, and arrived at the main entrance leading to the Commandant General's office on the second floor of the Eastern Army Headquarters.[10][1][26][27] They were guided up the front stairs by Major Yasuharu Sawamoto (沢本泰治), who had greeted them, and then shown to the Commandant General's office by Colonel Isamu Hara (原勇) (age 50), head of the Commandant General's Office of Operations.[28][29][30][c]
This visit had been booked for November 21, and Sergeant Ryoichi Nakao (中尾良一) of the Operations Office had contacted the guard post via internal line, saying, "Mr. Yukio Mishima will be arriving by car around 11 o'clock, so please give him a free pass." The gatekeeper, Sergeant Akira Suzuki (鈴木偣), simply exchanged salutes with Mishima in the passenger seat and he was allowed through.[29][d]
Mishima was invited to sit down on the lounge sofa, where he introduced Masakatsu Morita and the three others to the Commander-in-Chief, Lieutenant General Kanetoshi Mashita (益田兼利) (age 57), by name, one by one, while they stood upright, as "outstanding members" who would be honored at the regular meeting.[33][34][30][32] He then explained the reason he had brought the four along, saying, "The reason I brought these guys today is because, during their trial enlistment in November, they sacrificially carried the injured man down the mountain on their backs, so I wanted to honor them at the regular meeting at Ichigaya Hall (市ヶ谷会館, Ichigaya Kaikan) today, and I brought them along so that I could meet the Commander-in-Chief at a glance. Today is a regular meeting, so we came in formal uniform."[33][30][32]
While the Commander, Lieutenant General Mashita and Mishima were sitting across from each other on the sofa talking, the topic turned to the Japanese sword "Seki Magoroku" (関孫六) that Mishima had brought with him.[33][34][30][32] The General Mashita asked, "Is it real?" and "Won't you be scolded by the police for carrying such a sword?"[33][34][30][32] Mishima replied, "This sword is a Seki Magoroku that has been remade into a military sword. If would you like to see the certificate?" and showed him the certificate, which read "Seki Kanemoto" (関兼元).[33][34][30][32]
Mishima unsheathed his sword and asked Masayoshi Koga (小賀正義) (nickname "chibi Koga"[35]) for a tenugui (traditional Japanese handkerchief) to wipe off the oil, saying, "Koga, handkerchief", which was a prearranged signal to begin action.[1][6][32] However, the Commander Mashita made an unexpected move by heading toward his desk and saying, "How about washi tissue paper (ちり紙, chirigami)?"[34][30][32] Chibi Koga lost sight of his purpose and had no choice but to approach Mishima and hand him a tenugui.[32][26] Unable to find a suitable chirigami tissue, the General Mashita returned to the sofa and sat down next to Mishima to look at the sword.[34][32]
Mishima wiped the blade with a tenugui and handed the sword over to the Commander Mashita.[34][30] After seeing the hamon (edge pattern), the Commander Mashita nodded and said, "It's a fine sword. This sword crest is indeed the Three Cidar Trees (三本杉, Sanbonsugi)," and returned it to Mishima before returning to his seat.[34][30][32] It was now about 11:05 a.m.[33][32] Mishima wiped the blade again, handed the tenugui he had used to chibi Koga, who had stood nearby, and then, giving instructions with his eyes, he put the sword back into its scabbard with a loud click of the tsuba.[30][36]
Taking that as a signal, chibi Koga, who was pretending to return to his seat, quickly went behind the Commander Mashita and covered the Commander Mashita's mouth with the tenugui he was holding, after which Masahiro Ogawa (小川正洋) and Hiroyasu Koga (nickname "furu Koga"[35]) next tied the Commander Mashita to a chair with thin rope and restrained him.[37][33][6][30][32] Chibi Koga, who was given another tenugui by furu Koga, gagged the Commander Mashita, who refused, saying, "I won't gag you so to stop breathing," and pointed a tantō (short blade) at him.[34][30][32]
The Commander Mashita, thinking that everyone was joking about how strong they had become during ranger training or something, said, "Mr. Mishima, stop joking," but Mishima, with his sword still drawn, glared at the Commander Mashita with a serious expression, so the Commander Mashita realized that something was not right.[6][34][32][38] Meanwhile, Masakatsu Morita had barricaded the main entrance to the Commandant General's office, and the three entrances to the Chief of Staff's office and the Vice Chief of Staff's office, all of which had double doors, with desks, chairs, flower pots, etc.[37][33][6][32]
Fight with the staff officers
[edit]Major Yasuharu Sawamoto, who was waiting for the right time to serve tea, noticed a noise coming from the Commandant General's room, and Colonel Isamu Hara, who received the report from Sawamoto, went out into the hallway and peeked into the room through the frosted glass window at the front entrance (a strip of cellophane tape had been applied to make it slightly more transparent), where he saw members of the Tatenokai standing behind the Commander Mashita.[28][29][36][32] The General looked as if he was receiving a massage, but his movements were unnatural, so when Hara tried to enter, he found the door locked.[28][36][32]
Colonel Hara threw himself against the door, creating a gap of about 20 to 30 centimeters. "Don't come in! Don't come in!" cried Masakatsu Morita from inside the room, and a request letter was slid out from under the door.[28][29][36][32] After reading it, Colonel Hara and his staff immediately reported to Vice Chief of Administration Major General Akira Yamazaki (山崎皎) (age 53) and Vice Chief of Defense Colonel Hidenobu Yoshimatsu (吉松秀信) (age 50) that "Mishima and his members have occupied the Commandant General's office and have confined the Commander Mashita."[28][29][39] An emergency call (非常呼集, Hijō Koshu) was made to the staff, and a subordinate of Major Sawamoto contacted the military police (警務隊, Keimu-tai).[28][29]
Lieutenant Colonel Haruo Kawabe (川辺晴夫) (age 46) and Lieutenant Colonel Sumiremasa Nakamura (中村菫正) (age 45) were the first to rush in after using their back to break down the barricade protecting the door to the Chief of Staff's office which led to the left of the Commandant General's office.[33][28][29][39] Mishima immediately drew his military sword, Seki Magoroku, and slashed at their backs and other parts of their bodies.[28][30][39] He then fought back against Colonel Hara, Sergeant Toshikazu Kasama (笠間寿一) (age 36), Sergeant Junzō Isobe (磯部順蔵), and others who had charged in with bokkens, shouting "Come out, come out" and "Read the demand!"[28][29] When fighting back, Mishima lowered his hips and drew his sword closer to him, and instead of swinging it down from above, he slashed with the tip of the blade.[28][40] The melee left a sword cut near the door handle.[28][39] The time was about 11:20 a.m.[37][33]
While the five men were retreating, seven more men, Colonel Fujio Kiyono (清野不二雄) (age 50), Lieutenant Colonel Kiyoshi Takahashi (高橋清) (age 43), Major Katsumi Terao (寺尾克美) (age 41), Captain Eijiro Mizuta (水田栄二郎), Non-commissioned officer Yoshifumi Kikuchi (菊地義文), Colonel Hidenobu Yoshimatsu (吉松秀信), and Major General Akira Yamazaki (山崎皎), rushed in one after another from the side of the Vice Chief of Staff's office.[33][29][39] Vice Chief of Defense Colonel Yoshimatsu said, "What are you doing? Let's talk it out," but the fight continued.[28][39] Hiroyasu Koga threw small tables and chairs at the men, and Masahiro Ogawa fought back with a special baton (特殊警棒, tokushu keibō).[33][6][29][39]
Morita also fought back with his tantō, but Major Terao ripped it away from him.[33][30][39][41][42] Mishima quickly supported, slashing at Terao and Lieutenant Colonel Takahashi, who had dragged Morita to the ground.[30][41] When Colonel Kiyono threw an ashtray at Masayoshi Koga (chibi Koga), who was watching the Commander Mashita, Mishima attacked with his sword to Kiyono.[29][41] Kiyono fought back by throwing a globe, but stumbled and fell.[29][41] Major General Yamazaki was also slashed, and the JSDF staff officers decided to retreat for the time being, out of concern for the Commander Mashita's safety.[28][39] Eight JSDF staff officers were injured in the brawl.[10][30][e]
At 11:22 a.m., a 110 call was made from the Eastern Army Headquarters to the Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department's Command Center, and at 11:25 a.m., the TMPD Public Security Bureau's First Public Security Division (it was under normal conditions, the left-wing extremism Countermeasures Division) used the National Police Agency Security Bureau Chief's office as a temporary headquarters, contacted relevant agencies, and dispatched 120 Riot Police Unit members to JGSDF Camp Ichigaya.[6][31]
The staff members who had retreated outside, broke the window of the Commandant General's office from the hallway at around 11:30 a.m. in order to discuss with Mishima.[33][29][30][39] Lieutenant Colonel Kuno Matsuo (功刀松男) was the first to pop his head out of the window, and was cut on the forehead by Mishima's sword.[41] Then Lieutenant Colonel Yoshimatsu tried to persuade Mishima through the window, but Mishima said, "If you accept this request, we will spare Commander Mashita's life," and threw the request letter, which had the same contents as the one Morita had slid out from under the door into the hallway, through the broken window into the hallway.[33][6][30][39]
The Request mainly contained the following statements:[44][30][45][46]
(1) All JSDF personnel from Camp Ichigaya will assemble in front of the main building by 11:30 a.m.
(2) Listen carefully to the speeches as set forth below.
- (a) Mishima's speech (distribution of the written appeal (檄, Geki)
- (b) Participating students announce their names.
- (c) Mishima's address to the remaining members of the Tatenokai
(3) The remaining members of the Tatenokai (who are unrelated to this incident) must be quickly summoned from the Ichigaya Hall to make them attend in line.
(4) For the two-hour period from 11:30 a.m. to 13:10 p.m., there will be no obstruction of any kind. As long as no obstruction of any kind is done, we will not launch any attacks.
(5) Once the above conditions have been fully complied with and two hours have elapsed, the Commandant General will be handed over to him in safety. He will be escorted by two or more guards and handed over to us at the main entrance of the main building while still restrained (to prevent him from committing suicide).
(6) If the above conditions are not met, or there is any risk that they will not be met, Mishima will immediately kill the Commandant General and commit suicide.
— Yukio Mishima, Request[44]
The senior staff officers decided to accept Mishima's Request, and at around 11:34 a.m., Lieutenant Colonel Yoshimatsu told Mishima, "We have decided to assemble the JSDF personnel."[28][39] Mishima asked him, "Who are you? What authority do you have?"[28][29][39] When Colonel Yoshimatsu introduced himself as "the Vice Chief of Defense and the highest authority on the scene," Mishima looked a little relieved, looked at his watch, and said, "Assemble all the JSDF personnel by 12:00 p.m."[28][29][30][39]
While waiting for the JSDF personnel to assemble, Mishima ordered Morita to read the Request to Commander Mashita as well.[33][30][39] Commander Mashita, whose hands were numb, asked the rope to be loosened a little, then tried to persuade Mishima by saying, "Why are you doing this? Do you hate the JSDF or me? Depending on the content, I may give the speech on your behalf." Mishima told Commander Mashita the same content as in Geki, and said, "I don't hate either the JSDF or you. As long as they don't interfere, I won't kill you."[30] He then said, "I have come today to give the JSDF the greatest stimulation and rousing themself."[30]
At this time, it is not known whether Mishima smoked the cigarettes in the Commandant General's office, but he said, "There will be enough time to smoke at the scene," and handed the member of the Tatenokai two days before the incident, to the Onshi no Tabako, the gift of cigarettes which was given out at the Imperial garden party (園遊会, Enyukai) (Mishima had been invited to the Imperial garden party in the autumn of 1966), to be placed in his briefcase along with his other luggage.[35]
At 11:40 a.m., an announcement was made over the microphones within the Camp Ichigaya, saying, "Those who are not interfere with your operations should assemble in front of the main building entrance."[33][6][30][39] This announcement was then repeated.[33][6]
At 11:46 a.m., the Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department gave the order to arrest Mishima and all the others.[31] Police cars and white jeeps of the military police force entered Camp Ichigaya one after another at high speed.[47][39] By this time, the first reports of the incident had already been broadcast on television and radio.[31]
Speech on the balcony
[edit]About 800 to 1000 JSDF personnel who had heard the announcement within the unit began to gather in the front yard in front of the main entrance of the Eastern Army Headquarters building.[10][33][30][39] Some of them had already started eating lunch in the dining hall, but stopped it to join.[29] Confusing information was exchanged among them, with some reporting that "a mob has broken in and someone had been slashed,"[31] "the Commandant General has been taken hostage," "the Red Army Faction of Communist League (赤軍派, Sekigunn ha) must have come,"[31] and "Is Yukio Mishima there too?"[29]
At about 11:55 a.m., Masakatsu Morita and Masahiro Ogawa (小川正洋), who wearing hachimaki headbands and white gloves, distributed numerous written appeal (檄, Geki) and hung a banner with their demands drawn with Ink brush strokes from the balcony in front of the Commandant General's office.[33][6][30][39] Two JSDF personnel jumped up and try to pull the banner down, but were unable to reach it.[47] Riot Police Unit members carrying duralumin shields, and the vehicles belonging to newspaper and television reporters were also gathered in the front yard.[47][48][26]
On that day, about 30 members of the Tatenokai had come to the Ichigaya Hall in Camp Ichigaya, located only about 50 meters from the Eastern Army Headquarters building, for their regular meeting, but the JSDF senior staff officers did not accept Mishima's demands and instead confined them inside the hall, placing them under police guard and not summoning them to assemble in front of the main entrance of the Eastern Army Headquarters building.[49][30][50][51][52] A skirmish broke out between 30 members of the Tatenokai, who were upset by the ominous situation, and police or the JSDF, and the members of Tatenokai were subdued with pistols.[49][30]
A siren announcing noon rang out in the sky above Camp Ichigaya, and Mishima stood on the balcony,[48][f] holding up in his right hand the unsheathed Japanese sword "Seki Magoroku," shining in the sunlight.[29][30] The sword was only visible for a moment.[29] Mishima wore a white hachimaki headband with a red hinomaru circle, in which the center bearing the kanji for "To be reborn seven times to serve the country" (七生報國, Shichishō hōkoku)(meaning to destroy the enemy of the state and repay the country, even if reborn seven times).[29][30][39][g] Behind him to the right, Morita, wearing the same hachimaki, stood powerfully like a Nio king, gazing straight ahead.[48]
Amidst voices of "It's Mishima," "What's that?" and "You idiot!" Mishima began his speech, raising his white-gloved fist and screaming so that the assembled JSDF personnel could hear.[29] It was a speech urging a revolt to amend the Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution, calling for a return to the "original purpose of the military's founding" to "protect Japan,"[54][6][30] of which gist was almost the same as the Geki that had been distributed beforehand.[4][55][6] In the sky above, several media helicopters, having already heard the strange incident, were circling, making a lot of noise.[6][47][30][48]
Listen, guys. Be quiet. Be quiet. Listen to what I'm saying. A man is risking his life to appeal to you all. Listen. If the Japanese people don't stand up here now, if the Japan Self-Defense Forces don't stand up, there will be no constitutional reform. You will forever become just the military for America. You and Japan... commands will only come from America. It's called civilian control... As for civilian control, it's not civilian control that will be suppressed under the new constitution.
Therefore, I've waited for four years. For the day when the Japan Self-Defense Forces would rise up. ... I've waited for four years ... I'm waiting ... for the last 30 minutes. You are all samurai, aren't you? If you are samurai, why would you protect the "constitution that denies your existence"?[h] Why would you bow down and cringe to the "constitution that denies you" for the sake of the "constitution that denies you yourselves"? As long as this exists, you will never be saved.[i]— Yukio Mishima, Speech on the balcony[54]
Many of the JSDF personnel shouted at Mishima angrily, saying, "We can't hear you," "Pull back!" "Come down and talk," "What the hell do such you know?" and "You idiot!"[47][6][30][57] When a heckler shouted, "Why did you hurt our comrades?", Mishima immediately responded with fierce force voice, saying, "It's because they resisted our demands."[47][48][58]
Sergeant K (his name is withheld in the original text), who was present at the scene, clicked his tongue at the noisy hecklers and later said, "I wanted to listen properly to what Yukio Mishima was screaming at the top of his lungs."[57] "There were parts where I couldn't hear what he was saying because of the heckling, but emotionally I understood that Mishima might have had a point," he said, making an assertion that once the command had been given to gather the troops, they should have lined up properly by unit and listened.[57][j]
Mishima shouted, "Is there not even one man among you who will rise up with me?"[54][6][30][57] and waited in silence for about 10 seconds, but the JSDF personnel continued to yell abuse at him,[4][6][30][57] calling him a "Crazy man" and "There's no way someone like that exists."[6][29][30][57] The unexpected intensity of the shouts and the noise from the helicopters meant that the speech was cut short after just 10 minutes, much shorter than planned.[59] One has speculated that Mishima cut his speech short because he caught the wind of the Riot Police Unit make to storm into the first floor then.[48]
After wrapping up his speech, Mishima and Morita headed towards the Imperial Palace and chanted "Long live the Emperor!" (天皇陛下万歳, Tennō heika banzai) three times.[33][6][30][48] Even then, the jeers of "Drag him down" and "Shoot him" made it nearly inaudible.[29] On that day, the 32nd Infantry Regiment (第32普通科連隊, Dai 32 futsu-ka rentai) under the 1st Division had gone to the East Fuji Maneuver Area, leaving behind about 100 troops, while its 900 elite troops were absent.[29] Based on Morita's information, Mishima mistakenly thought that only the regimental commander was absent.[29] Many of the JSDF personnel gathered in front of the balcony were the persons in charge of communications, materials, supplies, and other duties, and as such were not the "samurai" that Mishima had envisioned and expected.[29] The writer Yaeko Nogami, who watched Mishima's speech on television, has recalled how she felt at the time, saying that if she were his mother, she would have "wanted to run over there and deliver the microphone to him."[60][61][62]
Mishima did not use a microphone because he placed an emphasis on getting as close as possible to the spirituality of the Shinpūren rebellion by the God-honoring party (敬神党, Keishintō), one of the parties formed by samurai with the philosophy of Sonnō jōi.[47][63][64] He adhered on using his own voice to roar, without using a microphone or loudspeaker.[47][64] In his dialogue with Fusao Hayashi, Dialogue: Japanese Theory (対話・日本人論, Taiwa: Nihonjin ron) (1966), Mishima had spoken passionately about how the Shinpūren samurai placed white fans on their heads when passing under electric wires in order to oppose Western civilization, and about the meaning of their yamato-damashii in venture fighting with only Japanese swords.[65][47][k]
Regarding the reason why the JSDF personnel did not listen carefully to Mishima's speeches, the manga artist Shigeru Mizuki has reflected in 1989, some 20 years later, saying, "The reason why Mishima was not taken seriously by the JSDF personnel, even though he emphasized Bushido, was probably because the JSDF personnel at the time had also already become inclined toward individualism and hedonism in economically prosperous Japan."[66]
The Weekly magazine Sunday Mainichi (サンデー毎日) reporter Takao Tokuoka (徳岡孝夫) and NHK reporter Munekatsu Date (伊達宗克) had been contacted in advance by Mishima and were scheduled to come to Ichigaya Hall at 11:00 a.m. on the morning of the day.[67][68][49][48] When Tokuoka and Date arrived at the hall, they were each given an envelope containing Mishima's letter, Geki, and the last commemorative photo of the five men, via Tatenokai member Kenichi Tanaka (田中健一), who was a close friend of Masakatsu Morita.[68] Mishima had entrusted it to them in case the Geki was confiscated by the police and the incident was covered up.[68][48] Tokuoka had hidden it inside his sock and had run to the balcony, had listened to the speech.[47]
Television station personnel who rushed to the front yard have testified that they could barely hear Mishima's speech because of the heckling and noise, but Tokuoka has said, "If only they had been willing to listen, they could have heard it,"[47] "Why didn't they calm their minds a little more and listen?"[47] and "We magazine reporters were able to hear the speech relatively well, perhaps our ears are different to those of the television personnel."[69][l]
Nippon Cultural Broadcasting was the only station to record the entire speech.[47][70] By tying a microphone to a tree branch, they managed to capture a clear recording of Mishima's voice shouting angrily at the JSDF personnel, "Are you still samurai?" amid the roar of insults and the noise of news helicopters, and this became a scoop.[47][70][m] The recording tape also includes Morita's voice saying, "Everyone please listen."[70]
Committing seppuku
[edit]At around 12:10 p.m., Mishima returned to the Commandant General's office with Morita from the balcony and muttered to himself, " I probably spoke for about 20 minutes. It seems my message didn't get across."[71][30][48] He then stood in front of General Mashita and said, "We have no grudge against you. We did it to return the JSDF to the Emperor. I had no choice but to do this," and unbuttoned his uniform.[33][40][71][30][48]
Mishima received the tantō that Masayoshi Koga (小賀正義) (chibi Koga) was pointed at the Commander Mashita through Morita, and handed Morita his own unsheathed Japanese sword, "Seki Magoroku", in return.[3][30][48] Then, on the red carpet about three meters away from the Commander Mashita, with his upper body naked, holding the tantō in both hands, sat seiza-style facing the balcony,[10][33][40] then tried to dissuade Morita from committing suicide by telling him, words: "Morita, you must live, not die.", "You stop dying."[30][72][73][74]
According to the plan, Mishima would to write the character "Martial (武, Bu)" on a piece of square drawing paper (色紙, sikishi) with the blood of seppuku,[59][30] so Koga (chibi Koga) handed the paper over to Mishima, who replied, "I don't have to do that anymore," with a sad smile, and handed him the expensive watch he was wearing on his right arm, saying, "Koga, I'll give this to you."[59][30][75] And Mishima said, "Hmm," putting his energy into the process,[71][30] and then said, "Yaaaaa" thrust the tantō into his left side belly with both hands, and committed seppuku in a straight line manner (真一文字作法, shin ichimonnji sahō) to the right.[76][30]
Morita, the kaishakunin standing behind Mishima to the left, was about to commit seppuku himself after Mishima, perhaps he was hesitant in regards to his respected mentor, but he swung his sword down on Mishima's neck twice, however only managed to cut it halfway through, and Mishima's body quietly leaned forward.[40][9][48] Seeing that Mishima was still alive, Koga (chibi Koga) and Hiroyasu Koga (furu Koga) called out, "Morita-san, one more blow," and "Finish him off," and Morita swung his sword down for the third time.[33][40][6][30][48][n] The Commander Mashita was trying to stop their actions, shouting, "Stop it," "Don't kaishaku him, don't finish him off."[40][76][48]
Morita, whose kaishaku did not go well, said, "I'll leave it to you, Hiro-chan," and handed the sword to Koga (furu Koga).[71][30][48] Koga decapitated Mishima in one stroke, following the ancient tradition of leaving only a thin layer of skin on the neck.[3][48][77] Then, Koga (chibi Koga) used the tantō that Mishima had been holding to cut off the skin of Mishima's neck from his body.[10][48] During this process, Masahiro Ogawa (小川正洋) kept watch near the main entrance door of the room to make sure that the JSDF staff officers would not interfere with Mishima's seppuku.[33][3][30]
Next, Morita also took off his uniform jacket, sat seiza-style next to Mishima's body, and committed seppuku, signaling "Not yet" and "Okay," and upon receiving the signal, Koga (furu Koga), the kaishakunin, decapitated Morita in one stroke.[33][71][6][30][48] Afterwards, Koga (chibi Koga), Ogawa, and Koga (furu Koga) turned the bodies of Mishima and Morita over onto their backs, covered them with their uniforms, and lined up their heads.[33][59][6][30] The Commander Mashita called to the three, "How about you all worship them?" and "How about you turn yourself in police?"[40][48]
The three men removed the ropes from the Commander Mashita's feet and said, "By order of Master Mishima, we will escort you until you are handed over to the JSDF staff officers."[40][76][48] When the Commander Mashita asked, "I won't go wild. Are you going to put me out in front of the people with my hands tied?", the three men obediently released the him from all restraints.[40][76][48] Seeing the three men join their hands in prayer toward Mishima and Morita's necks and shed tears in silence, the Commander Mashita said, "Cry as much as you can..." and sat seiza-style, closed his eyes and joined his hands in prayer, saying, "Let me also pray for their souls as well."[71][59][6][76] [30][48]
For Mashita, this was the second time he had witnessed a seppuku.[76][78] During the war, Mashita served as a staff officer in the Imperial Japanese Army, and just after the war ended he was once asked for observer of the committing seppuku, from his close friend and colleague, Major Makoto Haruke (晴気誠).[40][78][79]
A little after 12:20 p.m., Ogawa and Koga (furu Koga) came out from the front entrance of the Commandant General's office, supporting the Commander Mashita from either side, and Koga (chibi Koga) came out into the hallway carrying the Japanese sword, "Seki Magoroku".[33][6][76][48] The three handed the Commander Mashita to Colonel Yoshimatsu, handed over the Japanese sword, and were arrested on the spot by officers from Ushigome Police Station (牛込警察署, Ushigome Keisatsusho).[33][30][48]
Perhaps out of kindness, the police officers did not handcuff the three who were held out their hands.[80][81] As they were being taken away in a patrol car from the main entrance where a crowd of reporters was waiting, some JSDF officers punched the three on the head, so the police officer stopped them, shouting, "You idiots! What are you doing?"[80][81]
At 12:23 p.m., the police chief entered the Commandant General's office and confirmed the two deaths. Before then, "You were close to Yukio Mishima, weren't you? Go there immediately and persuade him to stop," Security Chief Kuniyasu Tsuchida (土田國保) had instructed to Atsuyuki Sassa (佐々淳行), counselor of the Police Affairs Department (警務部, Keimu bu) and chief of the First Personnel Division.[48][82] Sassa rushed to the scene from the Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department, but was too late in time to stop Mishima from committing suicide.[48][82] Sassa has recalled what happened when he entered the Commandant General's office to see Mishima's body: "The carpet under my feet made a squelching sound. I looked and saw a sea of blood. The carpet was red, so at first, I couldn't tell it was blood. I can still remember that eerie feeling."[48][82]
The Commander Mashita, who was made a hostage, later has said, "I didn't feel hate towards the defendants even at that time," and has added, "Thinking about the country of Japan, thinking about the JSDF, the pure hearts of thinking about our country that did that kind of thing, I want to buy it as an individual."[40][76]
Among their belongings found at the scene were six short pieces of paper (短冊, tanzaku) with death poems written on them: two by Mishima, one by Morita, and one each by the remaining members.[83] Their death poems are as follows:[83][84][85]
益荒男が たばさむ太刀の 鞘鳴りに 幾とせ耐へて 今日の初霜
(Masurao ga Tabasamu tachi no Sayanari ni Ikutose taete Kyō no hatsushimo)
For how many years / Has the warrior endured / The rattling of / The sword he wears at his side: / The first fall of frost came today. (Translated by Donald Keene)[86]
The sheaths of swords rattle / As after years of endurance / Brave men set out / To tread upon the first frost of the year.
— 三島由紀夫 (Mishima Yukio), 辞世の句 (death poem)[83]
散るをいとふ 世にも人にも さきがけて 散るこそ花と 吹く小夜嵐
(Chiru wo itou Yo ni mo Hito ni mo Sakigakete Chiru koso Hana to Fuku Sayoarashi)
Storm winds at night blow / The message that to fall before / The world and before men / By whom falling is dreaded / Is the mark of a flower. (Translated by Donald Keene)[86]
A small night storm blows / Saying 'falling is the essence of a flower' / Preceding those who hesitate.
— 三島由紀夫 (Mishima Yukio), 辞世の句 (death poem)[83]
今日にかけて かねて誓ひし 我が胸の 思ひを知るは 野分のみかは
(Kyō ni kakete Kanete chikaishi Waga mune no Omoi wo shiruwa Nowake nomi kana)
I have been betting to this day / And have made a vow for a long time to today / I wonder if only the autumn storm would know, (maybe someone would know) / Of the feelings in my heart. [o]
— 森田必勝 (Morita Masakatsu), 辞世の句 (death poem)[83]
火と燃ゆる 大和心を はるかなる 大みこころの 見そなはすまで
(Hi to moyuru Yamato gokoro wo Haruka naru Ōmikokoro no Misonawasu made)
My Yamato-damashii, / Burns like fire, / And it will keep burning / Until the far away Emperor’s heart could see it.
— 小賀正義 (Koga Masayoshi), 辞世の句 (death poem)[83]
雲をらび しら雪さやぐ 富士の根の 歌の心ぞ もののふの道
(Kumo orabi Shirayuki sayagu Fuji no ne no Uta no kokoro zo Mononofu no michi)
The howling of clouds, / The rustling of white snow, / Seen from the foot of Mount Fuji, / This is the spirit of the song, / The path of warriors.
— 小川正洋 (Masahiro Ogawa), 辞世の句 (death poem)[83]
獅子となり 虎となりても 国のため ますらをぶりも 神のまにまに
(Shisi to nari Tora to naritemo Kuni no tame Masurao buri mo Kami no manima ni)
Even if I become a lion, / Or a tiger, / For the sake of my country / My behaving strong and brave man as a Japanese sword, / On God's command.
— 古賀浩靖 (Hiroyasu Koga), 辞世の句 (death poem)[83]
Yukio Mishima died at the age of 45.[48] Masakatsu Morita died at the age of 25, and he preferred to pronounce his name "Sure victory (必勝, Hisshō)" in on'yomi rather than "Masakatsu" in kun'yomi.[48]
The written appeal
[edit]The written appeal (檄, Geki) of which many copies were scattered from the balcony, was 10-paragraph piece of text, converting it into about nine pages long in manuscript paper, densely written in Mishima's own handwriting across two sheets of B4 paper.[68][88] The text is considered the culmination of Mishima's criticism of postwar Japan,[4][89], the evaluation of the content has elements that determined by the annual rings of Japanese history.[4] The entire text is permeated with the pronoun "we."[4]
In the Geki, they have looked back on his approximately four years of trial enlistment in the JSDF (three years for the students), and explained why they committed act what for JSDF might be considered an "ungrateful", because of "our love for the JSDF".[56][4][55][90][48][91] They then have written that they had been dreamed about JSDF of preserving "the spirit of true Japanese, true samurai," but JSDF was legally "unconstitutional" under the now constitution imposed on them by the GHQ after the war, and had been continued to bear "the dishonorable cross of the nation after defeat," and that JSDF only given a status like that of a huge police force, and the "object of its loyalty has not been made clear."[56][55][91] And they have written that "Defense, that should be a fundamental issue for the nation, has been obscured by convenient legal interpretations, and as an army which does not use the name of a national army, which has been the fundamental cause of the corruption of the Japanese soul and the decadence of morals."[56][4][55][92][18][90][93][48][91]
We watched postwar Japan had become obsessed with economic prosperity, forget the country's roots, lose its national spirit, pursue ends without correcting the roots, fall into makeshift measures and hypocrisy, and sink into a state of spiritual emptiness. Politics became devoted to covering up contradictions, self-preservation, lust for power, and hypocrisy, the nation's long-term plans were left to foreign country, the shame of defeat was not wiped away but merely whitewashed, and the Japanese themselves desecrated Japan's history and traditions. We had to watch with gritting teeth as the Japanese themselves desecrated Japan's history and traditions.
— Yukio Mishima and the members of Tatenokai, Geki[56]
They have said that "the original purpose of the establishment of Japan's military is exist to 'protecting Japan's history, culture, and traditions centered on the Emperor'."[56][4][55][18][48] And they have said that it is difficult to revise the constitution under the current system, but if the government had requested the JSDF to be deployed for Public Security Operation (治安出動, Chian shutsudō) to suppress the New Left demonstrations on October 21, 1969, which was only perfect opportunity to revise the constitution.[56][4][55][18][48] They have also criticized the government that had suppressing the demonstrators with police force alone, by which gained confidence that it could maintain the political system without "picking up the hot chestnuts out of the fire named 'constitutional amendment'".[56][4][55][48][24] They have also written that the Liberal Democratic Party, which had been "continued to turn a blind eye to the country's fundamental issues", felt relieved along with the Communist Party, and since that day, LDP had permanently excluded constitutional amendment from its political program, and that Japan would continue to be a country that protects the constitution in the future, and that the JSDF, which are supposed to protect the nation, had been deceived by politicians and would forever be trapped in the humiliating paradox of being a "constitutional protection army" that denies itself.[56][4][55][48][24][94]
Furthermore, they have lamented the fact that the JSDF personnel have remained silent and are like "canaries whose voices have been taken away," saying, "Sadly, in the end, the missions that are given to you will not come from Japan," they have also mentioned the "Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons" which unequal treaty disadvantageous to Japan and affecting the nation's long-term plans, and have lamented the fact that not a single general had committed seppuku in protest against it, and, in the end, they have touched on the meaning of the Reversion of Okinawa.[56][4][55][92]
What is the Reversion of Okinawa? What is the responsibility of the mainland for defending? It is patently obvious that the U.S. would not be glad to see a truly independent Japanese military defending Japanese land. If Japan does not regain its independence within the next two years, as the leftists say, the JSDF will end up as American mercenary forever. (Omitted)
Is it okay for souls to die just to respect life? What kind of army is it without values higher than life? Now is the time for us to show you what values higher than respect for life exist. It is not freedom or democracy. It is Japan. It is Japan, the country of our beloved history and traditions. Isn't there anyone willing to throw themselves against the constitution that has watered it down?— Yukio Mishima and the members of Tatenokai, Geki[56]
In the letters entrusting the original of this Geki to Takao Tokuoka (徳岡孝夫) and Munekatsu Date (伊達宗克), Mishima wrote, "The incident is only a minor one anyway. Please keep in mind that this is merely an individual play on our part. The enclosed Geki and photographs of my comrades are being given to you out of fear that they will be confiscated by the police, so please keep them well concealed and publish them freely. I would please, please, like to you publish the Geki uncut. (Omitted) How insane this may appear to outsiders, I would like you to understand that from our perspective it is purely an act of patriotism,"[67][68][26][95] he strongly expressed his desire for the entire Geki to be made public.[67][68][26][95]
Immediately after the incident, the weekly magazine Sunday Mainichi (サンデー毎日), where Tokuoka works as a reporter, was the first to publish the full text of the Geki,[23] and shortly thereafter, other newspapers also published the full text,[6] but the Asahi Shimbun publishing it with some parts cut out.[96]
Aftermath of the day
[edit]Among the about 30 members of the Tatenokai who were under guard by police and riot police in the Ichigaya Hall, those in Morita's friend group were upset when they heard about the incident, and violently resisted, demanding to be allowed to go to the scene, leading to three of them being arrested for obstruction of justice (公務執行妨害, kōmu shikkō bōgai).[10][49][97][52] The members who remained in the hall were asked to voluntarily accompany (任意同行, ninni dōkō) them, and after lining up and singing the national anthem "Kimigayo", and chanted "Long live the Emperor!" (天皇陛下万歳, Tennō heika banzai) three times, they were taken to Yotsuya Police Station (四谷警察署, Yotsuya keisatsu sho).[49][30][97][52]
Mishima's father, Azusa Hiraoka (平岡梓), learned of the incident on the noon news on television and was watching the screen intently.[98][99][100] He misread the characters "kaishaku (介錯)" and "death" in the news flash captions, "介錯" (kaishaku) for "care (介抱, kaihō)", and was upset and resented the doctor, wondering why Mishima had died despite being given care.[98][99][100][26] Meanwhile, Mishima's mother, Shizue (倭文重), and his wife, Yōko (瑤子), who heard about the situation while out, rushed home, and the family was thrown into chaos as if it were a bolt from the blue.[98] Yōko was so shocked that she took to bed.[101]
A little after 12:30 p.m., at the press conference held inside the Eastern Army Headquarters, an excited exchange began between the Metropolitan Police Department official who first announced that the two men had committed suicide and the newspaper reporters who were rapidly asking about whether they were alive or dead.[6][102][76] Groans and murmurs spread among the reporters, when they learned for the first time that the two men had been decapitated.[6][102][76]
Colonel Yoshimatsu also explained the whole story to the reporters. The reporters repeatedly asked questions about the unbelievable circumstances of seppuku and kaishaku.[6][102][76] When one of them shouted out a question, "So the head and the body were separated?" Colonel Yoshimatsu echoed his words and responded.[6][102][103][76] With that answer, the reporters had nothing more to ask to need, and quickly dispersed outside to report the news.[76]
The shocking news of the call for a coup and subsequent suicide by seppuku by the famous author, who was active in many fields and was also known as a candidate for the Nobel Prize in Literature, was broadcast simultaneously as breaking news on television and radio both in Japan and abroad,[6][30] and the newspapers extra editions were distributed in the streets.[6] The television and radio programs were quickly changed to special programs, and telephone discussions between intellectuals and other knowledgeable people were also held.[57][104] Over nine right-wing groups flocked to the front of the Camp Ichigaya.[10]
At a press conference held at the Defense Agency from 12:30 p.m., Minister of Defense Yasuhiro Nakasone called the incident "a very regrettable incident" and criticized Mishima's actions as "an enormous nuisance" and "destructive to democratic order."[105][22][106][100] Prime Minister Eisaku Satō, who heard the news at the Prime Minister's Office, was also surrounded by reporters and commented, "I can only think that he has gone mad. This is out of the ordinary."[105][22][106][100] Until then, Nakasone and Satō had viewed Mishima's trial enlistment in the JGSDF favorably as a positive PR opportunity for the JSDF, but after the incident they made critical remarks in their positions as politicians.[107][108][109]
One British journalist, after hearing the words of politicians such as Nakasone and Satō, tearfully told a literary critic Takeshi Muramatsu (村松剛), "Why is there not a single politician who defends Mishima? Mishima has never seemed so great and Japanese politicians have never seemed so small."[110]
Incidentally, in Eisaku Satō's diary for that day, he wrote, "I was shocked to hear that these people (who committed the crime) were the Tatenokai, Yukio Mishima and others. I can only think that they have gone mad. After receiving the detailed report, there are even more things I do not understand."[111] He also wrote, "It was an honorable way to die, but the place and method were unacceptable. We lost a great man, but violence is absolutely unacceptable."[111] On the other hand, about 20 years later, Nakasone has commented on his feelings at the time, "I thought that this was not an aesthetic incident or artistic martyrdom, but a death in rage against the times, a death as an ideological remonstrance. However, as the Caigentan says, 'Sticking to your beliefs and maintaining your integrity requires rigor and illumination, yet you must not become violent.' also, it was not the time to indulge in personal emotion."[112]
After being released, Commander Mashita appeared before the JSDF personnel and greeted them, waving his left hand high and saying, "I'm sorry for the inconvenience, but as you can see, I'm doing fine. Please don't worry."[57] The personnel responded with cheers of "That's great, that's great" and "All right, you did your best" and then a burst of applause.[57] A Tokyo Shimbun reporter who was covering the scene said that he found the scene unbearable, and wrote the newspaper column about his sense of discomfort with the group's behavior, which was not like that of a "military" group.[57]
Of course, this was not a mourning for Mishima's suicide. And not a condemnation of the actions of Mishima and others who challenged democracy, nor was it a round of applause indicative of a determination to remain committed to the military of a peaceful nation. It was, so to speak, a sign of back-patting for the "president" who had escaped from the captivity of thugs, and a sign of the team spirit of salarymen.
Instructions were given over the microphone to the remaining JSDF personnel. "Everyone, please go back to work. Please do so," the voice said in a pleading tone, but the personnel showed no signs of leaving. (Omitted) The salaryman-like unity and the disorder state of the JSDF was inadvertently exposed.— Tokyo Shimbun, Column (November 25, 1970) [57]
Yasunari Kawabata who was close to Mishima, received the news of the incident while out,[p] and at around 1:20 p.m., rushed to the Eastern Army Headquarters, but was unable to approach the Commandant General's office as the police were investigating the scene.[113][114] Surrounded by reporters, Kawabata, looking stunned and exhausted, said, "I am simply shocked. I never imagined something like this would happen - It's a shame he died in this way."[115][22][57] Shintaro Ishihara, who was a member of the House of Councillors at the time, also visited the Eastern Army Headquarters but did not enter the office.[116][117] Ishihara commented to the assembled press corps, "It can only be described as modern-day madness," and "It was a very fruitless act that risked young lives."[118][105]
At 2:00 p.m., the Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department set up the "Special Investigation Headquarters for the Case of the Tatenokai's Infiltration into the JSDF, Illegal Confinement, and Seppuku Suicide" within Ushigome Police Station (牛込警察署, Ushigome Keisatsusho).[27]
One of the JSDF highest-ranking officers concluded his impressions of that day by saying, "The reaction of the JSDF personnel after learning of Mishima's suicide changed completely.[57] Everyone was vague in their words, remained silent with complicated expressions, and seemed stunned. They probably never expected that he would commit suicide. The shock seems to be great."[57]
Sergeant K, who had seen Mishima's speech, spoke briefly, "When I heard that he had committed seppuku, I stood there for about an hour, losing myself in my thoughts."[57] Staff Office Major T also spoke, "I never thought he would die! It was a terrible shock. I had been listening to the speech the whole time, but I could hardly hear it because of the heckling from the younger soldiers. If he was risking his life for words, we should have listened quietly."[57]
At 5:15 p.m., Mishima and Morita's heads were placed in plastic bags one by one for autopsy, and their bodies were placed in caskets and transported from Camp Ichigaya to Ushigome Police Station, where the bodies were placed.[30][119] Some ethnic nationalist students and other right-wing groups came to the Police Station to pay their respects, and a temporary altar was set up, but it was soon removed.[10][27]
The Asahi Shimbun evening paper that day carried a photograph showing Mishima and Morita's heads illuminated by the sunlight streaming in through the window.[84][120][121]
Shortly after 10 p.m., the Metropolitan Police Department began searches of Mishima's residence and Morita's apartment.[27] Mishima's house was searched until around 4 a.m. the following day, November 26.[27] In Mishima's study room, in addition to letters addressed to family and acquaintances, on his desk were found clippings from Promises that I Have Not Fulfilled: 25 years in me (果たし得てゐない約束―私の中の二十五年, Hatashi ete inai Yakusoku: Watashi no naka no 25 nen) (Sankei Shimbun, July 7, 1970 issue) and One Hundred People Who Will Changing the World of the 1970s: Yukio Mishima (Asahi Shimbun, September 22, 1970 issue), and a suicide note-like note was also found, which read, "If life is limited, I want to live forever. Mishima Yukio."[122][13]
A large number of reporters were crowded on the street in front of the closed gate of Mishima's residence, and behind them, female students who were Mishima fans could be seen crying and embracing each other's shoulders,[57] and a group of ethnic nationalist students in stand-up collared school uniforms stood for a long time, upright and motionless, cheeks wet with tears, trying to hold back sobs.[57]
Autopsy, physical evidence, and arrest charges
[edit]On the following day, November 26, Professor Ginjiro Saitō (斎藤銀次郎) performed an autopsy on Mishima's body, and Professor Tadataka Funao (船尾忠孝) performed an autopsy on Morita's body in the forensic autopsy room of Keio University Hospital (慶應義塾大学病院, Keiō gijuku daigaku byōin), from 11:20 am to 1:25 p.m.[123][27] The autopsies determined that the cause of death for both men was "Disconnection of the neck due to a split wound," with the following findings:[124][123][76]
Yukio Mishima:
His neck was cut at least three times, with cuts measuring 7 cm, 6 cm, 4 cm and 3 cm. There is an 11.5cm cut on his right shoulder where the sword appears to have missed, and a small chip cut under his left jaw.
His abdomen was cut 5.5cm to the right and 8.5cm to the left, centered on his navel, and was 4cm deep. The left cut reached his small intestine, and ran in a straight line from left to right.
Height 163cm. 45 years old, but has the developed youthful muscles of a 30-something. Brain weighs 1,440g. Blood type A.
Masakatsu Morita:
The area between the third and fourth cervical vertebrae was cut off with a single slash. The wound on his abdomen was horizontal from left to right, 7cm to the left of his navel, 4cm deep, from there a shallow cut 5.4cm to the right, and a cut 5cm to the right of his navel. A small 0.5cm cut on his right shoulder.
Height 167cm. A young, beautiful body.
Mishima committed seppuku in such a dignified manner that about 50 centimeters of his small intestine was exposed.[29] In addition, a sword from kaishaku hit his jaw, shattering his molars, and there were traces of him trying to bite off his tongue.[29]
According to a police inspection, the Japanese sword "Seki Magoroku" used in the kaishaku was bent in an S-shape from the middle to the tip due to the impact of the kaishaku.[123][30][125] Also, a former Imperial Japanese Army Sergeant Hiroshi Funasaka (舩坂弘), the president of Shibuya's Taiseidō Bookstore (大盛堂書店, Taiseidō shoten) and the donor of "Seki Magoroku", saw during questioning at Ushigome Police Station that both ends of the rivet of the sword hilt (目釘, mekugi) had been crushed to prevent the blade from being pulled out.[126][27][125]
Sword appraisal expert Magoki Watanabe (渡部真吾樹) determined that the sword crest on Mishima's sword is not "Three Cedar Trees (三本杉, Sanbonsugi)", but "Mutual Confusion (互の目乱れ, Gunome-midare)," and that the base fabric of the sword is quite soft, different from the method used by "Seki Magoroku".[124] In addition to Watanabe, other experts have asserted that the sword is not a genuine "Seki Magoroku", and there have also been investigations into the sword's place of origin and provenances, leading to a persistent theory that Mishima had been tricked and given a fake.[125]
The belongings of Masayoshi Koga (小賀正義), Masahiro Ogawa (小川正洋), and Hiroyasu Koga included the Order that Mishima had given each of them, 30,000 yen each in cash (for attorney's fees), one special baton (特殊警棒, tokushu keibō) each, a climbing knife, etc. The order (命令書, meirei sho) to Masayoshi Koga mainly contained the following words:[127][128][55][129][130][131]
Your mission is to escort the hostages together with comrade Hiroyasu Koga, and after safely delivering them, be arrested as a criminal and make an honorable statement in court about the spirit of the Tatenokai.
This incident was planned, devised, and ordered by Mishima, the captain of the Tatenokai, and student leader Masakatsu Morita participated in it. Mishima's suicide with a sword (自刃, jijin) is only natural given my responsibilities as captain, but Masakatsu Morita's jijin is a brave and solemn act that he voluntarily represents all members of the Tatenokai and the current patriotically motivating young people of Japan, also sets an example and try to demonstrating the spirit of youth to which should be able to make the fierce god (鬼神, oni-gami) weep.
Regardless of Mishima, you should spread Morita's spirit to later generations.— Yukio Mishima, Order[127]
The three suspects, Masayoshi Koga, Masahiro Ogawa, and Hiroyasu Koga, were sent to prosecutors on November 27 on suspicion of six offenses: Participation in Assisted Suicide; Consensual Homicide (嘱託殺人, Shokutaku satsujin), Unlawful Capture and Confinement (不法監禁, Fuhou Kankin), Criminal Injury (傷害, Shōgai), Assault, Breaking into a Residence (建造物侵入, Kenzōbutsu shinyu), Possession of Firearms or Swords and Other Such Weapons.[104][27] On December 17, they were indicted on five offenses: Participation in Assisted Suicide; Consensual Homicide, Criminal Injury, Unlawful Capture and Confinement Causing in Injury (監禁致傷, Kankin-chishō), Assault, Obstructing or Compelling Performance of Public Duty (職務強要, Shokumu kyoyō).[10][27]
After the incident
[edit]Reactions
[edit]Newspaper and Magazine articles
[edit]The tone of the Japanese major newspapers on the Mishima incident - the Yomiuri Shimbun, the Asahi Shimbun, and the Mainichi Shimbun - was almost similar with the comments made by Minister of Defense Yasuhiro Nakasone and Prime Minister Eisaku Satō on the day, writing about Mishima's actions as an act of madness and that anti-democratic behavior was absolutely unacceptable.[105][22][23]
An editorial in the Asahi Shimbun stated that what governed Mishima's actions was probably "his intense and unique aesthetic sense, rather than any political thinking," and criticized him, saying, "Even if we can understand his philosophy, his actions should never be condoned."[105]
An editorial in the Mainichi Shimbun called the incident "nothing short of sheer madness," and concluded, "No matter how pure his ideas were and how valuable they may have been, anti-democratic behavior that does not follow legitimate rules is absolutely unacceptable."[105] Telegraphs reporting reactions from cities outside Japan, as reported by the Mainichi Shimbun, included "fears of a revival of militarism" from Washington, "concerns that it will provoke right-wingers" from London, and "shock at the actions of a well-known figure" from Paris.[23]
An editorial in the American The Christian Science Monitor argued, "It is difficult to see Mishima's suicide as a sign of the revival of Japanese militarism. Nevertheless, the meaning of Mishima's suicide is so significant that it corresponds careful consideration."[132]
The British Financial Times stated, "Whether mad or sane, the role model he set will have a powerful influence on a small number of Japan's young people, now and for the future."[132]
The German Die Welt reported that "he committed hara-kiri which martyring for the purity of his poetic spirit."[132] French L'Express reported that "He committed seppuku, calling for Japan's current worrying state to be restored to its former state."[132] Le Monde argued that "Mishima's suicide was for an indictment of hypocrisy."[132]
The Australian Australian Financial Review argued that "To link Mishima's death to the ultra-nationalism and the organized crime groups (yakuza) (暴力団, bōryokudan) that are common in Japan is not just a misunderstanding of Mishima, but a misunderstanding of modern Japan as well," and that "the tragedy that led to his death, in which he pursued true beauty in the structural conflict between traditional Japanese culture and modern society, is constructed to a level of perfection, just like his own works."[132]
According to Takehiko Noguchi (野口武彦), an intellectual history researcher, who was in Massachusetts when the Mishima Incident occurred, the reaction in the Massachusetts local newspapers was largely one of deride as an act of "madness," perhaps because of the prevalence of psychoanalysis in nature of the locality, even university scholars who were known to be knowledgeable about Japan, like the general public, tended to talk about the meaning of Mishima's death solely as a "psychological abnormality" or "pathological problem," to separate it from any social context.[133] About it Noguchi has said that he felt it was different from the Japanese habit of relating the meaning of the suicide of others to the living side.[133][q]
In public opinion on the Mishima incident in various media at the time, such as Japanese television and weekly magazines, ranged from "the desperate act of a patriot" to "counter-revolutionary terrorism," and those who refused to engage in such evaluation from the start or were bored with it commented him as having "reached his limits as a writer" or "the completion of Mishima's aesthetics,"[134] while the even more lazy ones preached the "madness" theory, desperately trying to place him outside the realm of everyday social norms,[134][121] some tried to link Mishima's homosexuality to the incident.[22][135]
JSDF and Ministry of Defense
[edit]On November 26, the day after the incident, a bouquet of chrysanthemums was quietly placed in front of the Commandant General's office, but within an hour it was removed by senior officers.[106][100] After the incident, a survey (randomly selected 1,000 people) was conducted among the Ground Self-Defense Forces in Tokyo and its suburbs, and the majority of personnel answered that they "sympathized with the ideas in the written appeal (檄, Geki)."[106][100][136][42] Some also answered that they "strongly sympathized with it," causing a fluster at the Ministry of Defense.[132][106]
When the police questioned young senior officers of the JGSDF who had been on friendly terms with Mishima, they found that more of them than expected sympathized with Mishima and were seriously thinking about Japan's defense issues.[137][106] Colonel Kiyokatsu Yamamoto (山本舜勝), who had lectured Mishima and the members of Tatenokai on guerrilla tactics, was also questioned, but because the police authorities decided to treat the incident as simply a case of mob intrusion, Colonel Yamamoto was not called to court.[137][r]
On December 22, the Lieutenant General Kanetoshi Mashita (益田兼利), Commander-in-Chief of the Eastern Army, took full responsibility for the incident and resigned from his post.[139] When the process of this decision, Commander Mashita and the Minister of Defense Yasuhiro Nakasone negotiated.[41][78] According to Major Katsumi Terao, the tape recording of that time shows Nakasone saying, "I have a future. The Commander-in-Chief has reached the pinnacle of rank, so if you take full responsibility, the matter will be closed," and "I'll raise the Commander-in-Chief of the Eastern Army's salary by two pay grades..." (meaning to increase the base amount for calculating retirement benefits and increase retirement benefits).[41][78][s]
One years after the incident, a memorial monument was quietly erected in front of the 2nd company corps at the Camp Takigahara of the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force Fuji School (陸上自衛隊富士学校, Rikujō jieitai Fuji gakkō) in Camp Fuji, where the Mishima and the Tatenokai enlisted for a trial period.[140][141] Inscribed on the monument is a tanka poem by Mishima:[140][141][142][136][42]
深き夜に 暁告ぐる くたかけの 若きを率てぞ 越ゆる峯々
(Fukaki yo ni Akatsuki tuguru Kutakake no Wakaki wo hikite zo Koyuru Menemene)
In the deep night, / A rooster cry out / To announce of dawn, / I lead my young men / Across the mountains.
— 公威 (Kimitake)
Masamichi Inoki (猪木正道), the third president of the National Defense Academy of Japan, who had once dialogued about the Anpo problem with Mishima in 1969, criticized as regards Mishima's Geki, saying, "It is an unruly ideology that intend to transforming the JSDF's Public Security Operation for protect public order, into a coup d'état to destroy public order, and there is no other way of thinking that is more insulting to the JSDF." in 1972, two years after the incident.[143]
In the fall of 1973, three years after the incident, the Ministry of Defense's Internal Bureau (内局, nai-kyoku) added the phrase "comply with the Constitution of Japan and laws and regulations." to the oath of office for JSDF personnel.[144] Until then, this phrase had only been included in the oath of office for general national civil servants (国家公務員, kokka kōmuin) (police officers, etc.), and there had been hesitation to include "comply with the Constitution of Japan" in the oath of office for the JSDF personnel, because a straight reading of Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution would make it to interpret the existence of the JSDF as "Unconstitutional".[144] However, the Mishima Incident made it clear that the JSDF were a completely harmless safe organization, and it was judged that not a single officer would rebel if this wording was included, so it was decided to insert it.[144]
New Left
[edit]A New Left group Zenkyōtō of Tokyo University, which had held a debate with Mishima in May 1969 (Debate: Yukio Mishima vs. Zenkyōtō of Tokyo University: Beauty, Community, and the Tokyo University Struggle (討論 三島由紀夫vs.東大全共闘―美と共同体と東大闘争, Tōron: Mishima Yukio vs. Zenkyōtō of Tokyo University: Bi to Kyōdōtai to Todai Ronsō)), expressed their condolences with a banner reading "In Memory of Yukio Mishima" at the Komaba campus,[22][14] and Kyoto University and other schools also paid tribute with banners reading "In Memory of Yukio Mishima's Seppuku."[22]
Osamu Takita (滝田修), leader of the Kyoto University Partisan group (京大パルチザン, Kyoto paruchizan), commented, "It was an ideological defeat for us leftists. We didn't have a single person who was willing to put his body on the line like that. It was a shock. The New Left needs to create many more 'Mishimas'."[22]
An executive staff of a leading New Left faction emphasized the difference between Mishima and himself, saying, "We go with the 'philosophy of life' as opposed to Mishima's 'aesthetics of death.' It's not that you can accomplish anything by dying. But it's not that we avoid dying. When we die, we die by being killed."[22]
Chiren Misawa (見沢知廉), a New Leftist, moved by the Mishima incident, when he told a senior members of the leadership team about it, he was retorted, "It was a farce."[19] He became angry and thought, "How can they call something that people risked their lives a farce? They don't understand the human heart," disappointed in the leaders, he became New Rightist.[19][t]
According to critic Tomofusa Kure (呉智英), who had participated in the activities of the Zenkyōtō at the time, some left-wing people, shocked to Mishima and four members of the Tatenokai's "seriousness", described it using words like "eerie," "ugly," and "fear."[9]
Right Wing
[edit]Tomeo Sagōya (佐郷屋留雄) considered the actions of Mishima and the Tatenokai to be a "righteous act" (義挙, gikyo), commenting that it "opened the eyes of the Japanese people and opened a breakthrough for the Japanese Restoration Movement."[145] Michio Asanuma (浅沼美智雄) also praised Mishima's actions and written appeal (檄, Geki), saying that "the sincerity of patriotism that runs through the Geki is the very sanity of the nation."[145]
The Greater Japan Productive Party (大日本生産党, Dai nihon seisan-tō) stated that it "cannot accept in any way" the comments made by Minister of Defense Nakasone and Prime Minister Satō, and harshly criticized the Liberal Democratic Party for abandoning its goal of "Constitutional amendment" despite the party's platform explicitly stating that it has done so and for "consistently resting on its laurels in power since the end of the war, and had been preoccupied with partisan interests."[146] It also condemned the party, saying, "The party that is responsible for driving Mishima to his death lies none other than the government, the LDP."[146]
Writers and Cultural figures
[edit]Many of Mishima's close friends and writers and critics who shared the same ideological lineage interpreted the Mishima Incident as a "committing suicide to remonstrate the government (諫死, Kanshi)."[22][147] Writers with different ideological leanings from Mishima also felt a deep respect for Mishima's integrity to provide fair literary criticism that transcended ideological differences, and many of them, like Yasunari Kawabata's comment at the scene, expressed pure lamentation over the loss of Mishima's rare talent,[22] also many of them, sympathized with Mishima's accomplishment of his romanticism and aesthetics.[147]
On the other hand, there were also critics such as Munemutsu Yamada (山田宗睦) person, who based on their ideological opposition and anti-Emperor stance, harshly criticized Mishima's actions as an "Anachronistic folly".[148][22] There were also many critical comments reflecting the general opinion of "Postwar cultural figures (戦後文化人, sengo bunkajin)" at the time, such as Hiroshi Noma, who was wary of Japan becoming militarized.[149][22]
Ryōtarō Shiba feared that "dingy imitators" would emerge who would copy Mishima's actions, and was opposed to giving Mishima's death any political significance, arguing that it should remain within the category of literary theory.[150][151][152][11] He also considered the mass sense of the JSDF personnel who heckled Mishima to be normal and healthy.[150][151][152][u]
Shō Shibata (柴田翔), who had shown respect to Mishima while he was alive and had approached him calling him "Teacher Mishima" (三島先生, Mishima sensei), said after the incident, "I intuitively sensed his narcissism and it made me angry," and "I would like to ask young people, especially those of the New Left, not to be shaken up. It is time for each of us to take a step back and think carefully about which principle we owe it to: is self-destruction through the philosophy of death more important, or is it more important to continue living as a human being?"[153][154]
Takeshi Muramatsu (村松剛), a scholar of French literature who was close to Mishima, said that Mishima, who had achieved status as a writer and had been blessed with a family, and who would have had a great chance of winning the Nobel Prize in Literature if he had lived, decided to cut all that off and act in this way as the meaning of "a warning to the flourishing mid-Shōwa period (昭和元禄, Shōwa-Genroku) with his death."[155][22]
Fusao Hayashi said that Mishima's death was a warning to the JSDF, calling for them to return to their original role as an "honorable National Army," and that his death was a "death of remonstration" (諌死, kanshi) by "using his death to encourage them to self-reflection."[22] Also referring to a 1966 dialogue with Mishima, in which Mishima said that politicians only realize decades after the fact that poets and literary figures have predicted, Hayashi paid tribute to, saying, "the kanshi of Mishima and his young comrade are the first and the last, precious and effective self-sacrifices that will stop Japan's landslide itself, and will awaken the lazy slumber of the 'mentally old' who are resting on the big lies of the 'peace constitution' and the 'economic superpower', turning this beautiful – a country of Japan that should be beautiful into an ugly den of Economic animal and Free rider".[156][157][147]
Seiichi Funahashi mourned Mishima's death as a "death of indignation" (憤死, funshi) and said of the meaning of his death, "I think this way. 'The extreme of expressive power leads to death.' No matter how much he tries to express himself, when his expressive power is blocked by a thick wall, he has no choice but to throw away his pen and die."[158][159]
Mari Mori was outraged by the remarks made by Prime Minister Eisaku Satō and Minister of Defense Yasuhiro Nakasone, commenting, "The Prime Minister and the Minister of Defense are saying that Yukio Mishima's suicide was an act of madness, but I would like to ask which one is the madman," and mentioned the postwar Japan, that is effectively a vassal state of the United States, unable to maintain its dignity, not treated as a "full-fledged nation," and not "treated with respect" in any negotiations,[v] and said the following:[160][161][162]
Who is insane: someone who is outraged and upset by this ridiculous state of the Japanese, or someone who accepts this ridiculous state of the Japanese with insensitive nerves and smiles peacefully? I cannot imagine that the nerves of a normal person can remain calm about the current state of Japan.
Shigeharu Nakano said, "Both Eisaku Satō and Yasuhiro Nakasone have seized the time by the forelock in this incident," and criticized Satō and Nakasone, and others for turning the Mishima Incident into "madness," and then using it as an opportunity for politicians to promote the impression in society that the JSDF is a rational and rational, non-violent group that does not violate common sense among citizens.[163][22]
Hideo Kobayashi said, "Right-wing partisanship has absolutely no connection to the spirit of him (Mishima), yet the incident tempts such words. Because the incident is viewed as a material thing, like an accident, the words attached to it are also treated as material things," and added that it is not easy for people who give various "commentaries" about and criticize the incident to "perceive and understand the incident as an abstract event."[164][165]
In fact, I think that they all unconsciously treat the incident as if it were an accident, materialistically. It goes without saying that the incident is deeply related to issues such as our country's history and traditions, but even so, the symbolism of this incident is the product of the individual historical experience of this literary figure (Mishima), who alone bore historical responsibility. If this were not the case, how could it have the power to move me, who is certainly a stranger and a loner?
— Hideo Kobayashi, Thoughts[164]
Ichirō Murakami (村上一郎), a poet and literary critic, criticized those who say that Mishima and Morita's deaths were in vain or pointless, offering the following rebuttal after introducing waka poems by an acquaintance that had arrived at his place:[166][22]
Those who say it was in vain, they died like dogs, listen carefully. Many such poems of nobility are being written, inspired by the deaths of two gentlemen. If this trend could lead to works like the Man'yōshū and Shin Kokin Wakashū, while people are currently the most alienated in America, West Germany, and Japan, and therefore the countries with the greatest potential for the creation of the most beautiful poetry in the world. so, the deaths of two gentlemen will be the start of a great revolution in civilization that should be compared to a revolution greater than the Meiji Restoration. There is no way that their deaths were in vain.
Bunzō Hashikawa (橋川文三), an intellectual historian and researcher of the Japanese Romantic School (日本浪曼派, Nihon Rōman Ha), based on Mishima's psychological history from before the war, and associated the Mishima's "foolishly honest" death with the historical tradition of "Death in Madness" such as that of Hikokurō Taakayama, Shinpuren, Yasutake Yokoyama (横山安武) who was a Samurai of the Satsuma Domain, Saburō Aizawa, and also positioning the "Death in Madness" of Mishima to the same place such as that of "obscure terrorists" like Heigo Asahi (朝日平吾) who assassinated Zenjirō Yasuda and committed suicide on the spot, and Konichi Nakaoka (中岡艮一) who assassinated Takashi Hara.[167][133][22][11]
Yojurō Yasuda (保田與重郎), the leader of the Japanese Romantic School, which had some influence on Mishima in his youth, said, "The fact that young Morita's blade hesitated several times is proof of the beauty of his heart. It makes me even more sad because I feel he was a kind person."[168][169] He also said, "Mishima avoided killing anyone, and made precise arrangements for his own death, putting his heart and soul into it."[170][171][22][110]
Those who feared his incident called "madness", those who were anxious called it "violence," or "an impasse," or "banging his head against a wall. " As an incident beyond imagination or comparison, it sent a frightening and bloody impulse not only to Japan but to the whole world, so there is no other similar incident in recent history. Because identifying its uniqueness is accompanied by fear, those who unconsciously avoid it and judge it in political and typological terms are those who live in the self-preservation of the status quo, fearing the creativity, future potential, and revolutionary nature contained in it.
Hideo Nakai (中井英夫), who was close to Mishima, criticized the tendency to short-sighted treat Mishima's death as the behavior of an insane person, and people for viewing homosexuality, that Mishima chose as the main theme of his literature, through the lens of adult entertainment and making a fuss about him being "homo" or "agfay (オカマ, okama)", saying, "the person who died was not a pop singer or a movie star, but a writer who brought the richest and most fragrant fruits in the post-war period.", lamenting to tend of disregarding Mishima's inner self, "Are we living in an age where crude nerves and shallow thinking, which can be dismissed as simply 'the flip side of his inferiority complex,' are so prevalent?"[172][173][121]
Yumiko Kurahashi criticized that in response to writers who say that Mishima could have done better work if he had lived longer, or that he had reached a dead end in his literary work and resorted to the actions he did, they speak as if being writers or literary figures gave them some special qualification or existence (as if everything existed for the sake of literature), and said that she could well understand "Mishima's deep disgust at associating with his peers."[174][175][176]
It is fine to lament the loss of a rare literary talent, but saying that he could have written more good works if he had lived is as stingy as lamenting the death of a hen that lays golden eggs. It is a vulgar way of thinking to say that if there were more works by Mishima, the amount of cultural heritage or whatever of Japan would increase, and what Mishima showed through his actions was what culture is.
— Yumiko Kurahashi, Death of a Hero[174]
Kazumi Takahashi, who had a different ideological stance from Mishima, stated that despite that difference, "The death of a brave enemy is more sad than the death of an evil ally," and paid tribute to Mishima, saying, "If the spirit of Mishima Yukio has ears, please listen to the voice of Takahashi Kazumi 'fllinging away shiokara and weeping' (醢をくつがえして哭いている, Shiokara wo kutsugaeshite naite iru) (meaning: Even though it is impossible to bring back your life, I am weeping, flinging away the shiokara.)[177][178][w]
Shōhei Ōoka expressed his great sorrow, saying, "Wasn't there another way? Why did this talent have to be destroyed?"[179][22] Taijun Takeda commented, "Mishima and I had different writing styles and opposing political views, but I have never once doubted the purity of his motives." and continued:[180][181][182][183][22][184][185]
A life of hard work and dedication without a moment to breathe has come to an end. The dust kicked up by his lonely body and mind of a long-distance runner, and his breathing falls above our heads, as he sprints rises, these falls again and again. Your patience, your determination. Your hatred, your love. your howling laughter, your silence. They float between us, holding us down. It is something moral, rather than aesthetic. When you announced your Lectures on Immoral Education (不道徳教育講座, Fudōtoku Kyōiku Kōza), I had an intuition that "there is no way such an earnest, hard-working person could be immoral," but I think you were born with the innate ability to believe that a life lived without morality is not a life at all. "Morality" was constantly trying to bind you, pushing aside the "beauty" that tried to make you ecstatic.
— Taijun Takeda, After the Death of Mr. Yukio Mishima[180]
Jun Ishikawa states that the decisive factor in Mishima's decision was that he learned Kenjutsu while holding strong ideals as a samurai, and that he adopted the action philosophy of Yangmingism, which is the root of "active nihilism" (能動的ニヒリズム, nōdōteki nihirizumu)[186] (a philosophy of action based on the idea of returning to the "Great void (heavens, sky)" (太虚, Taikyo), the source of all creation, through the unity of knowledge and action).[187][151] Also, Ishikawa, unlike Mishima, stated that he did not believe that Emperor-centrism was "absolutely unchanging," but said he regretted that the place where Mishima's "nihilism" in his "jar (壺, tsubo) overflowing with the water of life" (body) took flight into the "Taikyo" was the "rooftop of a government office" where "salarymen" and not "samurai" hung out, and while he said that "there is no doubt that the incident was an incident of Japanese spirit" even if there was a disconnection between the rooftop and the area below, he criticized the various "idle pseudo-thinkers" who, after the incident in which Mishima's spirit had already returned to the "Taikyo," were "obsessed with whether the sign of Mishima's ideology was positive or negative."[187][151] Then he paid tribute to Mishima, repeating his own April commentary,[188] in which he highly praised the "Blue sky" that Mishima saw while carrying the mikoshi at Kumano Shrine (熊野神社, Kumano jinja) as "a Trophy of Mishima's body"[188] as follows:[187][151]
Mishima-kun's position was that of an "Emperor-centered" ideology, with which I found it difficult to agree, but with the conviction of his philosophy of action, he focused on a wide range of issues, including his enemies, from the Ōshio Heihachirō Rebellion (大塩平八郎の乱, Ōshio Heihachirō no ran) to the New Left student movement, and single-handedly and sincerely honored his words.
When I wrote about Sun and Steel in this column in April, I quoted the passage where Mishima-kun looked at the "blue sky" while carrying a mikoshi, and commented that I was moved by that "Blue sky." Now, Mishima has left the literary scene, taken up the tool of a sword, and stabbed himself with it, but because this tool does not speak, there is no way for it to convey to us what he saw with his dying eyes. In Mishima's novel, the person who commits seppuku sees the "sun," but there is no analogy from that. Is it all a delusion? I too am at a loss for words, and my emotions just sink deeper .— Jun Ishikawa, The Leap from Awareness to Action[187]
Takaaki Yoshimoto, as a person of the same generation as Mishima, who experienced the wartime and postwar periods, spoke of the shock of the incident as a question for himself.[189][190][191][192]
Yukio Mishima's dramatic suicide by disembowelment and beheading by kaishaku. This is a shock. This method of suicide has enough power to make all living things look "foolish" to some extent. The shock is colored by the strange amalgam of the intensity of this method of suicide, the emptiness of his tragic written appeal (檄, Geki) and the silly death poems, the misguided stupidity as a political act, and the open method of "sober calculation" for the mass audience (大向うohmukou), which is shown in the process to suicide being filmed on television cameras. And the question remains with me, just as it has for the past few years about Yukio Mishima: "How serious is he?" In other words, he died in a place that is the hardest for me to understand. The only answer to this question is the intensity of Mishima's method of suicide. And this answer has the power to make me ask for a moment, "What have you done?"
— Takaaki Yoshimoto, Comments on the Situation: Provisional Memo[189]
Yasunari Kawabata mourned Mishima's death and commented as follows:[113][114][193][194][105]
I had no particular sympathy for Mishima-kun's Tatenokai, but I think that in order to stop him from dying, I should have approached the Tatenokai, joined it, and accompanied him to the JSDF in Ichigaya. I think that I should have done so in order to avoid losing Mishima, but even this is a only hindsight lament. (Omitted)
It seems like the more you love and respect a writer, the less you can understand him. For me, this was the case with the literature of Riichi Yokomitsu-kun. Since Mishima-kun's death, I have been unable to stop thinking of Yokomitsu-kun. It is not that the tragedies and thoughts of these two genius writers are similar. It is because Yokomitsu-kun was my one and only greatly respected friend the same age as me, and Mishima-kun was my one and only greatly respected friend the younger than me. I wonder if I will ever meet alive greatly respected friend again, after these two.— Yasunari Kawabata, Yukio Mishima[113]
Kōichi Isoda (磯田光一), a literary critic, stated that the Mishima incident was an act of resolve Mishima undertaken after he was aware of the various insults and criticisms that would be heaped upon him after his death, and that it was a complete act of revenge against "the real world itself that had lost its stoicism", named the "postwar" era.[195][196][197] He went on to say that for Mishima the Emperor was "Something that must exist because it cannot exist" and "an extreme vision summoned by his thirst for the 'absolute'."[195][196][197]
Even if this incident has some kind of social impact, it cannot be used as a justification for the living to mock the spirits of the dead. Furthermore, insofar as Mishima's actions were based on a decision that anticipated and was made with full knowledge of all criticism, his death has completely relativized all criticism. It is, so to speak, an act of sternly rejecting all criticism, or criticism itself is inevitably subject to criticism. What runs through Mishima's literature and thought is a thirst for aesthetic life and death, and a terrible malice to empty everything on earth.
— Kōichi Isoda, The Sun God and the Malice of Iron[195]
Donald Keene said, "I know that Prime Minister Satō was wrong to call Mishima's actions madness. They were logically constructed and inevitable," and "The world has lost a great writer."[198][132]
Henry Scott-Stokes called Mishima "the most important man in Japan" and noted that he was worthy of attention for boldly "bringing into the public arena" all the defense and political debates that had been exchanged only in private by the leaders of the Liberal Democratic Party until then. Henry then asked why Japan's professional politicians had not been able to do this up until now.[199][200]
Few people realize that Japan is a country that discusses issues of national defense as if they were playing cards or poker.... Foreigners are convinced that the very fact that Japan holds free elections, has an almost excessive number of opinion polls, and enjoys freedom of speech, is proof of the existence of democracy in Japan. Mishima was drawing attention to the lack of reality in basic political debates in Japan, as well as the peculiarities of Japan's democratic principles.
— Henry Scott-Stokes, Why was Mishima Great[199]
When Edward Seidensticker was asked by newspaper reporters whether Mishima's actions had anything to do with the resurgence of Japanese militarism, he intuitively answered "No" and commented as follows:[201][132]
Maybe one day, when the country has grown tired of peace, of gross national product, of all that, he will be looked upon as the guardian god of a new national consciousness. We can now see that he told us very early what he intended to do, and that he achieved it. In a sense, Mishima's life was a Schweitzer-like one.
— Edward Seidensticker, None title (Current affairs commentary)[201]
Henry Miller was intrigued by the fact that Mishima, a writer who had a strong interest in Western culture and thought and consciously adopted them, "devoted himself to defending Japan's unique traditions," and expressed the view that the meaning of Mishima's death was "to awaken the Japanese people and direct their eyes to the beauty and effectiveness inherent in the traditional lifestyle of their homeland."[202][203] He went on to say, "Was there anyone in Japan who could sense more keenly than Mishima the various dangers facing Japan, which is following Western ideas?" and that Mishima had a "spirit of refusal to submit" to Western "progressivism," which ultimately awaited mass destructive death, "the death of the whole earth."[202][203]
How much poison is in our immature Western ideas about progress, efficiency, safety, and so on? It is time for the whole world to see this, whether fascist, communist, or democrat. The Western world has promoted superficial comfort and progress, but the price paid for all of it is too high. (Omitted) He (Mishima) appealed for dignity, self-respect, true brotherhood, self-reliance, love of nature instead of efficiency, patriotism instead of ultra-nationalism, and he wanted to restore the Emperor as a symbol of leadership, as opposed to the characterless, mindless masses that blindly follow the ever-changing ideology sanctioned by political theorists.
— Henry Miller, Special Contribution: The Death of Yukio Mishima[202]
Also, Henry Miller asked himself, "Mishima was a man of great intelligence. Didn't Mishima realize that it was futile to try to change the minds of the masses?" and went on to say the following:[202][203]
No one has ever succeeded in changing the consciousness of the masses. Not Alexander the Great, not Napoleon, not Buddha, not Jesus, not Socrates, not Marcion, not anyone else that I know of. The majority of humanity is asleep. They have been asleep throughout history, and will probably still be asleep when the atomic bomb annihilates humanity. (Omitted) They cannot be awakened. It is useless to command the masses to live intelligently, peacefully, and beautifully.
— Henry Miller, Special Contribution: The Death of Yukio Mishima[202]
Funerals, memorials, trials, etc.
[edit]After an autopsy was completed at Keio University Hospital (慶應義塾大学病院, Keiō gijuku daigaku byōin) on November 26, the day after the incident, the necks and torsos of both Mishima and Morita's corpses were neatly sutured.[204][50]
Just before 3 p.m., Mishima's corpse was handed over to his younger brother, Chiyuki Hiraoka (平岡千之), in the morgue, and Morita's corpse was handed over to his older brother, Osamu (森田治).[50][27] Morita's corpse was immediately cremated at a crematorium in Yoyogi, Shibuya.[27] Osamu recounted that his younger brother's dead face looked as if he was sleeping peacefully.[50]
A little after 3:30 p.m., Mishima's corpse was taken from the hospital to his home in a police car.[104][27][119] His father, Azusa Hiraoka (平岡梓), was afraid of how his son would look, and looked into the coffin. He found his son's corpse dressed in the Tatenokai uniform, with a guntō firmly clutched at his chest,[98][104][27] and his dead face was, to which makeup had been beautifully applied, looked as if he were alive.[98] The uniform and guntō were in accordance with Mishima's will, entrusted to his friend, Kinemaro Izawa (伊沢甲子麿),[205][206] and the police officers had applied the makeup to him with special care, saying, "We applied the makeup carefully with special feelings, because it is the body of Teacher Mishima, whom we have always respected secretly."[98]
The next day was friend-pulling day (友引, Tomobiki), a day when crematoriums were closed, so it was decided to hold a private funeral on this day.[98][204] Several editors from publishing companies asked the family if they could make his death mask, but they were told that this would not be necessary, so this was not done.[204] Mishima's private funeral was held at his home, and in addition to his relatives, Yasunari Kawabata, Kinemaro Izawa, Takeshi Muramatsu (村松剛), Takeo Matsuura (松浦竹夫), Shōhei Ōoka, Shintaro Ishihara, Hyōe Murakami (村上兵衛), Seiji Tsutsumi, Takamitsu Masuda (増田貴光), Takao Tokuoka (徳岡孝夫) and others came to pay their respects.[207][27] At the foot of the statue of Apollo in the garden of Mishima's residence, about 30 crimson roses were thrown in as a memorial.[207][x]
Azusa put the manuscript papers and fountain pen that his son cherished in the casket together, and his casket left the home just after 4 p.m.[98] At that time, his mother, Shizue (倭文重), stroked the face of his casket with her fingers and said, "Goodbye, Kōi (公威)-san."[208][209][204][210][y][z] Mishima's body was cremated at 6:10 p.m. at Kirigaya Funeral Hall (桐ヶ谷斎場, Kirigaya saijō) in Shinagawa.[104][119]
On the same day, November 26, at the main gate of Waseda University, where Masakatsu Morita studied, a large signboard mourning Mishima and Morita was erected by the "Japan Student Alliance" (日本学生同盟, Nihon Gakusei Dōmei) and the Waseda University National Defense Club, and portraits of the two men and an incense burner were also placed there.[211]
Morita's wake (通夜, tuya) was also held by members of the Tatenokai at around 6 p.m. on November 26 at Shōtoku-san Taichō-ji Temple (聖徳山諦聴寺, Shōtoku-san Taichō-ji) in Yoyogi.[18][27] Morita's posthumous Buddhist name was "慈照院釈真徹必勝居士 (Jishōin Shaku Shintetsu Hisshō Koji)."[50] At the wake, Mishima's suicide note, addressed to all members of the Tatenokai, was read out to everyone.[212] Some members of the Tatenokai suggested that if one member committed suicide every year, it would be possible to continue making an appeal to society.[213][214] Morita's second wake was held the following day, November 27, at his family home in Yokkaichi-shi, Mie Prefecture, and the funeral was held on November 28 at Sea Star (海の星, Umi no Hoshi) Catholic Church, at the request of his Catholic brother Osamu, and Morita's cremains were interred at around 4 p.m.[27] Mishima's younger brother, Chiyuki, attended the funeral.[27]
On November 30, the 7th day after death bardo memorial service (初七日, sho-nanoka) was held at Mishima's home.[104][27][119] In his will to his parents, Mishima had stated, "My funeral must be Shinto, but the Hiraoka family's funeral can be Buddhist rite."[126][27] Regarding his posthumous Buddhist name, he had said in the will, "I want the character 'Martial (武, Bu)' to be included. The character 'Literature (文, Bun)' is unnecessary."[126][27][206] However, his family, feeling that "he had grown up as a man of literature (文人, bunjin)," decided to include the character '文' under the character '武', and so his posthumous Buddhist name became "彰武院文鑑公威居士 (Shobuin Bunkan Kōi Koji)."[126][104][27][119]
On December 11, the "Yukio Mishima Memorial Evening" was held at Toshima Public Hall (豊島公会堂, Toshima Kōkaidō) in Ikebukuro by an executive committee headed by Fusao Hayashi.[104][215][50][119][211] This was the origin of the "Patriotism Memorial" (憂国忌, Yūkoku-ki) memorial service, which would later become an annual event on Mishima's deathday.[216][27][211] The hosts were Kōhan Kawauchi and Taisuke Fujishima (藤島泰輔), who was a schoolmate of Crown Prince Akihito, and the executive committee was made up of minzoku-ha students from the "Japan Student Alliance" and other groups.[215][211] Over 3,000 people gathered (the organizers said it was 5,000). The venue was overflowing, and many people also gathered in nearby Nakaikebukuro Park (中池袋公園, Nakaikebukuro Kōen), where they listened to eulogies from attendees broadcast over special speakers covering the situation inside the venue, as well as Mishima's speech before his suicide, which was recorded at the scene of the incident.[215][27]
The following year, on January 12, 1971, for the 49th day after death bardo memorial service (四十九日, Shiju-ku nichi) was held at the Hiraoka family home.[217] On the same day, a "Gathering to remember Mr. Yukio Mishima" was held at the Sankei Hall in Osaka, organized by 10 people including Fusao Hayashi, and was attended by approximately 2,000 people.[217] On January 13, Mishima's wife Yoko came to visit the injured JSDF personnel to offer her apologies.[41][217][218]
On January 14, that was also Mishima's birthday, his cremains were buried in the grave of the Hiraoka Family (Location: 10th district, 1st class, 13th side, no. 32) at Tama Cemetery in Fuchū-shi.[98][217][119] As his birthday was 49 days after the day of his suicide, some say that Mishima may had set his period of bardo for reincarnation.[219][220]
On a clear, sunny day from the morning of January 24, Mishima's funeral and farewell ceremony was held at Tsukiji Hongan-ji from 1 p.m.[18][215][217] The chief mourner (喪主, moshu) was his wife Yōko Hiraoka, the funeral committee chairman Yasunari Kawabata, and the master of ceremonies was Takeshi Muramatsu.[217] Around 100 of Mishima's relatives, Morita's family, members of the Tatenokai and their families, Mishima's acquaintances, and the first 180 general attendees were able to attend.[217] The altar was designed by the Ikebana artist, Tōko Adachi (安達瞳子), and was simple, with a portrait of Mishima in a black sports shirt at the center, against a black cloth background, and seven large and small flower spheres made from white chrysanthemums.[126][217][221]
The memorial addresses (弔辞, chōji) were delivered by eight people: Funahashi Seiichi (who was replaced by Makoto Hōjō (北條誠) halfway through due to his eye disease), Taijun Takeda, Eikoh Hosoe, president of Shinchosha Ryōichi Satō (佐藤亮一), Eiko Muramatsu (村松英子), Kinemaro Izawa, film producer Hiroaki Fujii (藤井浩明), and Sazō Idemitsu. Eiko Muramatsu, an actress of Mishima's troupe, sobbed as she paid tribute to her mentor on behalf of the theatrical world.[222][223][217][224]
To me, you were an irreplaceable teacher. Your blood painted the whole polluted skies of modern Japan in brilliant color like a burning rainbow in the evening glow. (Omitted) You were caring, without showing it. You showed us the possibility of simultaneously possessing burning passion and a cool-headed intellect. Your clear flame was the light that always guided us. (Omitted) That beautiful flame that you lit with your own body will never go out, but will continue to burn above the heads of those who love and respect you.
— Eiko Muramatsu, Chōji[224]
Other attendees included Taisuke Fujishima, Kishin Shinoyama, Tadanori Yokoo, Toshiro Mayuzumi, Hiroshi Akutagawa, Kosuke Gomi, Nobuo Nakamura, Akiyuki Nosaka, Yasushi Inoue, Masatoshi Nakayama, and Takao Tokuoka. The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) had expressed a desire to broadcast Mishima's funeral live, but the organizing committee declined.[215] Prime Minister Eisaku Satō's wife Hiroko (寛子) had also expressed a desire to attend the funeral in disguise by helicopter, but this was prevented by security concerns due to a rumor that far-left forces would attack the funeral hall.[225][223]
A temporary nursing facility and a toilet car were set up at the funeral hall,[226][215][217] and 100 plainclothes and uniformed police officers, 50 riot police, and 46 security guards were on guard.[226][217] Over 8,200 members of the public attended the ceremony, paying their respects at a large portrait of Mishima placed at the entrance to the hall.[226][217][119][185] Fans of Mishima ranged from former soldiers to office ladies.[215] Among them was a group of companies that came from Nagoya to attend, raising flags reading "In Memory of Yukio Mishima."[215][227] This made it the largest funeral ever for a literary figure.[226][228][229][185] The next day, on January 25, the chairman Hiromi Tamagawa (玉川博己) of "Japan Student Alliance" announced its plan to launch the "Yukio Mishima Study Group" (三島由紀夫研究会, Mishima Yukio Kenkyūkai).[215]
On January 30, an unveiling ceremony was held for the "Memorial Monument of Honor Yukio Mishima & Masakatsu Morita Martyrs" erected in front of the entrance to Matsue Nihon University High School (now Rissho University Sounan High School) in Matsue-shi, Shimane Prefecture.[230][231][217] The words "Sincerity (誠, Makoto)," "Restoration (維新, Ishin)," "Patriotism (憂国, Yūkoku)," and "Constitutional amendment (改憲, Kaiken)" are inscribed on the monument.[230]
On February 11, National Foundation Day, a "Memorial service in memory of Yukio Mishima" was held by members of the local Seicho-no-Ie (now the Mainstream Seicho-no-Ie Movement (生長の家本流運動, Seicho-no-Ie Honryu undo)) in the grounds of Hachiman Shrine in Kakogawa-shi, Hyogo Prefecture, where is Mishima's grandfather's permanent domicile.[231][232]
On February 28, the Tatenokai's dissolution ceremony was held at the Shinto Misogi Society (神道禊大教会, Sinto Misogi Daikyokai) in Nishi-Nippori (西日暮里), Arakawa-ku, attended by Mishima's wife Yōko and 75 members.[18][50][217][233] Yōko's family, the Sugiyama family, had deep ties to Shinto and connections to the Shinto Misogi Daikyokai, so the ceremony was held there.[233] Kiyoshi Kuramochi (倉持清) (now Kiyoshi Honda), a 1st generation member and leader of the 2nd team, read the "Statement" and announced the dissolution of the group, conveying the contents of Mishima's will, which stated, "The Tatenokai will be dissolved along with the uprising."[18][217][233] The Japanese swords that Mishima had given to each team leader and that had been kept at the Dojo Saineikan (済寧館) in the Imperial Palace were given to each team leader as keepsakes, thanks to Yōko's efforts.[212]
On March 23, the first court hearing of the "Tatenokai Incident" trial was held in Courtroom 701 of the Tokyo District Court.[234][226][8][217] In addition to the families of the three defendants, Azusa Hiraoka, Yōko, and lawyer Naokazu Saitō (斎藤直一), the executor of Mishima's will, attended the hearing.[234][226][217] The presiding judge was Osamu Kushibuchi (櫛淵理).[234][226][217] The associate judges were Yoshiaki Ishii (石井義明) and Fumio Motoi (本井文夫). The prosecutors were Kazuo Ishii (石井和男) and Toshio Koyama (小山利男). The chief defense lawyer was Asanosuke Kusaka (草鹿浅之介).[234][226]
The presiding judge, Kushibuchi, was a man of both literary and martial arts (文武両道, bunbu ryōdō), who practiced the Shinto single-mindedness style (神道一心流, Sinto Isshin-ryu) of swordsmanship, learned to read Classical Chinese from an early age, and was well versed in Yangmingism, which also influenced Mishima.[226] In preparation for this trial, Kushibuchi thoroughly read Mishima's books on Yangmingism and Hagakure, and focused on the connection between Yangmingism and revolutionary thought.[226]
On June 26, at the strong request of French fans of Mishima's literature, including Gabriel Matzneff, a memorial service was held in Paris, where the poet Emmanuel Rothen recited a poem dedicated to Mishima, The Ritual of Love and Death (Patriotism) .[235][217][236] The poem was also introduced and recited by Mishima's friend Toshiro Mayuzumi during the trial in response to a question about Mishima's reputation abroad.[235][226][217]
On July 7, two days after the seventh court hearing, the three defendants, Masayoshi Koga, Masahiro Ogawa, and Hiroyasu Koga, were released on bail.[92][8][217] As they had admitted to the crimes and there was no risk of them destroying evidence or fleeing, the three were released from the Tokyo Detention House at 5 p.m. and were greeted by Yōko.[217] They held a press conference at the Akasaka Prince Hotel from 7 p.m.[92]
On September 20, while visiting the grave, Yōko noticed something unusual about the position of the tombstone.[226][217][119] The next day, on September 21, a worker from the Tachibanaya Stonemasonry opened the interred part and found that Mishima's cremains had been lost along with the cinerary urn, and reported the matter to the Fuchū Police Station (府中警察署, Fuchū Keisatsu-sho).[237][226][217][119] On December 5 of the same year, the stolen cinerary urn was discovered buried about 40 meters away from the Hiraoka family grave.[237][226][217][119] The cremains were in their original condition, as were the cigars that had been placed with them.[226][119]
On November 25, the unveiling ceremony for the "Mishima Yukio Literary Monument" was held in the garden of the home of Kiyotaka Miyazaki (宮崎清隆), who was a former Kempeitai Sergeant Major, in Ōmiya-shi, Saitama Prefecture (now Saitama-shi, Saitama Prefecture).[231][217] The calligraphy (揮毫, kigō) was by Yōko Hiraoka (Sign name: Yōko Mishima).[231][217] A message that Mishima sent to Miyazaki during his lifetime was published in the "Bookmark of the Yukio Mishima Literary Monument".[217] On the same day, the Hiraoka family held a Shinto-style first death anniversary service at the Palace Hotel in 1 Marunouchi 1-chōme, Chiyoda-ku.[237][226][217][238] In addition to former members of the Tatenokai, Tatsumi Hijikata and Akihiro Maruyama also attended this one-year memorial.[238]
The 14th court hearing was held on December 6, and Minister of Defense Yasuhiro Nakasone, who was the chairman of the Liberal Democratic Party's General Affairs Committee, took the stand to testify.[239] Nakasone stated that when he said "it's an enormous nuisance" immediately after the incident, he was speaking in his capacity as a public figure, and that he did it to prevent any disturbances within the JSDF.[239] He also stated that while he did not fully agree with Mishima's views, he believed that Mishima had done it "with the unavoidable Yamato-damashii, knowing that this would happen if he did this," and that he wanted to accept and digest the incident in his own way as a politician, said that "I feel more compassion than hatred."[239]
On April 16, 1972, Yasunari Kawabata committed suicide in his study room at Zushi Marina Apartment in Zushi-shi, Kanagawa Prefecture.[240][241][242][217] That was the day he was scheduled to hand over the preface to his disciple for the Judicial record of the "Mishima Incident" to be published in May, but the preface had been not written.[240]
On April 27, 1972, the 18th and final court hearing of the "Tatenokai Incident" trial, in which a variety of people such as Yasuhiro Nakasone, Takeshi Muramatsu, and Toshiro Mayuzumi had testified as witnesses from the first to the 17th court hearing, was held, and three men, Masayoshi Koga, Masahiro Ogawa, and Hiroyasu Koga, were sentenced to four years in prison sentence.[243][226][8][217] The offenses were "Unlawful Capture and Confinement Causing in Injury (監禁致傷, Kankin-chishō), Violation of the Law concerning Punishment of Physical Violence and Others (暴力行為等処罰ニ関スル法律, Bouryoku-koui nado Shobatsu ni kansuru houritsu), Criminal Injury (傷害, Shōgai), Obstructing or Compelling Performance of Public Duty (職務強要, Shokumu kyoyō), and Participation in Assisted Suicide; Consensual Homicide (嘱託殺人, Shokutaku satsujin)."[243][226][216]
The verdict ended with the following statement: "We hope that you, the defendants will remember that 'Martial arts (武, Bu) without knowledge (学, Gaku) are equivalent to the courage of a common man (匹夫の勇, hippu no yū). Literature (文, Bun) without an understanding of true martial arts is nothing but incoherent muttering (譫言, uwagoto). And, if a person has no benevolence (仁, jin), he will do anything cruel.'[aa] We expect that you will not only see things from a one-sided perspective, but will also broaden your perspective to include all of humanity, and devote your efforts to realizing peace and security for the people."[243]
In the same year, 1972, an ethnic nationalist group called "Issuikai" (meaning to hold regular meetings on the first Wednesday of every month) was formed, centered around Tsutomu Abe (阿部勉), a member of the 1st generation member of Tatenokai.[244]
In 1973, the Seirankai (青嵐会) was founded within the Liberal Democratic Party by Shintaro Ishihara, Ichiro Nakagawa and others.[245] This group was a policy group inspired by the Mishima incident, and at the time of its founding they signed a blood oath (血盟状, ketsumei-jou).[245]
On July 24, 1973, former Commander Kenetoshi Masita (益田兼利), died of intestinal obstruction at the age of 59.[217][78]
About two and a half years later, in October 1974, the three were released before the end of their four-year sentences.[8][246] From then on, "Memorial services for Mishima and Morita," conducted only by former members of the Tatenokai, began to be held.[212] After Hiroyasu Koga was released, he studied Shinto at Kokugakuin University and qualified as a Shinto priest at Tsurumi Shrine (鶴見神社, Tsurumi jinja) in Tsurumi-ku, Yokohama-shi, Kanagawa Prefecture.[212] Former members began to gather at the place where the three held their memorial service, and the memorial service began to be held every year.[212] After that, the "Mishima Morita Office" was established as a liaison office between the former members and the Hiraoka family.[212] After their release, the three went to meet and apologize to the JSDF officers who were injured in the incident, together with Morita's older brother Osamu.[247]
Kuninori Itō (伊藤邦典), a former member of the Tatenokai who met Hiroyasu Koga in person after his release from prison, asked him, "What did that incident leave you with?" Koga simply turned his palms up and stared at them as if he was holding the weight of something as the weight of Mishima's and Morita's heads.[8][248][77]
On March 29, 1975, Ichirō Murakami (村上一郎), a writer who, like Mishima, viewed the February 26 incident in a positive light and who had strong sympathy for the Mishima incident, committed suicide with a Japanese sword at his home.[22][246]
On December 16, 1976, Mishima's father, Azusa Hiraoka (平岡梓), died of cirrhosis of the liver at the age of 82.[241][242][246]
On March 3, 1977, two former members of the Tatenokai, Yoshio Ito (伊藤好雄) (a 1st generation member) and Shunichi Nishio (西尾俊一) (a 4th generation member), participated in the Japan Business Federation attack incident (経団連襲撃事件, Keidanren shugeki jiken).[249][50][246][250][233] After being persuaded by Yōko, they surrendered and the incident came to an end.[249][50][246][250][233]
In January 1980, an ideological group called the Kouryu-kai (蛟龍会) was founded by several former members of the Tatenokai, including Kiyoshi Kuramochi.[8][216]
On August 9, 1980, the Asahi Shimbun newspaper carried the full text of Mishima's suicide note, addressed to Kiyoshi Kuramochi, a member of Tatenokai, in which he apologized for being unable to act as matchmaker at Kuramochi's wedding due to the incident.[251][246] On November 24 of the same year, Colonel Kiyokatsu Yamamoto (山本舜勝) and several former members of Tatenokai held a "10th Anniversary Memorial Service for the Martyrs Yukio Mishima and Masakatsu Morita" at the Arcadia Ichigaya Private Academy (私学会館, Shigaku Kaikan) in Ichigaya. Shinjuku-ku.[252][246]
The inaugural issue of the weekly photo magazine Friday, published in November 1984, featured a close-up of Mishima's severed head.[253][254][255] In response, his widow, Yōko, strongly protested to Kodansha, which prevented publication.[253] In an interview with Munekatsu Date and Takao Tokuoka at the end of the same year, Yōko criticized, "This latest act of photojournalism is the equivalent of a public head hanging (晒し首, sarashi kubi) (in the Edo period). I wonder if the people involved in the editing of that magazine were aware that a public head hanging was a punishment worse than the death penalty."[253]
On October 21, 1987, Mishima's mother, Shizue (倭文重), died of heart failure at the age of 82.[241][242][254] On July 31, 1995, Mishima's wife Yōko (瑤子), died of heart failure at the age of 58.[242][256][233] And, on January 9, 1996, Mishima's younger brother, Chiyuki (千之), died of pneumonia at the age of 65.[242][256]
In late November 1999 and on January 4, 2000, Japanese newspapers published Mishima's suicide note addressed to all members of the Tatenokai.[257][258][259] On July 18, 2001, Kiyokatsu Yamamoto (山本舜勝) died at the age of 82.[259]
On November 26, 2018, Masahiro Ogawa, a former member of the Tatenokai and participant in the Mishima Incident, died of heart failure at the age of 70, the day after the anniversary of the deaths of Mishima and Morita.[260][261][13] Ogawa's funeral and farewell ceremony was held from 11 a.m. on November 29 at a funeral home in Hamamatsu-shi, Shizuoka Prefecture, where he lived.[260][261] The chief mourner was his eldest son, Kiichirō (紀一郎).[260][261] Ogawa referred to Mishima as "Teacher Mishima (三島先生, Mishima Sensei)" throughout his life.[261]
The JSDF and Mishima (The process leading up to the incident)
[edit]1966 (Shōwa 41)
[edit]Mishima had been expressing a desire to join the Japan Self-Defense Forces for a trial period since around 1965.[262] And in June 1966, in the "flourishing mid-Shōwa period (昭和元禄, Shōwa-Genroku)" era, he published a short story, The Voices of the Heroic Dead (英霊の聲, Eirei no koe), in which the souls of young officers executed in the February 26 Incident and young soldiers who had died as Kamikaze pilots during the Pacific War, curse the Emperor Hirohito for renouncing his own divinity after Japan's defeat in World War II.[262][90][216][263] In the story, the souls of the soldiers state that they know that His Majesty was a human being who had no friends other than his old retainers, and who was completely alone and endured all kinds of hardships, and they do not blame him for being human. However, they argue that in his duty as a human being, at just two times in Shōwa history - on February 26, 1936, and after Japan's defeat in 1945 - His Majesty should have been a god, no matter what external pressure there might have been.[262][216][264][265][266]
Jakucho Setouchi realized that the scene at the end of the story, in which the dead spiritual medium's face transforms into "Someone's ambiguous face," is a metaphor to Emperor Shōwa, and thought that "Mishima has risked his life for it."[267][263][268][265] She immediately sent Mishima a letter. About its hidden intention, was replied, "By writing this, I feel like I can at least make up some excuse for surviving twenty years after the war." from Mishima.[269][267][263][268][265]
In August, Mishima visited Ōmiwa Shrine in Sakurai-shi, Nara Prefecture, in where he practiced being hit by the waterfall for several days, to research Runaway Horses, the second novel in The Sea of Fertility tetralogy, depicts the reincarnation of protagonists who dying at the age of 20,[270][271][263][272] and then visited the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force 1st Service School (海上自衛隊第1術科学校, Kaijō jieitai dai-ichi jukka gakkō) in Etajima-shi, Hiroshima Prefecture.[270][263][273] He read the suicide notes of the kamikaze pilots at the Education Reference Museum and was deeply moved by the simple and solemn writings of these nameless young men.[274][263] After that, he traveled to Kumamoto Prefecture, where he research Shinkai Daijingu Shrine (新開大神宮, Shinkai Daijingu) and Sakurayama Shrine (桜山神社, Sakurayama jinja), places associated with the Shinpūren rebellion[263][273] and purchased a Japanese sword worth 100,000 yen.[273] He also met with the widow Sakiko (咲子) of the late Zenmei Hasuda, who was his boyhood mentor.[270][275][276][263]
Mishima began to develop the idea for a militia organization around autumn,[277] and from around October he approached the Ministry of Defense about his desire to join the JSDF on a trial basis, but was turned down.[278] So he asked Chikao Kanō (狩野近雄), a managing director of the Mainichi Newspapers Co., to act as an intermediary, and contacted Yoshio Miwa (三輪良雄), administrative vice-minister of the Ministry of Defense, and Iwaichi Fujiwara, a former Lieutenant General, and others, asking for their help.[279][278][273]
On December 19, after hearing from Kaisaku Ozawa (小澤開作) about a group of young men preparing to launch a Minzoku-ha magazine, Fusao Hayashi introduced one of the young men, Kiyoshi Bandai (万代潔) who was a disciple of Kiyoshi Hiraizumi and a graduate of Meiji Gakuin University, Bandai came to Mishima's home.[280][281][282][278][283][284] Also in the same month, Hiroshi Funasaka (舩坂弘) donated a Japanese sword, "Seki Magoroku" (関孫六), to Mishima as a return gift of appreciation for writing the preface to Funasaka's book, The Scream of the Heroic Spirits (published December 10).[126][273]
1967 (Shōwa 42)
[edit]On January 5, 1967, the Minzoku-ha monthly magazine Controversy Journal (論争ジャーナル, Ronsō jaanaru) was launched, and on the 11th, editor-in-chief Kazuhiko Nakatsuji (中辻和彦) who was a disciple of Kiyoshi Hiraizumi and a graduate of Meiji Gakuin University, and deputy editor-in-chief Kiyoshi Bandai visited Mishima at home to ask for his contributions.[285] Mishima decided to contribute to the magazine for free, and from then on, the two visited him once every three days.[282][278][285]
Mishima told the two young men with a serious expression, "Ever since I wrote The Voices of the Heroic Dead, I feel as if the spirit of Asaichi Isobe has possessed me."[282][278][285] Another day, he unsheathed his Japanese sword and said, "Japanese sword is not something to be admired. It is a living thing. I must use this living sword to expose the deception held by the intellectuals in the 1960 Japan-U.S. Security Treaty struggle (60年安保闘争, 60 nen anpo tōsō)."[282][278]
On January 27, Hiroshi Mochimaru (持丸博), a Waseda University student and member of the "Japan Student Alliance" (日本学生同盟, Nihon Gakusei Dōmei) (abbreviated name, 日学同, Nichigakudō), also visited Mishima and asked him to contribute an article to the Japan Student Newspaper (日本学生新聞, Nihon Gakusei Shimbun), which the Nichigakudō was to launch the following month.[282][278][283][285] Mochimaru was also a disciple of Kiyoshi Hiraizumi, along with Nakatsuji and Bandai, and was a staff member of the Controversy Journal.[282][286]
Around this time that Mishima met these young people who shared their worrying about Japan, he told Kikue Kojima (小島喜久江), the editor in charge of Shinchosha, "It feels scary. What I wrote in my novel has become a fact. But on the other hand, sometimes facts come before fiction."[60][61][62][270]
Also, around this time, Mishima learned that people related to scholarship and the arts in China (including the people who had guided and entertained actors from the Bungakuza theatre troupe when they visited China) were being treated badly by Mao Zedong.[287][288][289][290] Feeling a sense of mission that Japan, a geographically close neighbor, should take the lead in protesting, he expressed his support for efforts to restore the original autonomy of Chinese scholarship and the arts (including classical studies).[287][288][289][291] He held a press conference together with Yasunari Kawabata, Jun Ishikawa, and Kōbō Abe to issue a statement in protest against the "Cultural Revolution", an oppression carried out by the Chinese Communist government.[287][288][292][278][291] However, most newspapers at the time only gave their statements brief mention,[291][293] the only newspaper to report the full text of the statement was the Tokyo Shimbun.[293]
In March, Mishima was granted permission to join the JGSDF on a trial basis, on the condition that he return home every one or two weeks, and he enlisted alone under his real name, "Kimitake Hiraoka" (平岡公威)," for 46 days from April 12 to May 27.[294][282][278][285] During the enlisting, Mishima was first assigned to the JGSDF Officer Candidate School (陸上自衛隊幹部候補生学校, Rikujō jieitai Kanbu kōhosei gakkō) in Kurume-shi, Fukuoka Prefecture.[294][282][278][285] After leaving the school on April 19, he went to the JGSDF Fuji School (陸上自衛隊富士学校, Rikujō jieitai Fuji gakkō) in Suntō-gun, Shizuoka Prefecture, where he experienced mountain trekking and camping at Lake Yamanaka, before joining the Fuji School Advanced Officer Course (AOC) and receiving instruction from Captain Katsuo Kikuchi (菊地勝夫).[295][296][278][297][298]
Around mid-April or late that year, Mishima was told by Iwaichi Fujiwara, "I'll show you how young JSDF officers live," and was shown around the rented house of Fujiwara's son-in-law, Hikaru Tomizawa (冨澤暉),[ab] and a few days later, he dined with Tomizawa and about five of his Fuji school classmates.[300][301][302] At the dinner, Mishima spoke of his plan for a coup d'état, which he proposed to take advantage of the JGSDF' deployment to take power when the police alone could no longer suppress left-wing student demonstrations, but Tomizawa replied, "I won't do anything illegal like that."[300][301][302] At that moment, Mishima's face changed color, and an expression of hatred appeared on his face, as if he thought, "I will not to share the same sky with you (倶に天を戴かず, Tomo ni ten wo itadakazu)" towards Tomizawa and the others.[300][301]
When Mishima was leaving Fuji School after completing his trial enlistment at the Fuji School Advanced Officer Course (AOC), he had a farewell lunch with his fellow classmates at the nearby Fuji Kogen Hotel (富士高原ホテル), where he surprised everyone by arriving just before the scheduled time wearing a uniform with the rank insignia of a Captain.[303][304] Mishima blushed and said, "I wanted to wear the same uniform as you all, and wear the same rank insignia as Kikuchi-san."[303][304] The uniform was on display as a sample at a clothing store in the Fuji School store, and when Mishima tried it on, it fit him perfectly, so he bought it and wore it.[303][304] After May 11, Mishima joined the Ranger Course and then transferred to the Narashino 1st Airborne Brigade, where he experienced basic training (except parachute training).[295][296]
In an interview shortly after his first solo enlistment in the JSDF, Mishima answered the following about defense of Japan:[296][282][93][305]
I believe that my ideas are neither militaristic nor fascist. All I want is for the national army to be placed in its proper position as a national army. It is to establish the right balance between the national army and the people. (Omitted)
The most important thing that the government should do is not to simply maintain the security system or to allow the security treaty to be extended. It is to clearly distinguish and promote the American defense capability under the collective security system and the value of the independent right of Japan's self-defense. For example, even under the security treaty, it is necessary to clarify the "limits" of which in what cases to enter into the collective security system and in what cases the JSDF will defend Japan by its own efforts as a nation and its people.— Yukio Mishima, 26 Questions to Returning Mishima Soldier (三島帰郷兵に26の質問, Mishima kikyohei ni 26 no shitsumon)[296]
The members of the Controversy Journal group and the Japan Student Alliance expressed their desire to join the JGSDF for a trial period.[283][284] Mishima made serious plans to set up a militia organization, and through Hiroshi Mochimaru, requested the cooperation of the Waseda University National Defense Club (formed in April).[285][286] Thus, a three-way relationship between the Controversy Journal group, the Japan Student Alliance, and Mishima gradually took shape.[279][284][286]
On June 19, Mishima and Masakatsu Morita, a student at Waseda University's Faculty of Education and a member of the Japan Student Alliance, met for the first time at a meeting with representatives of the Waseda University National Defense Club held at the coffee shop "Victoria" in Roppongi, Minato-ku,[ac] and decided on the date for the Waseda University National Defense Club's trial enlistment in the JGSDF.[307][306][278][285][286]
For one week from July 2, 13 members of Waseda University's National Defense Club enlisted at the JGSDF Camp Kita-Eniwa (北恵庭駐屯地, Kita-Eniwa Chutonchi) in Eniwa-shi, Hokkaido for a trial period.[308][306][285][286] Morita wrote about his impressions at the time, angrily saying, "Even so, can't something be done about the trend of JSDF personnel turning into salaried workers, who say they are doing this to get a large automobile (大型自動車, ōgata jidōsha) license or to be advantageous when changing jobs?"[308][306] He also wrote that it was unfortunate that JSDF personnel "don't want to talk much about the Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution" and that "there is no person who has made it clear that they want to stage a coup."[308][306][286] Morita was a young man who had loved and recited Tokutomi Sohō's tanka poem, "I wonder who is my lover, it is the country of Japan, God created," which he had learned from a senior at university.[309][306][286]
In August, Mishima solidified a concrete plan to train young people who would become the core of the National Defense Force, and met with Keizō Shigematsu (重松惠三) of the JGSDF personnel on September 9 to hold regular trial enlistments in the JGSDF.[310][311][285] On September 26, Mishima departed Haneda Airport on a Japan Airlines flight to India to do research for his novel The Temple of Dawn.[285][312] He met up with a police bureaucrat Atsuyuki Sassa (佐々淳行), who had been stationed in Hong Kong and had known him since his youth, at Kai Tak Airport.[312] Mishima said, "If things continue like this, Japan will be ruined. Japan will be taken over by the Soviet Union. Japan will be taken over by the extreme left. The JSDF will not do. The police will not do either. We must create a fighting patriotic group. I want to create a National Army. Let's join forces when we return to Japan."[312] However, Sassa asked Mishima to cooperate in strengthening security measures as an opinion leader, and discouraged his idea of creating a private army.[312]
That August, on the anniversary of the atomic bombings, Mishima condemned the American atomic bombing of Hiroshima, and stated that the only words that properly expressed the national indignation felt by the Japanese against it were the passage in Emperor Shōwa's Imperial Rescript on the Termination of the War, "feeling as if all my organs were being ripped apart" (五内為ニ裂ク, godai tame ni saku).[313][314][315] He also argued that, as a country that continues to be exposed to the nuclear threat of neighboring countries in the future, Japan alone, as a country that was atomic bombed, cannot be surviving without possessing dirty nuclear weapons, and that of all the countries in the world, "the only one that can be produce nuclear weapons without any remorse of conscience is our Japan, the only country that has been atomic bombed. Shouldn't we cope with the new nuclear age with glorious privilege?"[313][315]
On October 5, Mishima met with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, President Zakir Husain, and an army colonel in India, and expressed a sense of crisis about Japan's lack of national defense awareness against the threat of the Chinese Communist Party.[316][317][318] He then likened Japan's lazy nature, which is currently slumbering, to the grasshopper in summer in the story of The Ant and the Grasshopper, saying that the situation is "the same as when the ant is hard at work while the grasshopper is playing around," and wrote in a Japanese newspaper that "it is absolutely necessary to make provisions for winter," that "it is foolish not to think about what will happen when the cold wind begins to blow," and that "Japan is a paradise for fools."[316][319]
And, Mishima had also impressed by the fact that in contrast to the transformation of Tang dynasty (唐, Tou) (ancient China), the source of Japanese culture, into Communist materialism, Tianzhu (天竺, Tenjiku) (ancient India), also the source of Japanese culture, still retains a great deal of Eastern religion, philosophy, and traditional spiritual culture that modern Japanese are losing as they are being invaded by Western materialistic thinking.[316][320][321]
Mishima had sensed something that modern life had lost in the reality of life and death he saw in the lives of Hindus in Varanasi, India, and commented that "India may once again be preparing to bestow new spiritual values upon the modern world's rushed and blind technological advances."[322][294][321] The experience in India taught him to reconsidering what should be preserved in Japan, a country that is losing its local communities and culture of Emperor in the process of modernization, and came to re-recognition of the importance to preserve a culture based on Japan's unique view of life and death, which places a high value on death.[323][321]
After returning to Japan in November, Mishima discussed a draft plan for a militia organization called the "Japan National Guard" (祖国防衛隊, Sokoku Bōeitai) with members of the Controversy Journal group and began preparing the pamphlet on the "Japan National Guard" concept.[324][325][278] On December 5, he test-flew an F-104 fighter jet from the Japan Air Self-Defense Force's Hyakuri Air Base.[294][278][285] At the end of December, Colonel Kiyokatsu Yamamoto (山本舜勝), head of the Information Education Section at the JGSDF Research School (JGSDF Kodaira School) (陸上自衛隊調査学校, Rikujō jieitai chōsa gakkō) in Kodaira-shi, who had been shown Mishima's "Japan National Guard" concept pamphlet by his former superior, Iwaichi Fujiwara, dined with Mishima at a Ryōtei in Akasaka through Fujiwara's mediation.[326][278] At that time, the influence of communist forces from the Soviet Union and China was growing in Japan.[324][327]
Colonel Yamamoto asked Mishima, an author who was widely rumored to be a candidate for the Nobel Prize in Literature, "as a man of letters, you should devote yourself to writing, and isn't it possible to achieve your goals through writing?"[326][324][325][278] Mishima answered decisively with a sharp stare, looking straight into Yamamoto’s eyes, "I've given up on writing. I don't have the slightest interest in the Nobel Prize."[326][324][325][278] At that moment, a spark ran down Colonel Yamamoto's spine, convinced that "he's serious about this,"[326][278] and while he felt he could work with Mishima, he also felt that he shouldn't make such big claims (promise the moon) to this man.[328]
Colonel Yamamoto also wrote that Mishima had said, "I've given up on writing," and then, "Mr. F will be able to fulfill the role you are speaking of."[329][330] This Mr. F was Tsuneari Fukuda.[330] According to Hiroshi Mochimaru, Mishima was extremely excited after meeting Colonel Yamamoto and said, "He's an expert on urban guerrilla warfare. He's the perfect person for our organization. Let's meet him together."[325]
However, around this time a rift began to form between the Controversy Journal group, who fully supported the idea of a "Japan National Guard," and the Japan Student Alliance (leaders of which were Hidetoshi Saitō (斉藤英俊) and Miyazaki Masahiro (宮崎正弘)), who were shown reluctance about its "radical overtones" and the image of Mishima's private army,[331] and Hiroshi Mochimaru, Yoshio Itō (伊藤好雄), Tetsuho Miyazawa (宮沢徹甫), Tsutomu Abe (阿部勉) and others were expelled from Japan Student Alliance and joined the Controversy Journal group.[284] Mochimaru became deputy editor of the magazine Controversy Journal together with Mishima.[284]
1968 (Shōwa 43)
[edit]On February 25, 1968, eleven people including Yukio Mishima, Kazuhiko Nakatsuji (中辻和彦), Kiyoshi Bandai (万代潔), Hiroshi Mochimaru (持丸博), Yoshio Itō (伊藤好雄), Tetsuho Miyazawa (宮沢徹甫), and Tsutomu Abe (阿部勉) created a blood oath (血盟状, ketsumei-jou) at the Ikuseisha (育誠社)'s Controversy Journal office in the Kokaji Building (小鍛冶ビル) on Ginza 8-chōme, Chūō-ku.[332][333][334] Mishima wrote in large letters in ink (墨, sumi), "Pledge: February 25, 1968 We pledge to become the foundation of the Imperial Nation (皇国, Koukoku) with the spirit of the samurai, the pride of the men of Yamato (大和)," and each person signed with blood collected from pricking their little fingers with a razor.[335][336][325][331][337] Mishima wrote his birth name, "Kimitake Hiraoka."[335][336][325][331][337]
At that time, Mishima said, "Even if written in blood, paper will fly away if you blow on it. But the promise we have made here will live forever. Let's all drink this blood together."[335][336] Before he was about to drink it himself, he made everyone laugh by saying, "Hey, anyone here who has an illness, raise your hand," and then they all drank together.[335][336] They had put salt in the blood to prevent it from solidifying.[335][336][325][337]
For one month from March 1, the Controversy Journal group, headed by Hiroshi Mochimaru, enlisted with Mishima at the Camp Takigahara of the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force Fuji School (陸上自衛隊富士学校, Rikujō jieitai Fuji gakkō) for a trial enlistment in the JGSDF.[336][284][331][338] Just before the event, five students from Chuo University were unable to attend due to the end of their strike, so Mochimaru asked Jun Yano (矢野潤) of the Japan Student Alliance to help out in their place, and in response, Masakatsu Morita enlisted a week late.[339][331][284][333][338] Mishima was impressed and took notice of Morita's efforts to participate in the arduous training despite the fact that he had broken his right leg while skiing during spring break and was currently undergoing treatment.[339][340][331][338]
On March 30, after the grueling trial enlistment had ended without incident and they said goodbye to their chief instructor and the JSDF personnel with "manly tears," Morita and the other students traveled by chartered bus to Mishima's residence in Minami Magome (南馬込), Ōta-ku, Tokyo, where they were invited to a thank-you homemade Chinese dinner.[339][331][340] Morita, who became the 1st generation member of Mishima's militia, sent a letter of thanks to Mishima by express mail, saying, "I would give my life for you any time, sir."[341][331][340][342][338] Mishima responded by telling Morita, "That one sentence moved me more than any letter of thanks filled with flowery language."[341][331][343][342][338] Morita was devoted to the movement to return the Northern Territories to Japan at that time.[344][345][346][342][347]
Around this time, Mishima had been consulting with businessperson Aichi Yora (与良ヱ) to get support from the political and business world for his plan of create the militia organization "Japan National Guard" with 10,000 members from key industries.[348] He then began to contact Takeshi Sakurada (桜田武) (permanent director (常任理事, Jōnin riji) of the Japan Business Federation) and others through Hiroshi Mochimaru, and had his first meeting with Sakurada.[325] However, he was unable to get approval, and was advised by a person of the JSDF to persuade Sakurada through Yoshio Miwa (三輪良雄), which he conveyed to Miwa on March 18.[349][350][333]
In early April, with the help of Seibu Department Stores director Seiji Tsutsumi, the uniforms designed by Tsukumo Igarashi (五十嵐九十九), the designer in charge of military uniforms for Charles de Gaulle, were completed.[351][352][283][101] To celebrate this, Mishima visited Atago Shrine (愛宕神社, Atago jinja) in Ōme-shi wearing the uniforms along with 11 members of the 1st generation of the "Japan National Guard", mainly from the Controversy Journal group, and had a commemorative photograph taken under the cherry trees in full bloom, with cherry blossoms showers (桜吹雪, sakura fubuki) falling all around them.[353][331][283][333][354][355]
In the middle of the same month, Mishima had a four-way meeting with Takeshi Sakurada, Yoshio Miwa, and Iwaichi Fujiwara. Sakurada showed more understanding than the previous time, and instructed that the militia be given a safe name, "Trial Enlistment Club," and it was agreed that only the core members of the executive ranks would be left nameless and would have the mission of the "Japan National Guard."[353] Around this time, signs advertising "Trial Enlistment" were placed on the Waseda University campus, and a wide range of personnel were sought, with Mochimaru conducting the first round of interviews for students who applied.[336][356][357]
On April 29, Emperor Shōwa's birthday, Mishima hosted a luncheon for his friend Takeshi Muramatsu (村松剛) at the Takanawa Prince Hotel to showcase the members of the "Japan National Guard".[352][358][333] About 10 members, dressed in uniform, appeared one after another from behind a gold folding screen, lined up, and sang the team song, which Mishima had written, followed by a parody of the song Do-Re-Mi that played pranks on their captain, Mishima. Mishima's face was said to be filled with joy and happiness.[352][358]
Starting in May, Colonel Kiyokatsu Yamamoto (山本舜勝) began intensive lectures and training support for core members of the "Japan National Guard," and in his lecture on the 27 he covered the "Noshiro Incident" (能代事件, Noshiro jiken) (April 1963), in which a body believed to be that of a North Korean agent was washed up on the beach at Asanai (浅内) in Noshiro-shi, Akita Prefecture.[359][333] Upon learning that this incident had been treated as a simple case of illegal immigration due to some pressure and had been left unresolved, Mishima gazed upon a photograph of the drowned agent's body and became enraged, saying, "Why is something so serious being left unaddressed and ignored?"[359]
On June 1, Mishima and his core members, under the guidance of Colonel Yamamoto, conducted a comprehensive exercise in anti-guerrilla tactics (stakeout, infiltration, tailing, disguise, etc.) in the city.[360][331][333] Disguised as a laborer, Mishima carried out his mission and made it to Tamahime Park (玉姫公園, Tamahime kōen) in San'ya, Taitō-ku without being detected.[360][331] Colonel Yamamoto was deeply moved by Mishima's exhausted but serious appearance.[360] On the 15 of the same month, the "All-Japan Student National Defense Council" (全日本学生国防会議, Zen-nihon gakusei Kokubō kaigi) was formed, with Masakatsu Morita as its first chairman.[361][362][343][363] Mishima gave a congratulatory speech for Morita at the founding meeting, shouting "Banzai!" (万歳) three times, and even accompanied him in a taxi during the demonstration, cheering him on from the window.[361][343][333][363]
The second trial enlistment, led by Mishima to the new students, took place at the Camp Takigahara of the JGSDF Fuji School from July 25 until August 23.[336][362] At this time, Masayoshi Koga (小賀正義) and Hiroyasu Koga (both students of Kanagawa University and the members of National Student Council (全国学生協議会, Zenkoku gakusei kyōgikai)) participated through an introduction by a 1st generation member Kuninori Itō (伊藤邦典), and became the 2nd generation members of "Japan National Guard."[71][283]
On the other hand, the support and cooperation from Takeshi Sakurada was ridiculed in a half-hearted way, and in the end, Sakurada gave Mishima 3 million yen as if it were throwing tip coins, saying, "You shouldn't start a private army."[348][364][365][366] Mishima's pride was deeply hurt, and he decided to fund the militia all at his own expense.[348][364][278][366]
Forced to downsize, the "Japan National Guard" changed its name to the "Shield Society" (楯の会, Tatenokai), inspired two waka poems: One poem from the Poems of Defenders (防人の歌, Sakimori no uta) series[ad] included in the Man'yōshū, and the other one by the poet Tachibana Akemi.[352][368][369]
今日よりは 顧みなくて 大君の 醜の御楯と 出で立つ我は
(Kyō yori wa Kaeri minakute Ōkimi no Shiko no mi-tate to Idetatsu ware wa)[ae]
From today onwards, / Without any regard for myself, / I set out to become, / (although my shield may be insignificant,) / A strong shield for the Great Lord Emperor.
— Imamatsuribe no Yosō (今奉部與曾布), Poem of a Defender (防人の歌, Sakimori no uta)
大皇の 醜の御楯と いふ物は 如此る物ぞと 進め真前に
(Ōkimi no Shiko no mi-tate to Iu mono wa Kakaru mono zo to Susume masaki ni)
For the Great Lord Emperor, / (although my shield may be insignificant,) / Thinking this is what a strong shield should be, / I bravely forge ahead.
— 橘曙覧 (Tachibana Akemi)
On October 3, at a teach-in with general students held at Waseda University, Mishima responded that the reason he was so committed to anti-communism was that freedom of speech was not guaranteed, and that while a communist society was touted as being classless, in reality it was a class society with a terrifying power structure known as a huge bureaucracy.[371][352]
On October 5, the official founding ceremony of the "Tatenokai" was held at the National Education Hall (国立教育会館, Kokuritsu kyōiku kaikan) in Toranomon, Minato-ku, with Mishima, the first student president, Hiroshi Mochimaru, and other core members.[352][362] The exact number of members of the Tatenokai at this time, including Mishima, was 47,[372] and 35 of them attended the ceremony.[372] A newspaper scooped the event and reported it in a caricature manner.[352]
On October 21, International Anti-War Day (国際反戦デー, Kokusai Hansen dei), Mishima, members of the Tatenokai, Colonel Yamamoto, and students from the JGSDF Research School (JGSDF Kodaira School) infiltrated the Shinjuku riot demonstrations of New Left Zengakuren which opposing the Vietnam War and the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty (Anpo), to understand the situation and to investigate who the leaders of the organizations were.[373][374] Mishima had received lectures from Colonel Yamamoto on "coup d'état studies."[216]
As the air filled with black smoke from Molotov cocktails and Tear gas, Mishima, with bloodshot eyes, remained motionless as he watched the battle between the Riot Police Unit and New Left Zengakuren.[375][374][325] The location then shifted to Ginza, and as they watched the fierce urban warfare with stones flying, from the roof of a Kōban, Mishima's body was trembling with excitement, as Colonel Yamamoto, who was standing right next to him, noticed.[375][374][325] That same day, the New Left Socialist Student Union (社会主義学生同盟, Shakai shugi gakusei dōmei) also attempted to storm the Ministry of Defense in Roppongi, and the Riot Police Unit fought back with ferocious water cannons, but they were able to break through the main gate.[376]
Anticipating an opportunity for the JSDF's Public Security Operation (治安出動, Chian shutsudō) to suppress riots of the New Left, Mishima began to conceive a plan for the Tatenokai to act as a raiding force to assist the JSDF in areas they could not reach, and to take advantage of this opportunity to turn the JSDF into a National Army and revise Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution in an extra-legal manner.[377][373][290][378] When Mishima and other members temporarily retreated to their base in Akasaka, Minato-ku, in the early afternoon of that day,[375][362] Colonel Yamamoto offered Mishima a glass of whiskey he had brought with him. Mishima replied indignantly, "What? Drinking in a situation like this!" and left the table.[375]
That night, as the turmoil of riot continued, Mishima gathered the members back at their base and asked Colonel Yamamoto if he could hold a meeting there to summarize what had happened that day.[375][374][333] Some members approached Yamamoto, arguing that now was the time to take action, but Yamamoto, seeing no sign of the JSDF's Public Security Operation would not yet be called upon, suggested disbanding the training session for the day.[375][325] A disappointed Mishima led the members of Tatenokai to the National Theatre in Chiyoda-ku.[333]
That day, when Mishima returned home, he told his mother Shizue about the demonstration in Shinjuku, using gestures.[208][379][358]
His excitement after seeing the demonstration that day was uncontrollable, and while I found it amusing, I also found it creepy to listen to him recount every detail, using gestures. I could sense the force of something that had been buried deep in his heart erupting all at once.
— Shizue Hiraoka, Like a turbulent current: On the seventh anniversary of Yukio Mishima's death (暴流のごとく―三島由紀夫七回忌に, Boryu no gotoku: Mishima Yukio nana kaiki ni)[208]
The following month, in November, Mishima was invited to give a lecture at the National Defense Academy, where he gave the following speech:[377][290][378][380]
I think it's safe to say that the Public Security Operation is equal to a political condition. Therefore, if the JSDF says, "We won't withdraw," no government can compete with it. So, "Well, what can we do to get you to withdraw?" All we have to do is say, "Amend the constitution and allow the military." This can be done without a coup. I'm not trying to encourage bad thing, but I think that if you don't have that kind of guts, you can't be the General of the JSDF. So, rather than trying to move public opinion from afar, we need a General who can take political action when a real opportunity arises.
— Yukio Mishima, Amateur Defense Theory (素人防衛論, Shiroto Boeiron)[377]
On November 10, in the midst of university protests, Mishima went to the Tokyo University together with Hiroyuki Agawa to demand the release of Kentarō Hayashi (林健太郎), the dean of the Faculty of Letters, who had been kept under house arrest in a classroom by Zenkyōtō, the New Left wing of the Tokyo University.[381][362][333][382] He requested a meeting with Hayashi, but was turned down by the Zenkyōtō (Kentarō Hayashi Imprisonment Incident (林健太郎監禁事件, Hayashi Kentarō kankin jiken)).[381][362][333][382]
During a lecture on guerrilla warfare by Colonel Yamamoto on December 21, Mishima asked, "Isn't guerrilla warfare the tactics of the weak, who deceive others?"[383][376] During a break in the lecture, Masakatsu Morita asked Yamamoto, "Who is the worst person in Japan? Who should we kill to best benefit Japan?"[383][384][385][376] Colonel Yamamoto replied, "You can't kill someone unless you're prepared to die. I haven't seen the true enemy yet."[383][384][376]
At the end of December, core members of the Tatenokai and Colonel Yamamoto and others gathered at Mishima's residence to explore plans for cooperation between the Tatenokai, Sohgo Security Services Co., Ltd. (綜合警備保障株式会社, Sohgo Keibi hoshō), and the Hunters' Association (猟友会, Ryōyu kai).[386][333] The topic soon turned to indirect aggression (間接侵略, Kansetsu sinryaku) that could lead to a communist revolution within the country through information and psychological warfare.[387] And Mishima asked, "When exactly do you think you will rise up?" Colonel Yamamoto replied that it would be when a mob breaks into the Imperial Palace and insults the Emperor, and when a security operation is called out.[387][362][333] Mishima howling laughed with glee and said, "At that time, I'll be the company commander under you. "[387][362][333]
Through his contacts with Colonel Yamamoto and former army personnel and high-ranking government officials connected to him, Mishima got a sense of the possibility of the Public Security Operation, and together with Yamamoto he came up with the following plan for a coup d'état scenario.[388][389] Mishima had become a member of the Aogiri Group (青桐グループ), a secret intelligence organization formed by graduates of the JGSDF's counter-psychological intelligence course.[216] The graduates published a pamphlet called "Aogiri" once a year.[390]
If it becomes necessary to mobilize the Public Security Operation, Mishima and the members of the Tatenokai will first risk their lives to eliminate the New Left demonstrators, and the special unit in the Eastern area led by myself (Colonel Yamamoto) and my comrades will respond. At this point, the main force of the JSDF's Public Security Operation will be deployed and restore security in the capital under martial law. In the unlikely event that the demonstrators invade the Imperial Palace, I will use the JSDF helicopters I have on standby to transport the members of the Tatenokai and firmly block them without missing an opportunity.
At this point, Mishima and ten core members will take responsibility for killing the demonstrators, unsheathe their swords, and commit seppuku with their Japanese swords. As written in Mishima's Counter-Revolution Manifesto (反革命宣言, Han-kakumei sengen), they "believe that there will be others who will follow us,"[391] and will use their deaths as a stepping stone. The revolutionary drama that begins with the uprising of Mishima and the Tatenokai will be completed by the JSDF that will follow. The JSDF, which succeeded in their coup d'état, will end by gaining recognition as the National Army through constitutional revise.— Kiyokatsu Yamamoto, Japan Self-Defense Forces "A unit of Shadow": Confession of truth killed Yukio Mishima[388]
Lieutenant General H (Eiichi Hirose (広瀬栄一)[302]), who was on friendly terms with the masterminds of the "Sanmu incident," was seeking an opportunity to stage a coup and had been in contact with Mishima.[388][366] Lieutenant General H also had connections with the U.S. Army and CIA, and had received approval from the U.S. military for a plan to turn the JSDF into a national army by taking advantage of the Public Security Operation.[388][366]
However, Colonel Yamamoto was not sure whether it was appropriate for Mishima and himself to go ahead with the plan head on, even if it meant risking their own lives, and felt that it would be a waste for Mishima, an honest comrade, to lose his life over such a hasty plan.[392] He also felt that Mishima's presence was indispensable in order to work together with him to establish a large-scale civil defense plan based on a long-term perspective, rather than allowing him to be used and die as a sacrificial pawn by the pro-American Lieutenant General H and others. [392][af]
1969 (Shōwa 44)
[edit]On January 18, 1969, New Left Zenkyōtō students who were on bad terms with the Japanese Communist Party, occupied Yasuda Auditorium at the University of Tokyo in what became known as the "University of Tokyo Yasuda Auditorium Incident" (東大安田講堂事件, Tōdai Yasuda kōdō jiken).[394][395][382] On the 19, Mishima, who had been watching the fierce battle between the Riot Police Unit and the students, feared that if a New Left member were to jump to his death from the clock tower, traditional Japanese spirit that was not afraid of self-sacrifice would be combined with the New Left's communism, and ordinary citizens would sympathize with the New Left.[395][396][397] To prevent this from happening, he immediately phone called the Metropolitan Police Department, requesting that they "spray sleeping gas from a helicopter to put us to sleep."[395][397]
However, Mishima's fears turned out to be unnecessary, and contrary to his expectations, no Tokyo University students were willing to seriously risk their lives.[396] Mishima was relieved and disappointed at the Zenkyōtō students' quick and easy surrender, and eventually came to despise them, realizing that their values were different from his own.[398][399][400][394][401][396]
On February 1, Masakatsu Morita, who had been the bridge between the Controversy Journal (論争ジャーナル, Ronsō jaanaru) group and the "Japan Student Alliance" (日本学生同盟, Nihon Gakusei Dōmei), completely sided with the Controversy Journal group rather than the "Japan Student Alliance",[402][374][356][395][403] and was expelled from the "Japan Student Alliance" along with five others: Masahiro Ogawa (小川正洋) (Meiji Gakuin University Faculty of Law), Takashi Noda (野田隆史) (Azabu University), Kenichi Tanaka (田中健一) (Asia University Faculty of Law), Tomoaki Tsurumi (鶴見友昭) (Waseda University), and Shunichi Nishio (西尾俊一) (Kokushikan University).[403][397][ag] These six men were known as the "Junisou Group" (十二社グループ) because they used to hang out at the Kobayashi-so (小林荘) apartment (Tanaka's boarding house) in Juunisou (十二社) (now Nishi-Shinjuku 4-chōme), Shinjuku-ku, and were a group of lone wolves (一匹狼, Ippiki ōkami) who were not afraid to commit acts of terror.[356][405][233]
On February 11, Mishima was shocked by the heroic death of Kosaburo Eto, who set himself on fire in front of the National Diet Building on that day, National Foundation Day, and wrote that "the one thing art can never reach is a political act like this self-immolation," and felt that the "seriousness" of the 23-year-old young man's actions was "the most powerful criticism of politics as a dream or art."[406][407]
From February 19 to 23, under the guidance of Colonel Yamamoto, the Tatenokai held a training camp at Shōgetsuin Temple (松月院, Shōgetsuin) in Itabashi-ku, where they underwent special training.[408][379][397] In the bitter cold of the main hall, without heating, they had to sleep in sleeping bags at night and eat only canned food that they had brought with them. After everyone had gone to sleep, Yamamoto saw Mishima writing at his desk, breathing out white breath from the cold.[408] Seeing Mishima's earnest figure from behind, Colonel Yamamoto thought, "I don't mind dying with this man."[408]
On February 25, Mishima met with M, a JSDF officer who had been a classmate of Colonel Yamamoto's during his time in the Imperial Japanese Army and a collaborator in the Sanmu incident, at Yamamoto's home.[409][397] M was deeply sympathetic to the ideas in Mishima's Counter-Revolution Manifesto, but he disagreed with the part that said "effectiveness is not an issue," stating that "if you take action, it is meaningless unless you win," and argued that the most important thing was the effectiveness of concrete means, such as weapons (tanks, missiles) superior to those of the enemy.[409][397]
In response, Mishima said, "In that case, your way of posing the problem is completely different," and first explained the importance of the goal of "Protecting Japanese culture," and the metaphorical significance of fighting with a "Japanese sword."[409] He argued, "In fact, risking your own life to die in battle creates more people who follow in your footsteps," and countered the materialistic consciousness that exercises modern military force (Weapon of mass destruction), which can commit mass murder with the flick of a launch button, while remaining in a safe zone where he himself will not be harmed.[409]
We consider ourselves to be the final holders, final representatives, and essence of Japanese culture, history, and tradition that must be protected. We are in sharp opposition to any ideas that suggest a "better future society." This is because action for the future denies the maturity of culture, denies the nobility of tradition, and turns the irreplaceable present into a process of revolution.
The kamikaze pilots' principle of action was to make themselves the incarnations of history, to embody the essence of history, to embody the aesthetic form of tradition, and to make themselves the last of their kind. In their wills, the pilots left behind the words, "I believe that there will be others who will follow us." The idea of "I believe that there will be others who will follow us" is truly and logically opposed to the idea of a "better future society." This is because "those who will follow us" are none other than those who act with the belief that they will be the last. Effectiveness is not an issue.— Yukio Mishima, Counter-Revolution Manifesto[391]
The third trial enlistment, led by Mishima to the new students, took place at the Camp Takigahara of the JGSDF Fuji School from March 1 to 29.[410] At this time, Masahiro Ogawa (小川正洋), a close friend of Morita, participated in this trial enlistment, becoming the 3rd generation member. From the 9th to the 15th, an advanced refresher course was also held for those who had enlisted before (1st and 2nd generation members).[410][ah] The reality of the Tatenokai, which was known by the public as "Toy soldiers," was that it had become an elite group that even surprised the JSDF officers.[410]
Journalist Henry Scott-Stokes covered this trial enlistment and published an article in The Times of London.[411][412][357][397] When Stokes asked Morita, who was in the refresher course, why he joined the Tatenokai, he answered, "I decided to follow Mishima.... Because Mishima was connected to the Emperor."[411][379][413][414] On April 13, Thames Television, a London station that had read Stokes' article, came to cover the April regular meeting of the Tatenokai at Ichigaya Hall (市ヶ谷会館, Ichigaya Kaikan) and filmed the training.[415][397] Mishima invited Stokes and Thames Television reporter Peter Taylor to his home.[415]
On April 28, Okinawa Day (沖縄デー) (the day the Treaty of San Francisco came into effect in 1952), Mishima and Colonel Yamamoto observed the guerrilla activities and violent whirling demonstrations of the New Left Zengakuren.[416][397] Afterwards, Mishima took Colonel Yamamoto to the National Theatre facing the Imperial Palace, where he took an elevator to the pit under the stage and said, "The pit is managed by a trusted friend of mine. Please feel free to use it any time."[417]
In the same month, as a tentative plan in light of the current circumstances in which constitutional reform is difficult, he published Bisection of JSDF (自衛隊二分論, Jieitai nibun ron), in which he proposed a tentative plan to form a "United Nations Police Reserve Force" out of 90% of the JASDF, 70% of the JMSDF, and 10% of the JGSDF as an international military linked to the collective security system through the Security Treaty with the United States.[418][419] The other was a "National Defense Force" made up of 90% of the JGSDF, 30% of the JMSDF, 10% of the JASDF, and a large number of militias, as an independent military that would pledge loyalty to the Emperor and not conclude military treaties with any foreign country, with its primary mission being indirect invasion.[418][419]
Mishima had been trying to find allies among the young JSDF officers he had met during his trial enlistment training, and some officers who agreed with Mishima had begun to appear around this time. One of them, upon hearing Mishima's remark that he did not understand Colonel Yamamoto's true intentions, called Yamamoto in a strong tone, saying, "If you have changed your mind, we will not remain silent, so please be prepared for that!"
Mishima, who had sought to interact with and deepen friendships with officers who had graduated from the National Defense Academy, had been under pressure from the Ministry of Defense's Internal Bureau (内局, nai-kyoku) in various forms since around spring, leading to restrictions being placed on Tatenokai's training.[410] Mishima, who had been searching for ways to act in unison between the public and private sectors, was increasingly irritated by the JSDF's internal pressure on him, and although he did not publicly criticize the JSDF, among the members of Tatenokai there was repeated insulting of the Ministry of Defense's Internal Bureau.[410]
On May 11, Mishima, Colonel Yamamoto, and other senior officers of the JSDF met for dinner at the vegetarian food (精進料理, Shōjin ryōri) restaurant "Daigo" (醍醐) in the grounds of Seishōji Temple (青松寺, Seishōji) (the Bodaiji of Mishima's grandfather, Sadatarō Hiraoka) in Atago, Minato-ku, to analyze the situation of the New Left's struggle for liberated zone (解放区, kaihō-ku) and national defense issues.[420][397] At this time, Mishima asked Yamamoto if there was a suitable place for crossbow training.[420]
On May 13, Mishima was invited to attend a debate organized by the New Left Zenkyōtō, held in a classroom at the University of Tokyo Faculty of Arts (教養学部, kyouyō gakubu), where he engaged in a heated debate with New Left students.[421][422][395][423] The Metropolitan Police Department had offered Mishima protection in advance, but he declined, saying that he did not need any acquaintances or members of the Tatenokai to accompany him, and proceeded alone to the enemy camp with a tantō and an iron fan (鉄扇, tessen) hidden in his haramaki.[422][424] It had been rumored that the Zenkyōtō had boasted that they would "defeat Mishima, strand him, strip him, and force him to commit seppuku on stage," so the core members of the Tatenokai went to the venue without telling Mishima, and in order to protect him in case of an emergency, they impersonated general audience and hid in the second row from the front, and plainclothes detectives were also secretly watching to the debate at the venue.[351][401] In the debate, Mishima, knowing that left-wing students would reject his request, nevertheless called out, "As long as you refer to the Emperor as 'Emperor,' I will gladly join forces with you."[421][422][395][425][ai]
Mishima, who had been learning Iaijutsu since 1965, arranged for seven or eight senior members of the Tatenokai to also learn Iaijutsu in May,[379][362][397] and provided nine members, Hiroshi Mochimaru (持丸博), Masakatsu Morita, Kiyoshi Kuramochi (倉持清), Shunsaku Fukuda (福田俊作), Toshio Fukuda (福田敏夫), Taketoshi Katsumata (勝又武校), Akihiro Hara (原昭弘), Masahiro Ogawa (小川正洋), and Masayoshi Koga (小賀正義), with Japanese swords to form a "suicide squad" (決死隊, Kesshi-tai) capable of slashing.[362] From May 23 to 26, special training was held for 100 members of the Tatenokai under the direction of Colonel Yamamoto. Shortly before this, Mishima had met with Chief Cabinet Secretary Shigeru Hori together with Colonel Yamamoto, through the intermediation of Kinemaro Izawa (伊沢甲子麿).[397]
In late June, Mishima, Colonel Yamamoto, and five of Yamamoto's subordinates were dining together in a private room at the restaurant in the Hilltop Hotel (山の上ホテル, Yamanoue Hotel).[426][422][397][389] Mishima explained the Tatenokai's detailed plan for the defense of the Imperial Palace, and urged Colonel Yamamoto to make a decision, saying, "We have already formed a Kesshi-tai."[426][422][397] The five JSDF officers agreed with Mishima, but Colonel Yamamoto disagreed, saying, "We should first train in close combat (白兵戦, hakuhei-sen) to prepare for that day. And not to charge in ourselves, but to stop rioters from breaking in."[426]
The JSDF officers approached Colonel Yamamoto, shouting, "Coward! Are you going to betray us?" but Mishima stopped them.[426] After a moment of silence, Mishima, with a look of suppressed righteous indignation on his face, burned a piece of paper on an ashtray on which were written the three rules of the plan, including "Enter the Imperial Palace and defend it to the death."[426] After Colonel Yamamoto finished explaining the tentative plan for the next training, Mishima proposed a plan to conduct the exercise at the Prime Minister's official residence, but Colonel Yamamoto, fearing the critical eyes of the JSDF in the media, immediately refused, saying, "That's no good."[426] In July, Colonel Yamamoto was promoted to vice principal of the JGSDF Research School,[427][397][389] and gradually he had less time to devote to guiding and supporting the Tatenokai.[427][389]
Around this time in the early summer, a coup plan that had been hatched between Mishima and some senior officers (Lieutenant Generals) was buried in darkness.[428][429][aj] The senior officers had connections with the U.S.A.F. (includes U.S.F.J), and with the consent of the US army side, they were supposed to carry out security operations to turn the JSDF into a national army.[388][429] However, Henry Kissinger secretly began preparations to visit China, and the US changed its stance to a pro-China (親中, Sin-chu) one (changing relations between U.S. and China), and the situation became such that the formation of the JSDF into a National Army was not approved.[429]
The fourth trial enlistment, led by Mishima to the new students and members, took place at the Camp Takigahara of the JGSDF Fuji School from July 26 to August 23.[431] During a regular family trip to Shimoda-shi, Izu Peninsula, in which Mishima temporarily left the fourth trial enlistment, he asked Yasunari Kawabata to attend the Tatenokai's 1st anniversary parade to be held in November, writing a letter expressing his hopes for the following year, 1970.[432][433][357] However, Kawabata did not reply to Mishima's letter.[433]
It may seem funny to you that I am saying something even more foolish, what I fear is not death, but the honor of my family after my death. If something were to happen to me, I feel that the public would immediately bare its fangs, expose my flaws, and destroy with dishonor. I don't mind people laughing at me while I'm alive, but I can't stand my children being laughed at after my death. I believe that Kawabata-san is the only one who can protect that, and I am relying on you wholeheartedly from now on.
On the other hand, it is also entirely possible that everything will be in vain, all the sweat and effort will disappear like bubbles, and everything will settle into a state of listless fatigue, and although common sense tells us that this is far more likely (perhaps 90 percent!), I just can't bring myself to face that disgusting fact.— Yukio Mishima, Letter to Yasunari Kawabata on August 4, 1969
Around this time, discord between Mishima and key veteran members of the Tatenokai, Kazuhiko Nakatsuji (中辻和彦) and Kiyoshi Bandai (万代潔), began to surface.[379][434][138][435] Contrary to Mishima's wishes, Nakatsuji, who had a loose sense of money and loose relationships with women, embezzled money and asked Seigen Tanaka (田中清玄) for funding for the financially struggling Controversy Journal, which became a decisive rift, and in late August, Nakatsuji, Bandai, and several others left the Tatenokai.[434][138][433][435][436]
Mishima covered all of the expenses for everyone in the Tatenokai, including travel, accommodation, food, miscellaneous expenses, and uniforms,[138][437] but when Mishima heard that Seigen Tanaka had been boasting in business world (財界, zaikai) that "I am the patron of Mishima and the Tatenokai," this angered Mishima, who valued the honor of the Tatenokai.[138][337] Regarding Nakatsuji and Bandai, Fusao Hayashi said that at first they appeared pure and honest, but in the end they were vicious fakes like Tōru Yasunaga (安永透), a character in The Decay of the Angel.[281] One of Hayashi's older friends also criticized them as the worst type of postwar youth, like the guys from the loan shark, Hikari Club (光クラブ, Hikari Kurabu).[281]
On October 12, at the Tatenokai's October regular meeting, Hiroshi Mochimaru, the first student president, also formally resigned.[431][433][435][397][438] Mochimaru, who was close to Nakatsuji, was unsure whether to side with Nakatsuji or Mishima, and decided to quit both his position as editor of the Controversy Journal and his activities with the Tatenokai.[436] Mochimaru was engaged to Yoshiko Matsuura (松浦芳子), who helped with the Tatenokai's administrative work.[439] Mishima repeatedly tried to persuade him to stay, saying, "If you devote yourself to your work with the Tatenokai, I will guarantee your livelihood after marriage," but Mochimaru ultimately declined.[379][431][436][439][438] He had already secured employment as an executive at Teikoku Security Service (帝国警備保障, Teikoku Keibi Hoshō).[440]
According to Mishima's friend Takeshi Muramatsu (村松剛), Mishima, who never expected Mochimaru to quit, was devastated, like a father betrayed by his own child, and called Muramatsu in a complete despair, saying, "Mochimaru says he's quitting the group. The Tatenokai will no longer exist..."[379][431] Having lost his important right-hand man, Mochimaru, Mishima said to Colonel Yamamoto in a sad and angry voice, "A man really can change depending on a woman, can't he?"[434]
Masakatsu Morita became the second student leader of the Tatenokai in place of Mochimaru, and the Tatenokai office, which had been located within the editorial office of the Controversy Journal, was to be moved to the apartment in Juunisou where Morita lived.[431][435][397][438][ak] In contrast to Mochimaru, who was always the type to think intellectually and rationally and act cautiously, Morita, who lost his parents at a young age, was a selfless man of action who had no fear of death and was not concerned with theory, so some of his friends have believed that if Morita had not replaced Mochimaru as student dean at this time, the Mishima Incident would not have occurred.[431] Morita's temperament clearly overlaps with that of the protagonist, Isao Iinuma (飯沼勲), who is headed straight for action as if he had stepped out of Mishima's novel Runaway Horses,[431] and many researchers have mentioned that Mishima may had being dragged and influenced by Morita's pure temperament.[431][413][442][443][444]
On October 21, International Anti-War Day (国際反戦デー, Kokusai Hansen dei), Mishima and members of the Tatenokai checked the situation of the New Left Zengakuren demonstration (10.21 International Anti-War Day Struggle 1969 (10.21国際反戦デー闘争 (1969年), 10.21 Kokusai Hansen dei tousō (1969 nen))) just as they had done the previous year, hoping for the JSDF to be deployed for Public Security Operation (治安出動, Chian shutsudō), but the New Left was easily suppressed by the Riot Police Unit.[429][431][433][414][94] Mishima realized that there was no longer any room for the JSDF to be deployed for Public Security Operation or for the Tatenokai's assault troops to be involved, and that there was no way to revise the constitution or turn the JSDF into a National Army through Public Security Operation.[429][431][433][414][94]
Mishima, who had believed that the government (Defense Agency) should have taken this opportunity to mobilize the JSDF's Public Security Operation to clarify the difference between the police and the JSDF, felt great disappointment and indignation.[429][433][94] When the JSDF would suppressing the demonstrators, the Tatenokai would assisted in armed with Japanese swords too, and Mishima, had prepared himself for death and expected that would leave the novel he was writing, The Temple of Dawn, unfinished. [445][94][446][447] As he walked through the streets of Shinjuku, he repeatedly muttered to himself, "This is no good. This is no good at all," and shouted in despair, "It's no good if things continue like this!"[431]
According to Atsuyuki Sassa (佐々淳行), who was a family friend of Mishima's, this inspection was arranged by Sassa, who had been instructed by his superiors to "ask Mishima (a famous person) to support the Riot Police Unit in the presence of the media", but when Mishima returned, he said, "We don't need to be here anymore. The Riot Police Unit are all smiling and showing their white teeth, calmly handling the New Left. Sasa, you took away our role, and I resent you."[448] Sasa tried to persuade him, saying, "The guerrilla struggle is over. Why don't you return to the world of literature?", but there was no further communication between the two.[448]
On October 25, the 25th anniversary of the death of Zenmei Hasuda (age at death, 41), a Japanese literature scholar, was held at Momoyama (桃山), a Ryōtei in Ogikubo, Suginami-ku along the Chūō Main Line, for Hasuda,[449][397] who had highly praised Mishima's Forest in Full Bloom (花ざかりの森, Hanazakari no Mori), written when he was 16, saying "This youthful author is a heaven-sent child of eternal Japanese history", and who had told Mishima before leaving for the battlefield, "I have entrusted the future of Japan to you."[450][451][452][453] He then committed suicide with a pistol just after the end of the war in Johor Bahru, where he was stationed. In his speech, Mishima said, "My only emotional support is Mr. Hasuda, and now I have no doubts or hesitations," and "I've now reached the age that Mr. Hasuda was at that time." [454][455]
On October 31, at a meeting of the team leaders of the Tatenokai held at Mishima's residence, they discussed what to do next in the wake of the failure of the "10.21" plan.[456][445][433][414] Morita, the 1st team leader, suggested that the Tatenokai and the JSDF surround the National Diet Building and force them to propose constitutional amendment, but Mishima responded that this would be difficult to carry out due to issues with procuring weapons and the fact that the Diet was in session.[456][431][445] [433][414]
On November 3, at 3 p.m., a parade was held on the rooftop of the National Theatre to celebrate the first anniversary of the founding of the Tatenokai, with former JGSDF Fuji School principal, former Lieutenant General Ikarii Junzō (碇井準三), as the reviewer.[379][457][431] The parade was performed by the JGSDF Fuji School Band. Actresses Eiko Muramatsu (村松英子) and Mitsuko Baisho presented bouquets to Mishima and others.[433][401] Mishima had wanted Yasunari Kawabata to attend the ceremony too, but was extremely disappointed when Kawabata declined.[379][457][433] Mishima had not received a reply to his letter inviting Kawabata to attend the parade, so in October he visited Kawabata in person and asked again to give a congratulatory speech at the parade, only to be coldly turned down.[379][193][433][117] Disheartened, Mishima vented his anger and grief to his family and friends.[193][433][117]
At the celebrate party held in the dining hall on the second floor of the theatre, former Lieutenant General Iwaichi Fujiwara and former Administrative Vice-Minister of Defense Yoshio Miwa (三輪良雄) gave congratulatory speeches, and Mishima also gave a speech.[433][397]
I have always thought that the postwar Japanese trend of abhorring anything simply because it is a military action is hypocritical in a sense. I do not mean this in the sense of militarism or fascism, but rather that there must be as many well-trained young people among the Japanese people as possible in their civilian lives who naturally have a military education and are ready to pick up a gun at any time, and who are ready to take up a gun and stand up at any time in the event of an external invasion, and only then will we be able to cultivate and nurture our own culture and ideology with confidence, and this is what motivated me to create the Tatenokai.
— Yukio Mishima, Speech at the 1st anniversary of the Tatenokai[433]
On November 16, the New Left launched a "struggle to prevent Prime Minister Satō from visiting the United States" (佐藤首相訪米阻止闘争, Satō shushō houbei soshi tōsō), but the New Left was easily suppressed by the Riot Police Unit again, making the Public Security Operation of the JSDF completely hopeless.[457][458][445] On November 28, Mishima invited Colonel Yamamoto to his home to discuss the "Final Plan," but the meeting ended without any concrete measures being forthcoming from Colonel Yamamoto.[457][458][401] From December 8, Mishima went to South Korea for four days to inspect the military situation against North Korean armed guerrillas.[457][433]
On December 22, Mishima and Tatenokai held a regular meeting at the JGSDF Camp Narashino (習志野駐屯地, Narashino chūtonchi) in Chiba Prefecture, after which they conducted preliminary parachute training with the 1st Airborne Brigade.[458][433][397] After the training, Mishima stressed the urgency of constitutional amendment.[397] Based on this, it was decided to organize the 10th team "Constitutional Amendment Draft Study Group" (憲法改正草案研究会, Kenpō kaisei souan kenkyu-kai) within 13 members of Tatenokai, with Tsutomu Abe (阿部勉) (1st generation member, and 5th team leader) as group leader, and to hold a three-hour discussion meeting among members every Wednesday night.[458][459][433][397]
On December 1, Mishima, in a dialogue with Ichirō Murakami (村上一郎) that was to be published the following New Year, said that the current JSDF did not have the system in place to bring about a revolution like the February 26 incident, and that only an officer of the rank of Colonel or higher could make anything happen.[460][410] In this dialogue, Mishima commented on the weight of political words, saying, "If I says, 'I'm going to die in November,' then I must die."[460][433][414]
1970 (Shōwa 45)
[edit]In the New Year of 1970, at a New Year's party held at Mishima's residence, where Colonel Kiyokatsu Yamamoto (山本舜勝) and members of the Tatenokai had gathered, the topic of civil defense corps came up, and Mishima casually remarked, "It is possible that they might turn their blades against the JSDF."[458]
At the end of January, Mishima invited Lee (李), former Major General of South Korea Armed Forces, who had looked after him during his visit to South Korea in December of the previous year, and Colonel Yamamoto for dinner.[461] After Lee left, Mishima asked Colonel Yamamoto, "Aren't you going to carry out a coup!" to which Colonel Yamamoto replied, "If you do, please kill me first."[462][461][216][463] Around this time, Mishima had been in contact with a JSDF officer whom Colonel Yamamoto considered to be "backboned."[464]
Around this time, a high school boy who wanted to meet Mishima, stood in front of Mishima's residence for hours.[465][459][466][467] Mishima's maid said that the student was an innocent-looking boy, neatly dressed in his school uniform, so Mishima, who was about to go out, agreed to meet the boy for only five minutes.[465][459][466][467] Since there was not much time, Mishima said the boy to ask the one question he most wanted to ask.[465][459][466][468][467] The boy looked Mishima directly in the eye with clear eyes and asked, "When are you going to die, teacher?"[465][459][466][468][463][467] Mishima gave a comical and confused response at the time, but even after the boy left, the boy's words remained in Mishima's heart.[465][466][467][al]
The fifth trial enlistment, led by Mishima to the new students and members, took place at the Camp Takigahara of the JGSDF Fuji School from March 1 to 28.[459] Around this time, Masakatsu Morita (student leader and 1st team leader) and Mishima began discussing plans for an uprising, but no concrete plan had been put in place yet.[461] At the end of March, Mishima suddenly visited Colonel Yamamoto's house, dressed in a kimono and carrying a Japanese sword in a brocade silk bag.[462][464][445] Colonel Yamamoto tried not to mention the Japanese sword, but it seemed that Mishima was offering it to Colonel Yamamoto to encourage his resolve.[462][464][445][108] With the help of Mrs. Yamamoto's mediation, the uneasy atmosphere between two, was eased and passed without showdown.[462][108][445][216] As he was leaving, Mishima said, "Colonel Yamamoto is cold-hearted," to which Colonel Yamamoto replied, "If you're going to do it, I want you to do it while I am still in uniform."[462][464][445][108]
On April 3, Mishima asked Masayoshi Koga (小賀正義) (5th team leader) at the coffee shop in the Imperial Hotel at 1-1 Uchisaiwaichō, Chiyoda-ku, if he would be willing to join them in the uprising until the very end, and Koga agreed.[1][464][108] On April 10, Mishima invited Masahiro Ogawa (小川正洋) (7th team leader) to his home and asked him if he would also be willing to participate in the "final action," and after much deliberation, Ogawa also agreed, just like Koga.[1][35][464][108]
In late April, Mishima visited Colonel Yamamoto's house with a published version of the biography Hasuda Zenmei and His Death by poet Jirō Odakane (小高根二郎), which he had been reading every issue of a magazine since 1959, 11 years earlier, and dedicated it to him, saying, "My day was determined by this book."[470][108][463][471]
In May, Mishima distributed the first issue of Problem presentation (問題提起, Mondai teiki) for the "Constitutional Amendment Draft Study Group," entitled "The Absence of 'Japan' in the postwar new Constitution," to the members of Tatenokai.[472][473][459][474][264][am] In his Problem presentation, Mishima argued that in addition to revising or abolishing Article 9 of the Constitution, the misguided and danger of the existing provision in Chapter 1 that states that Emperor's status is "based on the general will of the people" must be corrected,[472][474][90][264][475] and that Article 20, regarding "Freedom of religion," must be rectified because it was defined by Christian Westerners, without the understanding of the syncretism nature of Japanese State Shintoism.[472][473][476][477][an]
In mid-May, Masakatsu Morita, Masayoshi Koga, and Masahiro Ogawa gathered at Mishima's house.[1][464][478] They discussed the "best way" for the Tatenokai and the JSDF to launch an armed uprising together, enter the Diet, and appeal for constitutional amendment, but the specific method was still being explored.[1][464][108][478] From June 2 to 4, Mishima and the Tatenokai held a refresher course for advanced members at the Camp Takigahara of the JGSDF Fuji School.[464][108] This was a grueling training session in which they marched through the Aokigahara Sea of Trees without food and without sleep or rest.
In June, Colonel Yamamoto visited Mishima's residence with a potted red peacock (紅孔雀, beni kujaku) cactus at the request of his father-in-law, who was a General during the Pacific War.[462] Mishima played Yamamoto the records of his own recitation of The Voices of the Heroic Dead (英霊の聲, Eirei no koe) and the Tatenokai's military song, which he had sung with the members, and gave the records and a few Onshi no Tabako to Colonel Yamamoto.[462]
On June 13, Mishima, Morita, Koga, and Ogawa gathered at room 821 of the Hotel Okura, 3 Akasaka-Aoi-cho, Minato-ku (now 2-10-4 Toranomon, Minato-ku).[1][464][478] Realizing that they could no longer rely on the JSDF officers they had been in contact with, they came up with a concrete plan to carry it out on their own.[1][35][464][108][478]
Mishima proposed a plan to occupy a JSDF's arms and ammunition depot to secure weapons and threaten to blow it up, or to restrain the Commander-in-Chief of the Eastern Army Headquarters and rally the JSDF personnel together to occupy the National Diet and force a vote on constitutional amendment.[1][456][464][108][478] After discussion, it was decided to take the approach of restraining the Commander-in-Chief of the Eastern Army, and ideas such as inviting him to the Tatenokai's second anniversary parade and restraining him there, were considered.[1][464][108]
On June 21, Mishima, Morita, Koga, and Ogawa gathered at Room 206 of the Hilltop Hotel (山の上ホテル, Yamanoue Hotel), 1-1 Surugadai, Chiyoda-ku.[1][464][478] Mishima reported that he had successfully obtained permission to rent the heliport at the Camp Ichigaya (市ヶ谷駐屯地, Ichigaya Chūtonchi) for the Tatenokai's physical training.[1][464][108] He then suggested that the person to be restrained be changed to Colonel Tomoyuki Miyata (宮田朋幸), commander of the 32nd Infantry Regiment (第32普通科連隊, Dai 32 futsu-ka rentai), because the Eastern Army Commandant General's office was far from the heliport, and everyone agreed.[1][464][108]
In the same June, Mishima asked his lawyer to draw up a will in which he stipulated that the copyrights of Confessions of a Mask and Thirst for Love would be transferred to his mother after his death.[464][108][463][479] Mishima also had his final dinners with the writers he was close to and respected, Jun Ishikawa, Kōbō Abe, and Taijun Takeda.[464][479] On the other hand, Mishima had distanced himself from Shintaro Ishihara, with whom he had been close, and publicly criticized Ishihara's frivolous internal criticism to Liberal Democratic Party, that was only for the media, and sorted out their friendship.[480][464][481][108]
On July 5, Mishima, Morita, Koga, and Ogawa gathered in Room 207 of the Hilltop Hotel.[1][108] They decided to carry out the plan on the day of the regular meeting of the Tatenokai in November, and during training at the heliport after the meeting, Mishima would load their weapons, the Japanese swords, into Koga's car and go to the 32nd Infantry Regiment Commander's room, where they would restrain Commander Miyata.[1][108] In the same month, Mishima entrusted Chief Cabinet Secretary Shigeru Hori who had asked Mishima for his opinion on defense, and Minister of Defense Yasuhiro Nakasone with a document on defense as a Petition (建白書, kenpaku-sho) to the government, and Prime Minister Eisaku Satō read it too, was supposed to submit it to the Cabinet meeting, but Nakasone stopped it, was not submit to meeting.[482][483][216][484][108][ao]
Mishima contributed an essay titled Promises that I Have Not Fulfilled: 25 years in me (果たし得てゐない約束―私の中の二十五年, Hatashi ete inai Yakusoku: Watashi no naka no 25 nen) to the July 7, 1970, the Sankei Shimbun evening paper for a special feature marking the 25th anniversary of the end of the war, in which he looked back on the "emptiness" he felt in the 25 years since the end of the war, saying that he "passed through that time holding my nose," and described that period as follows:[488][92][489][464][442][490][24]
What I hated 25 years ago has changed in some form, but it still thrives tenaciously today. Not only has it survived, but it has completely infiltrated Japan with astonishing fecundity. It is the postwar democracy (戦後民主主義, Sengo minshu-shugi) and fearsome bacillus of hypocrisy that has arisen from postwar democracy. I was quite naive to think that such hypocrisy and deception would end with the American occupation. What is astonishing is that the Japanese people have willingly chosen to make it part of their own constitution. In politics, the economy, society, and even culture. (Omitted)
I don't have much hope for the future of Japan. I feel more and more each day that if things continue as they are, "Japan" will no longer exist. Japan will be gone, and in its place, an inorganic, empty, neutral, intermediate colored, wealthy, and shrewd economic superpower will remain in a corner of the Far East. I no longer feel like talking to people who think that's okay.— Yukio Mishima, Promises that I Have Not Fulfilled: 25 years in me[488]
On July 11, Koga used the 200,000 yen cash given to him by Mishima to purchase a used 1966 white Toyota Corona from Kugamoto Motors.[1][108] In late July, Mishima and three others met at the pool of the Hotel New Otani at 4 Kioichō, Chiyoda-ku, to discuss whether they should add another member to the Tatenokai.[1][464] That summer, Mishima gave each of the three 80,000 yen and took them on a recreational trip to Hokkaido.[35][464][108]
Around this time, Morita, who had returned to his hometown of Yokkaichi-shi, Mie Prefecture, told his childhood friend Shigeru Ueda (上田茂) like a younger brother, "After I met Yukio Mishima, I was able to theorize my own way of thinking. Therefore, I cannot let Mishima die alone."[491][463] Morita had dinner with Shigeru's family at his house, as he had done in the past, and had also last conversation with Shigeru's older sister, Makiko (牧子), who was his first love.[478][ap] On August 28, Mishima and the three others gathered again at the pool of the Hotel New Otani and decided to add Hiroyasu Koga (5th team vice leader) to their group.[1][464][442][478]
On a day early August, while staying at a hotel in Shimoda-shi, Izu Peninsula, on his annual family vacation, Mishima wrote "death of remonstration" (諫死, kanshi) on a piece of notebook paper and handed it to Henry Scott-Stokes.[493][491]
On September 1, on the way home from the "Constitutional Amendment Draft Study Group," Morita and Masayoshi Koga (chibi Koga) invited Hiroyasu Koga (furu Koga) to a late-night bar called "Parkside" at 3-8-1 Nishi-Shinjuku, Shinjuku-ku, where they explained their "final plan" and gained furu Koga's approval.[1][71][464][491] Morita and chibi Koga asked furu Koga, "Can you share life and death with Mishima Sensei?" and, "Hiro-chan, can you give us your life?"[71][35][464] Furu Koga, who had been prepared for this since he joined the Tatenokai, immediately accepted and expressed his gratitude for being accepted as a comrade.[71][464]
On September 9, Mishima invited Koga to a French restaurant in Ginza 4-chōme, where he explained the details of his plan and told him that the plan would be carried out on November 25.[71][464][442][491] Mishima said, "It will be impossible to find anyone in the JSDF who will join us. Either way, I must die," and "Now that we have come this far, we are on the 3rd street of Hell (Edge of Hell) (地獄の3丁目, Jigoku no 3-chōme)".[71][35][464][442][491]
From September 10 to 12, Mishima and the Tatenokai held a refresher course for advanced members at the Camp Takigahara of the JGSDF Fuji School.[464][442] On September 15, Mishima, Morita, chibi Koga, Ogawa, and furu Koga watched a Togakure-ryū Ninja arts (忍法, Ninpō) Demonstration (Ninja Tournament) held at Kofu-kaikan (興風会館) in Noda-shi, Chiba Prefecture, and on the way back, they dined at the wild boar restaurant "Momonji-ya" (ももんじ屋) at 1-10-2 Ryōgoku, Sumida-ku, to strengthen their bond as comrades.[1][71][442][491]
Around this time, Mishima wrote about his complicated feelings, along with words of gratitude in the organizational newspaper (機関誌, kikanshi) of the Camp Takigahara of the JGSDF Fuji School, where he had been looked after for nearly four years.[494][412][495][496]
Here, I was warmly welcomed from beginning to end, treated with true humanity and trust without any vested interests, and experienced the tears of a man that I would never experience in this world. For me, this was Japan. Everything that I had lost in this world of Japan was here. The harshness and beauty of the world of Japanese men was alive only here. We spoke of Japan's fate and lamented its fate as if we were concerned directly about the fate of our own families. (Omitted)
This was my place of training and also my place of contemplation. Here, I was taught the dignity and harshness of self-renunciation, the unity of thought and action, and the strict true path of integrating mind and body. (Omitted)
To all the people at the Camp Takigahara, including the successive regimental commanders, I have nothing but gratitude. At the same time, I also feel pity for my own almost fanatical feelings, having become a man who "knows too much" about the JSDF, worrying about its fate around the clock, thinking only about its future, and devoting his mind only to finding a solution.— Yukio Mishima, Camp Takigahara is my second home (滝ヶ原分とん地は第二の我が家, Takigahara buntonchi wa dai-2 no wagaya)[494]
In September, Mishima was invited to dinner at the home of Henry Scott-Stokes. After the meal, Mishima looked gloomy and said that Japan had lost its spiritual traditions, and materialism infested instead, he then told a strange analogy: "Japan is under the curse of a Green Snake now. The Green Snake is biting Japan's chest. There is no way to escape this curse."[497][151][442][490] Scott-Stokes continued to wonder what the "green snake" meant, and around 1990, 20 years after the Mishima incident, he suddenly told Takao Tokuoka (徳岡孝夫) that he had realized it referred to "US dollars" (green paper money).[151][108][aq]
On September 3, Mishima was invited to the Youth Political Training Workshop of the Policy Research Association, headed by Yasuhiro Nakasone, where he gave a lecture on self-defense.[499][463] Mishima spoke of the importance of Japan having lived its history for over 2,000 years in a uniquely Japanese way, with the Emperor at its center, and he said that Japan would not be able to win against the ideological strategies of other countries if it ignored its traditions and national spirit.[499][500] He also warned that if the Japanese were to become overconfident and let their guard down, thinking "We'll be fine if something happens," they would end up putting on belly fat and becoming like pigs.[499][500]
In order to avoid becoming a pig and to avoid accumulating fat, we must constantly sharpen our minds, just like polishing a Japanese sword every day. If we don't, humans will become useless. I think Japanese people don't realize that they are becoming more and more corrupt day by day. When I think like this, I gradually come to understand the current world situation, or the difficulties that Japan faces as a country in terms of its international strategy.
— Yukio Mishima, About self-defense of our country[499]
On September 25, Mishima, Morita, chibi Koga, Ogawa, and furu Koga gathered at the Isetan Kaikan Kōraku-en Sauna (伊勢丹会館後楽園サウナ) at 17 Shinjuku 3-chōme.[1][464][491] Mishima proposed to change the method of convening regular meetings of the Tatenokai, and decided that for the November meeting in particular, Mishima would directly contact all members, excluding those whose family or relatives in the JSDF, and also excluding those who had plans to get a job or get married.[1][35][464][442] In early October, furu Koga said he wanted to see the mountains and rivers of his hometown, Hokkaido, before he died, so Mishima gave him 10,000 yen, half of his travel expenses.[71]
Around September or October, Morita's roommates Takashi Noda (野田隆史) and Kenji Kurata (倉田賢司) heard Morita say at his boarding house, "If Mishima has come this far and still hasn't done anything, I'll kill him."[491][342][131]
On October 2, Mishima and five others gathered at the Chinese restaurant "Daiichi-rou" (第一楼) at 6-9 Ginza 2-chōme.[1][501][442][491] They decided on a specific procedure: to hold the November Tatenokai regular meeting at 11:00 a.m., to begin regular training at the heliport at the Camp Ichigaya after the meeting, and then for Mishima and chibi Koga to leave on the pretext of attending a funeral, to carry the Japanese swords into their car, and then to restrain the commander of the 32nd Infantry Regiment.[1][501][442]
It was also decided that two reliable journalists who could report the whole story, would be waiting at the Palace Hotel, and that they would ride in the car with Mishima and chibi Koga and wait in front of the 32nd Infantry Regiment building.[1][501][442] On October 9, the four of them, excluding furu Koga who was traveling in Hokkaido, gathered again at the "Daiichi-rou" and reconfirmed the plan.[1][442][491]
On October 17, Mishima called Hiroshi Mochimaru to his residence and asked him to bring the blood oath (血盟状, ketsumei-jou) that had been drawn up on February 25, 1968, and told him that he wanted to burn it because many of the prominent signers (mainly the Controversy Journal (論争ジャーナル, Ronsō jaanaru) group) had left the Tatenokai.[336][502][337] On October 19, after the October regular meeting, Mishima and the other five members posed for a commemorative photo wearing the Tatenokai uniform at the ONE FOUR TWO by Tojo (東條會館, Tojo Kaikan), 4 Kōjimachi 1-chōme, Chiyoda-ku.[1][71][501][442][491][503]
On October 23, the Tatenokai conducted drills at crematoriums and power supply control centers in Tokyo. Before the drill, Mishima silently wrote "coup d'État" in English on the blackboard in front of the members who had gathered at the Arcadia Ichigaya Private Academy (市ヶ谷私学会館, Shigaku Kaikan), and showed specific locations where the city's functions would be paralyzed.[504][505][506][507][508] The members thought that the Tatenokai coup would finally begin.[505][506][508] After the drill, Mishima visited Colonel Yamamoto's house alone at night.[509][442] Colonel Yamamoto recalled that the visit that day was like a "farewell sake bottle (徳利, tokkuri) of Genzō Akahani (赤埴源蔵)", one of Forty-seven rōnin.[509]
On October 27, Mishima and Mochimaru burned the blood oath in the gardens of the Mishima's troupe Roman Theatre (浪曼劇場, Rōman Gekijō).[336][502][337] However, before handing it over to Mishima, Mochimaru secretly kept a copy of it.[336][337] After the burning, while drinking coffee at "Almond" (アマンド) in Roppongi, Minato-ku, Mishima said to Mochimaru, "The nature of the Tatenokai changed after you left. From next year, I would like to change the form of the group. You know the group very well, so I would like you to support us from the outside."[336][502][337] About a week before, Mochimaru had received a call from Morita, who invited him to a sushi restaurant in Takadanobaba and treated him to sushi.[502]
On November 3, Mishima, Morita, chibi Koga, Ogawa, and furu Koga met at "Almond" and then went to the sauna "Misty" at 5-3 Roppongi 4-chōme, to discuss the draft of the written appeal (檄, Geki) and the items in the request.[1][71][491] At this time, Mishima stopped the plan for everyone to commit suicide, ordering chibi Koga, Ogawa, and furu Koga, "Dying is easy, living is hard. You must bear this."[1][71][3][501]
Mishima said, "You have all come with the determination to die, and I am glad about that. However, someone must stay alive to protect the commander and escort him away so that he does not commit suicide. I have entrusted this task to chibi Koga, furu Koga, and Ogawa. Morita, please perform the kaishaku vividly and do not make me suffer too much."[1][501][442][491]
Morita told chibi Koga, furu Koga, and Ogawa, "We are all the same whether we live or die, because we will meet again somewhere," and "(Because we are one body) our souls will become one in the afterlife."[71][456][501][442][491] On the previous day, November 2, Mishima had called Morita to "Hamasaku" (浜作) in Ginza and persuaded him not to commit suicide, saying, "Morita, you must live. I hear you have a girlfriend, don't you?"[126][442] Morita had a girlfriend with whom he had considered marriage, named Yumiko Shibata (柴田由美子).</ref>[441][510][ar]
However, Morita insisted, "I cannot be the only one to survive when Mishima Sensei, who I consider to be a father, dies. Please let me accompany you on your journey to death."[442] Afterwards, chibi Koga, Ogawa, and furu Koga also tried to persuade Morita, saying, "You too should live together and carry on the spirit of the Sensei," and Mishima hoped that Morita would reconsider his decision to commit suicide, but Morita's resolve did not waver.[442][514]
From November 4 to 6, the Mishima and members of Tatenokai held a refresher course for advanced members at the Camp Takigahara of the JGSDF Fuji School.[71][501] Members received training in railway demolition and learned how to set bombs. They also observed the actual demolition of railroad tracks, which were blown up with a bang and blown to pieces. During this final trial enlistment, Mishima had sent Kawabata a final letter written in pencil, but Kawabata incinerated it.[515][122][463][516] According to Kawabata's son-in-law, Kaori Kawabata (川端香男里), the reason of his incineration was, "The sentences were messed up, and if I kept it, it would be a dishonor to him, so I incinerated it immediately."[515][122][463][516] Some researchers have believe that the letter was incinerated because it contained things that would be a dishonor to Kawabata himself.[122][as]
After the training, Mishima Morita, chibi Koga, Ogawa, and furu Koga secretly contemplated their final separation from the other members and JSDF personnel at a celebration held at the Gotemba Hall Annex (御殿場館別館, Gotenba Kaikan bekkan) in Gotemba-shi.[1][501][122][491] Mishima sat seiza-style and poured sake for everyone, singing Ken Takakura's hit yakuza movie theme song A Foo dog and the peonies (唐獅子牡丹, Karajishi botan).[35][501][122][518] Morita sang the elementary school song Flowers (花, Hana) and a military song Katō Hayabusa Fighter Squadron (加藤隼戦闘隊, Katō Hayabusa Sentō-tai), chibi Koga sang a kayōkyoku When the White Flowers Bloom (白い花の咲く頃, Shiroi hana no saku koro), Ogawa sang a prewar song Song of the Shōwa Restoration (昭和維新の歌, Shōwa Isin no uta) and a kayōkyoku Shiretoko Love Song, and furu Koga recited a poem by a kamikaze pilot.[35][501]
On November 10, Morita, chibi Koga, Ogawa, and furu Koga entered the Camp Ichigaya under the pretext of meeting with Captain Katsuo Kikuchi (菊地勝夫), and inspected the area in front of the 32nd Infantry Regiment building to confirm where to park.[1][501][491] On November 12, Morita, Ogawa, and chibi Koga visited the "Yukio Mishima Exhibition" held at Tobu Department Store (東武百貨店, Tobu hyakkaten).[35][122][491] That night, at the late-night bar "Parkside," Morita asked Ogawa to perform the kaishaku, and Ogawa agreed.[1][122][491]
On November 14, Mishima and four others gathered at the sauna "Misty."[1][501][122][491] They decided that two reporters, NHK reporter Munekatsu Date (伊達宗克) and Weekly magazine Sunday Mainichi (サンデー毎日) reporter Takao Tokuoka (徳岡孝夫), would be waiting in front of the 32nd Infantry Regiment building.[1][501][122][491] Mishima explained that they would hand over the written appeal (檄, Geki) and commemorative photographs of themselves to the reporters on the day of the uprising, and Mishima and four others discussed the draft of the Geki.[1][501][122]
On November 18, in a dialogue with Takashi Furubayashi (古林尚), Mishima talked, "I don't want to receive a single mon of money from the Liberal Democratic Party," and said of what he is trying to do, "It's the way of life of Yoshida Shōin. There is nothing else to do other than to manifest the justice."[519][122][520] Furthermore, he said, "I am not going to easily fall into the hands of my enemy. My enemies are the government, the Liberal Democratic Party, and the entire postwar system. This includes the Socialist Party and the Communist Party. To me, the Communist Party and the Liberal Democratic Party are the same thing. They are exactly the same. Both are symbols of hypocrisy."[519][521][501][24]
On November 19, Mishima and four others gathered at the Isetan Kaikan Kōraku-en Sauna Rest Room.[1][491] They discussed how long it would take for the JSDF personnel to assemble after the 32nd Infantry Regiment Commander Miyata had restrained, and how much time Mishima would give for his speech.[1] When Morita asked "If our demands are not met, can I kill the Regiment Commander?", Mishima replied that "The Commander must be returned unharmed."[35][122] Later, at the late-night bar "Parkside," Morita told furu Koga, "The greatest friendship is if you would be the one to kaishaku me."[71][491]
On November 21, Morita went to Camp Ichigaya under the pretext of delivering Mishima's book Introductions to the Philosophy of Action (行動学入門, Kōdōgaku Nyūmon) to check whether the 32nd Infantry Regiment Commander Miyata would be in his office on November 25, the day of the uprising, but ascertained that he would not be there on the 25.[10][1][71][501][491] Mishima, Morita, and three others immediately gathered at the Chinese restaurant "Daiichi-rou."[1][71][491] After receiving Morita's report, they discussed the matter and decided to change the person they were restraining to the Eastern Army Headquarters Commander-in-Chief, Lieutenant General Kanetoshi Mashita (益田兼利).[1][71][501][122][491] Mishita immediately called General Mashita and arranged to meet him at 11:00 a.m. on November 25.[1][71][501][122][491]
On the same day and the following day, November 22, Morita and the other three received 4,000 yen from Mishima, and went to Shinjuku Station Building (新宿ステーション・ビル) and other places to purchase ropes, wire for building barricades, pliers, calico cloth for banners, brandy for cheer up, water bottles, etc.[1][35][122][491] On the night after making their purchases, while driving around Yokohama with Morita, chibi Koga was asked by Morita, "If I am unable to do it, please kaishaku Mishima sensei," to which chibi Koga agreed.[522][3][122][491]
On November 23, Mishima and four others gathered in Room 519 of the Palace Hotel in Marunouchi.[1][71] They made the final preparations for the uprising (banners, Geki, hachimaki headbands, death poems, etc.) and conducted a dry run of the series of actions.[1][71][501] Morita saw some absorbent cotton among the items, he asked, "What is this for?" Mishima replied, "It's stuffed up my anus" to prevent him from passing stool when he commits seppuku.[35][122] When each person was writing their death poem, Mishima said, "It doesn't have to be good, just write it freely."[71][122] They gathered again at the Palace Hotel on the following day, November 24, for another dry run, and practiced about eight times in total, including the day before.[10][1][71][501]
At around 2:00 p.m. on the same day, November 24, Mishima called Takao Tokuoka and Munekatsu Date, and said, "Please bring the reporter's armband and camera (to a specified location) at 11:00 a.m. tomorrow, and please don't tell anyone about this, I will contact you again at 10:00 a.m. tomorrow," and received their approval.[1][523][122] At around 3:00 p.m., he called Kikue Kojima (小島喜久江), his editor in charge of Shinchosha, to come to his home to pick up the manuscript of The Decay of the Angel, the fourth novel in The Sea of Fertility tetralogy.[60][61][62][122]
On the evening of the same day, November 24, from around 4 p.m., Mishima and four others had a farewell dinner in the inner room (number 5, 8 tatami mats) of the traditional authentic Japanese restaurant Ryōtei "Suegen" (末げん) at 15-7 Shinbashi 2-chōme,[1][122][524][45] where they ordered the "Wa" (「わ」) course of chicken hotpot (15,000 yen per person) and seven bottles of beer.[524] At around 6 p.m., when the room waitress Yuriko Akama (赤間百合子) (aged 40) tried to pour a drink, Mishima poured himself a beer and made a final toast (乾杯, Kanpai).[71][122]
During the dinner, they did not talk about the next day's uprising, but chatted about movie actresses and Shintaro Katsu, an actor with whom Mishima co-starred in the film Hitokiri.[122] Mishima said, "I thought we would get more sentimental when we realized it was finally tomorrow, but it's nothing. In the end, I think it's the third parties who see us who get sentimental."[35][501][122]
After the dinner, at around 8 p.m., they all left the restaurant and headed home in chibi Koga's car. In the car, Mishima said, "I feel sorry for the Commander-in-Chief, General Mashita because he is a fine man, but if I kill myself in front of him, he will probably understand."[456][35][122] He also said that after his speech on the balcony, if they were caught by the JSDF officers before his entering the General's room, all five of them would have to bite their tongues and die.[35][122] Mishima then handed furu Koga a green pocketbook in which he had written down the details of their had been planned activities, and asked him to burn it.[35][122]
Returning to his home at 32-8 Minami Magome (南馬込) 4-chōme, Ōta-ku, Mishima went to his parents' house on the same property at around 10 p.m. to say goodnight to them and was scolded by his father Azusa for smoking too much.[98][445][122] After returning to his boarding at Room 8 of Kobayashi-so (小林荘) apartment at 32-12 Nishi-Shinjuku 4-chōme, Morita invited Kenichi Tanaka (田中健一), a member of the Tatenokai who lived with him, to go to the nearby small restaurant "Saegusa" (三枝) and entrusted Tanaka with two envelopes to be handed over to Takao Tokuoka and Munekatsu Date at the Ichigaya Hall, where the Tatenokai's regular meeting was to be held the next day.[122][45] Morita then telephone called a girl working the cash register at a late-night bar in Shinjuku, and walked with her down the street late at night, before returning to his boarding house.[129][122][31]
After driving Mishima and Morita to their respective homes, chibi Koga returned to his boarding house Taisōkan (大早館) at 498 Totsuka (戸塚) 1-chome, Shinjuku-ku, together with Ogawa and furu Koga, the two stayed at the chibi Koga's boarding.[1][71][122] That night, the three discussed the matter of kaishaku, and Ogawa asked chibi Koga, who had extensive experience in kendo, to take kaishakunin of Morita if he was unable to do, and chibi Koga agreed.[522][35] However, the three also decided that if the person who was supposed to carry out the kaishaku could not, someone else would carry it out, regardless of whether it was Mishima or Morita.[1][3][35] On this day, Ogawa registered his marriage with Keiko (圭映子), the woman he was living with, and informed the two of them of the news.[35][102][512][at]
On November 25, chibi Koga, Ogawa, and furu Koga woke up at 7:00 a.m.[71][30] Furu Koga had been asked by Morita to wake him up, so he called the pink pay phone (ピンク電話, pink denwa) in the hallway of Morita's boarding house.[71][30][45] The three of them skipped breakfast, put on coats and cardigans over their uniforms so as not to draw attention, put their caps in plastic shopping bags, and left the boarding house at around 8:50 a.m. in a Toyota Corona driven by chibi Koga. [59][30][26]
Morita woke up at 7 a.m., and put on a white fundoshi. Tanaka didn't ask him why, but helped him tie the knot.[45][525] Then, Morita met up with chibi Koga, Ogawa, and furu Koga, who had arrived in a Toyota Corona, at the entrance to the west exit ramp (西口ランプ, Nishiguchi ranpu) near Shinjuku West Exit Park (新宿西口公園) at around 9 a.m.[59][30][45] They headed for the Mishima residence, exited the Ebara ramp (荏原ランプ, Ebara ranpu), and stopped at a gas station, where they had turned onto the Second Keihin National Highway (第二京浜国道, Dai-ni keihin kokudō) near the Mishima residence, to have their car washed.[59][30] While they were there, each person mailed a farewell letter to their family back home.[59][501][30][31][26]
Mishima woke up at 8:00 a.m., drank only a glass of water, and left the manuscript of The Decay of the Angel, which he was going to give to Kikue Kojima, with his maid.[60][61][62][524] Then, around 10:00 a.m., he called Takao Tokuoka and Munekatsu Date, instructing them to come to Ichigaya Hall at 11:00 a.m., and instructing them that someone named Kenichi Tanaka or Kenji Kurata would guide them there.[68][30] The Toyota Corona, driven by chibi Koga, with Morita, Ogawa, and furu Koga as passengers, arrived at the Mishima residence at around 10:13 a.m.[71][26][45]
When chibi Koga came to greet him at the front door, Mishima handed chibi Koga envelopes containing orders addressed to him, Ogawa, and furu Koga, along with 30,000 yen each in cash, and ordered them to read them in the car.[71][59][501][30][45] Carrying a Japanese sword, "Seki Magoroku" (関孫六), modified for military use, and a leather briefcase, Mishima walked slowly to the car and got into the passenger seat, saying, "Have you read the orders?", and adding, "You've read the orders. My orders are absolute," and "I can't imagine dying in just the next three hours."[59][501][30]
After Mishima left his residence, Kikue Kojima came to there at around 10:40 a.m. and was given Mishima's manuscript by his maid.[60][61][62][30][26] When Kojima returned to the editorial office and read the manuscript, it was the "final chapter" as opposed to the original plan, and the last page was dated November 25 and signed.[60][61][62][26][au]
The Toyota Corona they were in headed for the JSDF Camp Ichigaya. Under a clear autumn sky, the white Corona exited onto the 7th Loop Road (環状七号線, Kanjō 7-gō sen), entered the Second Keihin National Highway, and passed through Shinagawa and Nakahara Road (中原街道, Nakahara Kaidō),[31][26] and got onto the Meguro Route at the Ebara ramp. At around 10:40 a.m., the Corona got off the highway at the Iikura ramp (飯倉ランプ, Iikura ranpu).[26]
Corona left Akasaka, passed through Aoyama, and arrived in front of Meiji Shrine Outer Garden, but since it was still early, Colona circled the Meiji Shrine Outer Garden twice.[30][31][26] At this time, Mishima said, "If this were a yakuza movie, they would play music like 'Karajishi Botan', which is about duty and humanity (義理と人情, giri to ninjō) feelings, but we're surprisingly cheerful."[71][59][30][45] Furu Koga said, "Maybe it was to prevent us from feeling sad or anxious. The teacher started singing first, and the four of us joined in the chorus. After singing, something touched my heart."[71]
As the Corona proceeded from Gontawara-zaka (権田原坂), passing Akasaka Palace on the right and Meiji Memorial Hall (明治記念館, Meiji Kinen-kan) on the left, and stopped briefly near the Gakushūin Elementary School (学習院初等科, Gakushūin Shotō-ka) building, Mishima said, "So we're passing in front of my alma mater. My child is currently here at this time of day, taking classes."[59][30] The Corona went straight through the Yotsuya Mitsuke (四谷見附) intersection, cut through Yasukuni street (靖国通り, Yasukuni dōri), and entered the main gate of the JGSDF Camp Ichigaya.[59][501][30][31]
Mishima's letters of will to the members of the Tatenokai
[edit]A suicide letter Mishima had written to the Tatenokai member Kiyoshi Kuramochi (倉持清) (1st generation member, 2nd team leader), was handed to him by Mishima's wife Yōko on the night of the incident.[532][533] Kuramochi was a person who Mishima trusted, just like the four other members who had risen up.[532][534]
Mishima had been asked by Kuramochi to act as the matchmaker at his wedding and he had gladly accepted, so it would have been impossible for him to "lead Kuramochi down the path of ruin and death" or to "betray your fiance and make you act," and he left a will expressing his wish that Kuramochi live a happy life.[535][532][534] Kuramochi read the letter in a room in the Mishima residence and was moved to tears by the kindness of his mentor, who had died so concerned about his private life.[532]
My small uprising was the result of much deliberation, and after taking into consideration all the conditions, that I feed the only way into. At the same time, the way out was one that clearly planned for death. As someone who had criticized the lack of responsibility of the left-wing students' actions, I had no choice but to take the one path I could take. That is why I had to be extremely strict in selecting the members involved, and I had no choice but to consider keeping the them to a very small number and minimizing the number of casualties as much as possible.
How I had longing for and dreaming of rising up for justice together with the all members of the Tatenokai. However, the situation had already made this impossible, and since that had happened, I thought it would be prudent not to inform non-participants of anything. I in no way think that I have betrayed you guys. (Omitted) I hope that you will understand my feelings, get a job, get married, and make your way through the waves of life, which is like a vast ocean, without forgetting your true ideals as you grow up.— Yukio Mishima, Letter to Kiyoshi Kuramochi on November 1945[535]
The letter to Kuramochi was accompanied by a suicide letter addressed to all members of the Tatenokai too, which was passed around and read to everyone at Masakatsu Morita's wake, held on November 26, the day after the incident.[212][534] The members who read it recalled that they felt Mishima's consideration for those left behind.[212]
Just as I have often tested your aspirations with harsh words, the dream in my mind was for all members of the Tatenokai to come together, rise up for justice, and realize the ideas of the association. This was the greatest dream of my life. The Tatenokai should have pooled all its strength to return Japan to its true form. (Omitted) Rejecting the empty theories of the revolutionary youth, we have striven for the path of the warrior, with actions spoken before words. If the time had come, the true worth of the Tatenokai would have been proven before the eyes of the entire nation.
However, the right time was not come, and we lost the opportunity to act together for our ideas. Under the semblance of stability, Japan was showing signs of irreparable cancer in its soul with each passing day, and we had to sit idly by. At the time when we most needed to act, the situation was not on our side. (Omitted)
Even if Japan sinks into the depths of decadence, you are the last young people of Japan who have learned the spirit of the samurai and been trained as samurai. When you abandon your ideals, Japan will perish. I have only thought of teaching you the pride of being a man. I hope that once you have joined the Tatenokai, you will never forget for the rest of your lives what the words "Japanese man" mean. What you gain in your youth is your lifelong treasure. You must never abandon it.
Various views on the meaning of Mishima's death
[edit]Views on factors
[edit]Mishima left behind many criticisms and lectures criticizing the Constitution created by GHQ after the war, and the postwar democracy (戦後民主主義, Sengo minshu-shugi), which had led to the decline Japanese spirit, as well as and warnings about the ambiguity of the JSDF' mission under the Japan-US Security Treaty system. For this reason, many his friends, writers and researchers interpret the meaning of his death, out of despair, as a "committing suicide to remonstrate the government (諫死, Kanshi)",[538][235][89][509][491][539][540] or as a "death of indignation" (憤死, funshi) that expressed disappointment and anger toward the politicians who disregard the national polity and are preoccupied with party interests and self-preservation, and the postwar intellectuals who belittled traditional Japanese culture.[158][538][541][542][540]
Regarding Mishima's view of the Emperor, Fusao Hayashi has explained that Mishima's aspiration was not to revive the Emperor as a political concept, or in other words, to restore the Meiji Constitution, but to revive and establish the Emperor as the unifier of Japanese culture as the only philosophy that could oppose totalitarianism of both the left and right, that communism and fascism.[543][544] Donald Keene has explained that Mishima's Emperor worship was not simple fanaticism, but an expression of faith in an ideal that transcends reality.[544] And he explained that Mishima preached the infallibility of the Emperor, but that does not mean the Emperor's personal human abilities were flawless, that what the Emperor Mishima called was the embodiment of Japanese tradition in human form with divine status and the one and only treasure trove, in which the experiences of the Japanese ethnicity were stored, and that for Mishima, protecting the Emperor was the same as protecting Japan.[545][544] Also Keene has mentioned that Mishima's love for Japanese traditions developed into an unchanging element in his aesthetics.[545]
Also, there has been many research into Mishima's suicide from the perspective of his aesthetic sense, and as he himself wrote in his essays, during his adolescence, he admired the premature mortality of Raymond Radiguet,[546][547] and some have speculated that he was avoiding old age, given that he depicted ugly old characters in his works, for example Honda, the secondary protagonist of The Temple of Dawn, the third novel in The Sea of Fertility or The Decay of the Angel, the fourth novel in it.[548]
According to Kikue Kojima (小島喜久江)[av] who was Mishima's editor at Shinchosha, while writing The Sea of Fertility series, Mishima once said, "Growing old is ridiculous; I can't forgive it," and "I can never forgive myself for getting old."[549] However, Mishima's thoughts on aging were not one-sided, and he once told Kojima that "Yasunari Kawabata and Sato Haruo are good examples of people whose spiritual beauty begins to emerge as they age."[550]
Also, according to Kazuki Kasuya (粕谷一希), who was the editor-in-chief of the monthly magazine Chūō Kōron, Mishima reportedly said, "Can you imagine me becoming an old man like Nagai Kafu?" He also said, "No matter how much self-sacrifice a writer makes, people around the world will still see it as self-expression."[551]
During a casual conversation with a 3rd generation member of the Tatenokai, who joined in March 1969, Mishima said that the name "Yukio" (由紀夫) in kanji was too young for a pen name, and that when he grew old, he planned to change it to "Yukio" (雪翁) (okina (翁) means old man) inspired by "Saō" (沙翁) that is kanji reading Shakespeare (沙吉比亜)'s honorific.[552] When the student asked in surprise, "What, aren't you going to die young, sir?" Mishima's expression turned sour as if he had bitten a bitter pill and he turned away. From this, the member has suggested that at the age of 44, Mishima had intended to live a long life in real outside of his novels.[552]
However, it is easy to see from many of his essays and works that "dying beautifully" was Mishima's ideal, and he also mentioned this in an essay after he enlisted in the JSDF for the first time on his own for a trial period.[553][294][554]
The ideal of the ancient Greeks was to live and die beautifully, and the ideal of our Bushido must have been found there as well. (Omitted)
Without the "Martial (武, Bu)" mindset, a person can consider himself weak as much as he likes, can defend any cowardly or stubborn behavior, and can give in to any demand. In exchange, his personal safety would be guaranteed in the end. But once one has resolved to become a martial artist, his personal safety is no longer guaranteed. Cowardly or stubborn behavior is no longer tolerated, even towards oneself, and when the stakes are high, the only options are to fight to the death or commit suicide. However, it is only then that a person can die beautifully and complete their life, which shows that human beings are truly made of irony.— Yukio Mishima, Beautiful Death (美しい死, Utsukusii shi)[553]
Furthermore, at the beginning of 1967, just before turning 42, he wrote an essay saying, "Saigō Takamori died a hero at the age of 50, and when I went to Kumamoto recently to research the Shinpūren rebellion, I was moved to discover that Kaya Harukata, one of the leaders of that rebellion which at first glance is often seen as the violent act of a young man and who met a heroic end, died the same age as me. If I do it now, I will be in time to reach the final age at which I can be a hero."[555][294][102] For Mishima, heroes were the object whose existence was impossible in the modern postwar era in which he lived, and at the same time, they were the object whose reinstatement he himself should attempt.[556]
Just as Mishima wrote in Confessions of a Mask that he was deeply attracted to the masochistic martyr's death in Guido Reni's painting Saint Sebastian, which he first saw at the age of 13,[557][558][559] his tendency to find beauty in a spectacular and horrific way to die can also be seen from his fondness for Hiroshi Hirata's historical gekiga,[560] and his sensual taste for and obsession with seppuku can be seen in his work Patriotism, a film Patriotism he starred in, and his homosexual-themed short story Love's Penance (愛の処刑, Ai no shokei).[561][562][aw] Hiromichi Nakayasu (中康弘通), a seppuku researcher who had spoken with Mishima about seppuku before he wrote Patriotism, explains that the desire of commit seppuku is unique to the Japanese, and that it stems much more from narcissism than from masochism, and that people who are interested in seppuku, regardless of gender, "have their spiritual tradition of seppuku, that is, the ritual solemnity and the tragic beauty of sublime self-sacrifice, imprinted on their adolescent minds, and have grasped the significance of seppuku as a medium that connects the two poles of love and death, like a conditioned reflex."[566][567] He also explains "although, even among such people, while some choose seppuku as a way to commit suicide, no one commits suicide because they want to commit seppuku".[568][567]
Furthermore, in his Confessions of a Mask, Mishima self-analyzes and confesses that from an early age he was attracted to beautiful and strong young men who was "risking their lives" at hard labor, picture books about murdered princes, and tragic soldiers, and that he had a strong desire to become one of those people.[569][570][571][572][573][574] In the essay Sun and Steel, written around the time when Mishima had gained physical confidence and was undergoing rigorous training as part of a group during his trial enlistment in the JSDF, he also wrote about his sense of "risking my life" for "something tragic" and he wrote that what he missed out as a young man during the war, lacking physical ability, was the "tragedy of collective."[575][570][576][577][572][578] From this perspective, quite a few researchers see Mishima's suicide, which actually resulted in his tragic death after "risking his life" for a just cause, as being connected to and a recursion of a fatalistic desire from his childhood.[572][573][579]
Also, during the Pacific War, Mishima barely passed the conscription examination, but on the day of his enlistment, he was misdiagnosed with tuberculosis during a physical examination due to a high fever caused by bronchitis, and was sent home the same day.[580][581][582][583][ax] In Confessions of a Mask, Mishima confesses his ambivalent feelings about that time, as he prepared himself to die in the war, but went along with the doctor's questions and gave an exaggerated report of his condition, and asking himself questions over and over again about on the passivity due to his physical frailty.[581][582][583][584][585] Many researchers believe that the sense of guilt and complex he felt at that time lingered after the war, were an indirect cause of his behavior in his later years.[586][581][583][584][587][588][585] According to Katsuo Kikuchi, a JSDF officer who became close friends with Mishima, when the topic turned to wartime, Mishima told him, "I was weak both physically and mentally," and confessed that he "felt inferiority complex" about had not being able to have the courage to volunteer for the battlefield.[588][585]
Although Mishima admired the kamikaze,[589][590] his timidity, brought on by his physical frailty, betrayed his feelings, and the feeling that he was being "rejected" by the "actions" probably became a lifelong theme for him.[574] This can be seen in his own essays and works, and many researchers have mentioned that the post-war period marked a turning point for Mishima, when he came to feel that this was his survivor's guilt.[591][588][592][593][ay] And, it has been pointed out that Mishima was never able to escape the complex and feeling of alienation about not becoming a soldier during the war.[591][592][593]
Additionally, many researchers have mentioned that one of the factors that led to Mishima's suicide was the influence of Zenmei Hasuda, Mishima's literary mentor from his boyhood and one of his spiritual pillars, who committed suicide with a pistol after Japan's defeat in the war, wishing to preserve the national polity. [595][596][597][541][275][598][599][587][600][601][602][452][453] Hasuda was so enraged that his superior, a colonel, at a ceremony to farewell the military flag, blamed the Emperor for the defeat, slandered the future of the Imperial Army, and spoke of the destruction of the Japanese spirit that he shot the colonel to death and then committed suicide himself.[603][597][587][604] Upon learning of Hasuda's tragic death following year, Mishima composed a poem of condolence for him.[605][603][597][541][598][606][587][601][607][608][453]
古代の雪を愛でし 君はその身に古代を現じて雲隠れ玉ひしに われ近代に遺されて空しく 靉靆の雪を慕ひ その身は漠々たる 塵土に埋れんとす
(Kodai no yuki wo medeshi Kimi wa sono mini kodai wo genjite kumogakure tamaishini Ware kindai ni nokosarete munashiku Aitai no yuki wo shitai Sono mi wa bakubaku taru Jindo ni umorentosu)
You, who loved the snow of ancient times, / have revealed that ancient time to yourself, and hided away yourself in the clouds like a jewel, / while I, left behind in modern times, / yearn in vain for the gloomy snow / and my body is about to be buried in the vast dusty earth of temporal world.
— Yukio Mishima, A poem dedicated to the late Zenmei Hasuda[605]
Chiseko Tanaka (田中千世子), a film director, has speculated that Mishima may have been trying to return to the person he was in his 20s, when he called out to the spirit of the late Zenmei Hasuda, saying, "You, who loved the snow of ancient times," and lamented, "and my body is about to be buried in the vast dusty earth of temporal world."[607] Keiji Shimauchi (島内景二), a doctor of classical literature, has argued that the origins of Mishima's literature has being in the spiritual world of Japanese Romantic School (日本浪曼派, Nihon Rōman Ha), which was believed in by Zenmei Hasuda, who embodied the ancient spirit, and that Mishima's ardent wish was to revive that ancient spirit in the modern era, which Mishima believed would lead to a renaissance of contemporary Japanese culture.[601] Yukito Yamauchi (山内由紀人), a Mishima researcher, has mentioned that the latter half of the poem expresses Mishima's feelings of spineless for himself at having accepted the military doctor's misdiagnosis and not being able to following on from Hasuda gone to the front line, and his feelings of guilt at having betrayed his mentor Hasuda's expectations of him.[587] Yamauchi has argued that Mishima's guilt developed into an issue of sincerity in life in his later years, and that his anguish at having survived the war and his guilt at having betrayed Hasuda's expectations eventually became remorse, proceeding into "nostalgia" for his teenage years and a "heimkehr" (return home) for romanticism, and he has said that the meaning of "Promises" in Mishima's essay Promises that I Have Not Fulfilled: 25 years in me (果たし得てゐない約束―私の中の二十五年, Hatashi ete inai Yakusoku: Watashi no naka no 25 nen), written four months before his suicide, refers to an "implied contract" with Hasuda.[587]
Mitsuru Yoshida, who was of the same wartime generation as Mishima and was a friend of him, has stated that the underlying issue that Mishima tried to tackle throughout his life was rooted in the fact that "he had be late for death at the war," and has expressed the view that "by choosing death, Mishima hoped to be given the same place as his comrades who died in the war."[609][610] Then after mentioned about the spirituality and calmness of introspection shared by Mishima, who was 20 years old at the end of the war, and Iwao Usubuchi (臼淵磐), who was killed at the age of 21 while participating in a Special Attack Units on the battleship Yamato, and Tadao Hayashi (林尹夫), who died in combat with a US naval aircraft in the skies off the coast of Shikoku, Yoshida continued:[609][610]
Some of his predecessors and comrades in the Japanese Romantic School (日本浪曼派, Nihon Rōman Ha) must have left him with words of entrusting national future to him. For a young man in the midst of war, being entrusted with national future did not mean something as leisurely as post-war reconstruction, but simply meant that he too would fulfill his duty and sacrifice himself for his country. (Omitted)
We, the wartime generation, are a generation that, at the peak of our youth, were only allowed to pursue the challenge of "how to live" by confronting the difficult question of "how to die." And we are a generation that took on this challenge with foolish honesty. In Tadao Hayashi's words, "Even if I get beaten and kicked, I will not let go of the kingdom of the spirit. That is the only training I have now, and that is what will teach me to live a life that is consistent with the past and the future." We are a generation of foolish honesty people who try to whip themselves. We are a generation that has no knowledge of how to protect ourselves, like the people simply portrayed ourselves as one-sided victims of the war, severing ties with it, and hastily returning to our old homes, when the war ended. Mishima himself too was a man of integrity and seriousness, who could not tolerate compromise.— Mitsuru Yoshida, The suffering of Yukio Mishima[609]
Hiromichi Nakayasu, who was born in the same year as Mishima in 1925, also stated that the Manchurian Incident began the year he started elementary school, and that for a generation that grew up in an era when war was commonplace, death was inevitable and the question of "how I should die" was the main issue.[591][567] He himself also felt that after the war, he survived and felt guilty for being late in dying, and this feeling deepened with each news of the deaths of his friends in battle, they seeming like immortal elites in his mind, and that from this experience, he inferred also carried the scars of Mishima's youth in his heart for a long time.[591][567] And Nakayasu said that just like himself sought aesthetics in the classics and the reverence for the emperor of times of turmoil medieval era, and devoted himself to the study of seppuku, Mishima, while expanding Japan's presence in the world and devoting himself to Japanese literature, also sought Japan within himself, the way of dying as a Japanese, was a theme of his way of life.[591][567] And Nakayasu explained that seppuku - "a ceremony when Japanese people risk their lives to do something" and "the ultimate ceremony for the defeated to compensate for humiliation before they die" - was also an expression of loyalty to the ideal Emperor as Mishima held in his heart, and cleansing of the his sins that would continue to live on in the post-war world where sanctity was not seen longer.[591][567]
Takao Sugiyama (杉山隆男), a non-fiction writer mentions that in an essay Mishima contributed to Takigahara, the Camp Takigahara's internal magazine, he said of himself that he had become a man who "knew too much" about the JSDF, and says, "Indeed, Mishima became a man who "knew too much," and, as he wrote in his 'Geki,' he was able to foresee the true nature of the JSDF, which is that "It is patently obvious that the U.S. would not be glad to see a truly independent Japanese military defending Japanese land," and he mentioned about Mishima's despair as follows, comparing it to Sugiyama own view of the JSDF that he experienced:[611]
No matter how hard each and every JSDF personnel works on the front lines of training and missions, like stacking pebbles, the nature and limitations of the JSDF as a political tool created by the U.S., which still has the U.S. as its guardian and is obliged to listen to its will, will not change even as the twenty years since the end of the war have turned into sixty years and a new century has begun. (Omitted) What I had to realize for fifteen years and was forced to convince myself that it was true after all, Mishima saw with his sharp and penetrating gaze during his less than four years of experience in the JSDF. The things that must be the most Japanese are, at their core, not Japanese, due to the distortions of post-war Japan. Wasn't Mishima's despair emanating from that?
— Takao Sugiyama, Yukio Mishima who could not become a "Soldier"[611]
John Nathan, reflecting on the mistake he made in the previous edition of the biography of Mishima, in interpreting Mishima's death solely as a personal pathology,[az] has argued in the new edition that Mishima's death was related to a personal longing for the erotic intoxication of heroic martyrdom that he had fantasized about throughout his life, but that it was also a clear and apt expression of a national anguish in modern Japanese history and the agony of cultural disinheritance.[25][24][564] Nason has considered Mishima's life to be a prototype of the "cultural ambivalence" that has plagued Japan ever since it was forced to open the country with the arrival of the Kurofune in Edo period, namely, the "national struggle" to find an authentic "self" by fusing innate, inherent, traditional Japanese culture with the incompatible, foreign cultures from the West, in which sometimes cause the "polar oscillation" that left the nation powerless due to the restless search for a synthesis of different antinomy cultures.[25][24] He also has stated that Mishima's Japanese language was elegant and luxuriant expressive, and though it was a little too ripe, it was Japanese to the core.[25][564]
As a young man during the Pacific War, Mishima simply found a fulfilling sense of identity with a transcendent ideal embodied in the deified Emperor. After Japan was defeated in 1945, he, along with other young men of his generation, was exiled in the midst of the emptiness of a postwar world lacking tradition and severed from historical continuity. Throughout the 1950s, Mishima's response to existential anxiety was to gaudily adopt a flamboyant Western-style wardrobe and sensibility. But beneath this disguise, he was gradually consumed by a growing sense of emptiness.
It is important to note a fact that my biography overlooks: Mishima's suffering was by no means isolated. Following the revision of the Japan-US Security Treaty, the terrorism of both the left and right that characterized the 1960s was evidence of a growing sense of insecurity and instability in the vestiges of the MacArthur regime. And if American democracy could not be a fully satisfactory substitute for wartime values, neither could the fanatical pursuit of GNP, which was promulgated as a new national mission. (Omitted) Japanese people were beginning to wonder why they were not satisfied with all their hard work and prosperity. Something was missing. The nascent consumer class was realizing that the acquisition of wealth and prosperity was not a goal worth living for after all. (Omitted)
Mishima's suicide was one of two historical moments that help us to distinguish the polarities that defined this period of postwar history, which came one after the other at the exit from the anxious 60s. (Omitted) If Expo '70 represented the confidence and optimism of the era, Mishima's suicide eight months later evoked a buzzing sense of unease at its opposite pole.— John Nathan, New edition - Mishima: A biography[25]
Miyoji Ueda (上田三四二) a poet and doctor, has stated that when he saw a newspaper photograph of Mishima's head and Morita's head placed next to each other, his impression was that "I think Mr. Mishima Yukio died like Narcissus," and that Mishima, who had longed for an early death but was unable to die at the age of 20 because he did not have a body fit to die from, found himself identifying with "that young companion," and that he had the impression that "Mr. was rewinding the time that he had lived and entrusting the completion of his own early death to the young man beside him."[613][614][615]
The uniform erases individuality and makes me and you, me and all of you the same. What Mishima dreamed of on the line of silent bodies, unlike the mind, was a line of mirrors, identical to himself, and the uniform, especially the warrior's uniform, made this wish possible. A warrior is one who has swallowed death in his stomach, and the uniform is the purifying garment of death, so the line of bodies becomes the alter-ego of Mishima, who yearns for tragic destruction, and shares his suffering. The young warriors are the illusion and mirror of Mishima, who leads the unit, his own shadow reflected in the rejuvenating water (変若水, ochimizu), and clones created like a mold from the same somatic cells. The young man with the boyish face who shared his fate was placed next to him, and was the most beautiful and polished mirror.
Views on why he acted on November 25
[edit]Regarding the date of November 25, Hirohito became regent on November 25, 1921 due to Emperor Taisho's serious illness.[461][616][617] Also 25 years later, Emperor Shōwa, Hirohito made the "Declaration of Humanity" in 1946, the year be turning his ege (満年齢, man nenrei) to 45.[461][616] From these, several researchers have speculated that the meaning of Mishima, who would had been the same age of man nenrei 45 in 1970, committing suicide on November 25, was to the resurrection the "God" by dying as a scapegoat of Emperor Shōwa who had been became a human.[461][616]
Researchers who advocate this theory have mentioned that Mishima, had sympathizing with Asaichi Isobe, the perpetrator of the February 26 Incident, who was executed while being outraged that Emperor Shōwa did not recognize their patriotism and being decided to become himself as a god, sent a warning to postwar society by taking his own life, and that his act was also a way of "becoming a god" in the place of Emperor Shōwa.[461][616]
Kenichi Matsumoto (松本健一), who influenced this theory, based his argument on the episode in which literary critic Kōichi Isoda (磯田光一) heard Mishima say, "Truthfully, I want to kill the Emperor Shōwa at the Imperial Palace",[618] that since this was actually impossible, Mishima died in Hirohito's place, thus eliminating the Emperor as a post-war human being, and then gone into the afterlife while holding in his mind the image of his own idealized "Beautiful Emperor."[619][616]
Also, November 25 1970 is the solar calendar date correspond for Old calendar (lunisolar calendar) (旧暦, kyureki) date October 27, the day on which Yoshida Shōin, whom Mishima respected, was executed, and many writers and researchers have speculated that Mishima chose this date for his suicide day.[620][586][89][520][220] Yoshida Shōin's death day, October 27, 1859 (Ansei 6) on the lunisolar calendar, corresponds to November 21, 1859 in the solar calendar, but these researchers pointed out that Mishima's suicide date, November 25, 1970 (Shōwa 45) corresponds to October 27 in the lunisolar calendar.[620][586][63][220][621][ba]
Naoki Komuro (小室直樹), a sociologist and Mishima researcher, was mentioning that there is a passage in Mishima's novel Runaway Horses in which Shigekuni Honda considers the possibility that Isao Iinuma was born during the period of bardo following Kiyoaki Matsugae's death. He has speculated that since Mishima's birthday, January 14, was 49 days (7 x 7) after November 25, Mishima might had set the period of bardo in 49 days of which most easiest to be reincarnated into his next life.[219] Hiroshi Funasaka (舩坂弘), who presented the Japanese sword "Seki Magoroku" to Mishima, also has put forward the same theory.[220]
November 25 was the day Mishima began to writing Confessions of a Mask, and he announced this novel means "Life Restoration", "Reversed Suicide". Mishima also took note of as follow:[624][586][625][626][627][628]
This novel is a will for leave in the "Realm of Death" where I used to live. If you take a movie of a suicide jumped, and rotate the film in reverse, the suicide person jumps up from the valley bottom to the top of the cliff at a furious speed and he revives.
— Yukio Mishima, Notes on Confessions of a Mask[624]
Takashi Inoue (井上隆史), a literary critic and Mishima research specialist, mentioning that Mishima had written Confessions of a Mask to live in postwar Japan and to get away from his "Realm of Death", and has speculated that by dying on the same date November 25 that he began to write Confessions of a Mask, Mishima intended to dismantle all of his postwar creative activities and return to the "Realm of Death" where he used to live.[625][626][94][628]
Positioning of Mishima's actions in the history of Japanese literature
[edit]Takaaki Yoshimoto has called the reactions of left-wing radicals such as "We were surpassed by Mishima. The left must not be outdone and must raise men who have no regard for life", of right-wing students who say "Let's follow the act of Yukio Mishima", and of civic leaders who say "We should value life", the "Three Idiots," and after prefaced his statement by saying that these types of reactions are not that significant in any case, he has mentioned that "The true reaction is measured by the dynamic sum of Mishima's self-destruction, in which he threw the full weight of his outstanding literary achievements at himself in an instant with his whole body," as follows:[189][629]
The true reaction is measured by the dynamic sum of Mishima's self-destruction, in which he threw the full weight of his outstanding literary achievements at himself in an instant, with his whole body. And I have a feeling that this will inevitably manifest itself in a number of years with a weight that cannot belittle. Mishima's death was not a literary death or a psychopathological death, but a political act death, however the meaning of his "death" will ultimately be something that can only be properly measured by the authenticity of his literary achievements.
— Takaaki Yoshimoto, Comments on the Situation: Provisional Memo[189]
Shun Akiyama has positioned Mishima as "a writer who grows after his death",[630][631][632][633] because "His presence and works always continue to be reborn long after his death, bearing newer contemporary issues," and that he is a writer whose "absence shines," making one wonder "what Yukio Mishima would have thought, what would he have said, had he been alive," whenever an event like a turning point in the times occurs.[630] He has gone on to say that Mishima's words have the characteristic of "making the voices of others who say similar things seem mediocre," and that this was "one manifestation of his natural talent," just as "a beautiful lady makes all other women who happen to be there seem mediocre."[630]
After his death, a hole was left not only in literature, and in the broader realm of the Japanese spirit, by the amount of devote on his shoulders. No one can fill that hole. Writers like this are rare in Japan.
His presence is being recalled by more and more people since his death.
His absence stimulates and seduces so many minds, stirring the springs of thought, to reach the point where the absence itself exerts a unique allure. Writers like this, or a phenomenon in the spiritual world, are rare.— Shun Akiyama, Twenty years after his death: A personal recollection - His "absence" shines even more[630]
Masahiko Shimada considered that the reason Mishima wrote treatises such as On the Defense of Culture (文化防衛論, Bunka bōei ron) and created such "cathedrals of words to support ideology" in his pure literary novels while at the same time creating "a position as the emperor of subculture" was because, in the heyday of the left-wing opposition to the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, he could not have gained full support by directly presenting right-wing ideology, so he had to gain support democratically in that way, and suggests that Mishima himself was trying to embody the "metaphor of the postwar Emperor Shōwa himself," who came to occupy the position of "guardian deity of postwar democracy."[634] And, while his method was not like that of a literary figure who got directly involved in politics like Shintaro Ishihara, Shimada argued that it was "a way for one person to expand the influence of something like the Mishima Party," and that in Mishima's mind it was "politics in the sense that it may have been organically and without contradiction linked" to ideology.[634]
Shimada also touched on the fact that today's literature has become far removed from "political ambitions to change Japan or change Japanese politics," and offered the following opinion:[634][539]
If we try to reinterpret what Mishima did from the perspective of our current scholastic experience, we can see that while he was deeply committed to literature, which was originally said to be a genre that had been defeated by politics, he may still be believed somewhere that a literary revolution would lead to a social revolution, a kind of turnaround commitment from the literary side to politics, a goodbye home run. Of course, this is extremely difficult. He may not have had the idealism held by the leaders of the Freedom and People's Rights Movement, the leaders of Taishō Democracy, and the writers committed to the Communist movement, but it may be possible to recognize in Mishima a transformation of the way writers of the past engaged with politics, with a bitter recognition of reality.
— Masahiko Shimada, Thirty years without Yukio Mishima[634]
Miyoko Tanaka (田中美代子), a literary critic and Mishima research specialist, mentioned that in his posthumous work, Madness in Middle age (壮年の狂気, Sōnen no kyoki), Mishima had counter-questioned, "Are ordinary politicians, businessmen, and intellectuals of today really that sane, and so far removed from childish play?", referring to the "Sanmu Incident," and had added, "Raising the issue of madness lies in exposing the madness of people who think they are sane."[635] Tanaka considered, "In fact, the Okinawa problem pointed out in his "Geki" has yet to be resolved, and the current constitution is a Gordian Knot, so to speak. The Mishima Incident was a symbolic act in which Mishima, in light of the domestic and international situation, had determined that constitutional reform was impossible, and thus he embodied "culture" while stabbing at "politics."[635]
Kōichi Isoda (磯田光一), a literary critic and Mishima researcher, stated that within Mishima there was "a rebellion against the cultural situation that was continuing to fade away in the stable post-war society, and a challenge to the contradictions in the dicey post-war state," which became "one of the driving forces behind going down a path that went against the values of the time."[636] He also considered that even if Mishima's life as a novelist was a "masked drama" in the name of "Yukio Mishima," "the uncompromising path that was imbued with that mask" and that, even if many problems remain about the evaluation of the political ideology that Mishima advocated, his actions "were a sincere attempt to prove the spiritual value of human beings, along with his rich artistic achievements," and that "Mishima, who was conscious of his own actions as an antithesis to the times, left the evaluation of them to those left behind."[636]
A banned dialogue tape of February 19 1970
[edit]In the fall of 2013, 43 years after Mishima's death, a copy of an unreleased tape recording of a dialogue between Mishima and John Bester on February 19, 1970, nine months before his suicide, was discovered among a collection of discarded tapes that were "banned from broadcast" and kept by the TBS Television Archives Promotion Department in Akasaka, Tokyo.[637][638][639][640] The copy was made public for the first time in January 2017.[637][638][639][640]
In this previously unpublished dialogue, Mishima had talked about his own views on life and death, literature, and the Constitution, saying, "I think that death became completely fixed within me after my body was formed... I feel as if the position of death entered my body from outside," and "The Peace Constitution. That is the source of hypocrisy... The Constitution is telling the Japanese people to die."[637][638][639][640][641] He also had likened himself to a "clown" in regards to his actions, making the following statement as if to leave understanding to future generations.[642][638][639]
Mishima: What I do appears in photographs. Or is introduced in a weekly magazine. At that stage, everyone knows about it. They think, "Oh, that guy is doing this kind of thing, what an idiot." But no matter how much someone explain what "what an idiot" means, those who think I'm an idiot will continue to think I'm an idiot. (Omitted) So, although I'm no Stendhal, but like him, I just want to the "happy few" to understand. I'm confident that my actions are harder to understand than my novels. (Omitted) If you want to understand them, read Sun and Steel. If you read that, I think you'll understand. I won't say anything more than that.
Or, maybe 50 or 100 years after I die, there may be people who say, "Oh, I get it." That's fine. Being alive, all humans are clowns in some sense. This is inevitable. Even Prime Minister Satō is a kind of clown. It's impossible for a living person not to be a clown.
Bester: Being a clown means that, in a sense, we cannot survive without performing plays.
Mishima: The reason we cannot live without performing plays is probably because God treats us like puppets. We are forced to play a certain role in life, a "puppet play." This is also written in Hagakure. It wrote that humans are like well-made Karakuri puppets.
— Yukio Mishima, Dialogue with John Bester[642]
Other episodes
[edit]About Mishima
[edit]On the evening of November 18, one week before his suicide, Mishima gave an hour-long interview dialogue with Takashi Furubayashi (古林尚), at his residence in Minami Magome (南馬込), Ōta-ku.[519][490] When the topic turned to the Tatenokai, he repeated two or three times, "You'll see," and when Furubayashi asked him about his future plans after The Sea of Fertility tetralogy, he said, "At the moment, I don't have any plans for the next installment."[519][643][490]
Looking back on that day, Furubayashi commented on the look on Mishima's face when he said "I really have no plans" after the dialogue, saying, "I have never seen him look so lonely." [643][490] Furubayashi also recalled that after the dialogue, Mishima said, "I lied when I wrote in my essay that my sister's death was more of a shock than the defeat of Japan. The defeat was a huge shock. I didn't know what to do." [643][490]
About Yasunari Kawabata
[edit]In 1971, after Mishima's death, Yasunari Kawabata was busy with the election campaign, including riding in a campaign car to give a speech in support of Akira Hatano, who was running for 1971 Tokyo gubernatorial election (1971年東京都知事選挙).[644] One story goes that while Kawabata was getting a massage at a hotel, he would turn to the empty door and say, "Oh, Mishima-kun, you've come?", or go over to the bathroom, saying he heard a noise, and say, "Hey, Mishima-kun. Have you come to support us?", scaring the masseuse.[645][194][117] Kawabata's wife also has told to her friend an episode in which Mishima's spirit came to their house, so she called a monk to recite sutras for him to rest in peace.[117]
Others
[edit]After the Mishima incident, there were newspaper articles about several high school students and young men who followed in his footsteps and committed suicide.[230][607] On September 9 of the following year, 1971, the Mainichi Shimbun reported that a high school student in Hachiōji-shi, had poured gasoline over himself and set himself on fire in the schoolyard, carrying two of Mishima's books.[230] Also, a young editor at Shinchosha left the company, saying, "With Mr. Mishima's death, my life came to an end too."[550] It is said that there were a considerable number of people who followed Mishima and committed seppuku.[646]
In the case of the murder of a Hirosaki University (弘前医科大学, Hirosaki ika daigaku) professor's wife (弘前大教授夫人殺し事件, Hirosaki dai kyōju fujin gorosi jiken) that occurred in 1949, the real culprit was inspired by the Mishima incident and reformed, and came forward to the police in 1971.[647] As a result, a man who had been serving a prison sentence on a false charge was later acquitted in a retrial.[648]
According to Naoki Inose, Inose, who was a New Left student activist at Shinshu University, came to Tokyo after the Anpo protests, and started a temporary staffing business through an acquaintance to take on the final stages of cleaning and tidying up building construction sites.[649][650] Around 1972, he worked for a few days in a lumber warehouse along the Sumida River with S, a quiet hippie who had come to him in response to a part-time job advertisement.[649][650] One day, during a conversation after lunch, S asked him, "What do you think of Yukio Mishima?" Inose was somewhat knowledgeable about the prewar Japanese Romantic School (日本浪曼派, Nihon Rōman Ha), and S seemed to have started the conversation with a sense of familiarity. And S began to talk like to himself, saying in a low voice, "Mishima is amazing, cause, he died," and "He really did it."[649][650] After that, there was a series of corporate bombings, starting with the Mitsubishi Heavy Industries bombing in 1974.[649][650] The photographs and profiles of the arrested members of the East Asia Anti-Japan Armed Front were published in the newspapers, and Inose was surprised to see S among them.[649][650] S (Nodoka Saitō (齋藤和)) was the only member who committed suicide by taking potassium cyanide just before being arrested. Inose has interpreted S's suicide as being influenced by Mishima.[649][650]
The building of the Eastern Army Headquarters (Building No. 1), that contained the Commandant General's office at the scene of the incident, was demolished in 1994, but part of the building, including the Commandant General's office, has been recreated and preserved as the Ichigaya Memorial Museum (市ヶ谷記念館, Ichigaya Kinenkan) in another corner of the ground, and three sword marks made by Mishima on a pillar during the fight with the JSDF officers still remain there.[651][42]
Inspired by the Mishima incident, actor Ken Takakura was planning to make a film about Mishima.[652] According to Tadanori Yokoo, who was close to Takakura, the concrete plans were being finalized and Takakura traveled to Los Angeles many times.[652] "It was as if Mishima was gradually possessing Ken, and I felt that Mishima's spirit was trying to get Ken Takakura to make a film," Yokoo recalled.[652] However, at the last minute, he was unable to obtain the consent of Mishima's widow Yōko and was forced to abandon the film production.[652] Takakura had no choice but to call Yokoo and invite him to visit Mishima's grave at Tama Cemetery, saying, "Please bring your camera. Let's take pictures together."[652]
According to Boris Akunin, who published a Russian translation of Mishima's Patriotism and an essay about Mishima's life in a magazine in 1988, a prisoner in Minsk committed seppuku by a spoon after reading the essay and Patriotism. Also, Russian writer Eduard Limonov was influenced by Mishima and the Tatenokai and formed the National Bolshevik Party, earning the nickname "Russian Mishima."[653][bb]
Japan-related Social events before and after the Mishima Incident
[edit]- 1958
- November 9 - Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi told NBC reporter Brown that "It is time to abolish Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution".[654]
- December - Communist League was formed.[655] - First Bund (第一次ブント, Dai 1-ji bunto)
- 1959
- November 27 - 20,000 demonstrators shouting "Stop the U.S.–Japan Security Treaty" stormed into the National Diet Building.[654][655][656] - United Action to Stop Revision of the Anpo (安保改定阻止統一行動, Anpo kaitei soshi tōitsu undo)
- 1960
- January 19 - New Security Treaty signed.[657][658]
- October 12 - Japan Socialist Party Chairman Inejirō Asanuma was stabbed to death by right-wing youth Otoya Yamaguchi.[657][659][658] - Assassination of Inejirō Asanuma
- 1961
- February 1 - Over the publication of Shichirō Fukazawa's short story The Tale of an Elegant Dream (風流夢譚, Furyū mutan), a right-wing youth Kazutaka Komori broke into the private home of Chuokoron-Shinsha president Hōji Shimanaka and killed his housekeeper and his wife.[657][659][658] - Shimanaka Incident
- December 12 - An attempted coup d'état occurred by former members of the Imperial Japanese Army.[657] - Sanmu Incident
- 1963
- July 15 - Right-wing activist Shūsuke Nomura and others broke into the private residence of Liberal Democratic Party member Ichirō Kōno, and set it on fire.[657][659] - Ichirō Kōno's Residence Arson Incident (河野一郎邸焼き討ち事件, Kōno Ichirō tei Yakiuchi jiken)
- 1964
- October 16 - During the 1964 Tokyo Olympics, the People's Republic of China conducted its first atomic bomb test in Taklamakan Desert, becoming the world's fifth nuclear-weapon states.[660] - Project 596
- 1965
- June 22 - The Treaty on Basic Relations Between Japan and the Republic of Korea was signed.[661][662][663][664]
- July 30 - Jun'ichirō Tanizaki the Nobel Prize in Literature nominee, died.[663]
- 1966
- May 16 - The Cultural Revolution had begun by Mao Zedong in People's Republic of China.[661][662][663][665]
- June 28 - The Sanrizuka Struggle had begun.[663]
- December 17 – The three factions of the All-Japan Federation of Student Self-Government Associations was formed, which consists of three factions: the Chukaku-ha, the Socialist Student Union (社会主義学生同盟, Shakai shugi gakusei dōmei), and the Japan Socialist Youth League, Liberation Faction.[662]
- 1967
- February 11 - Implementation of National Foundation Day.[661][664][665]
- February 28 - Yukio Mishima, Yasunari Kawabata, Jun Ishikawa, and Kōbō Abe issued statements of protest against China's Cultural Revolution.[666][663]
- April 15 - Ryokichi Minobe, recommended by the Socialist Party and the Communist Party, was elected governor of Tokyo.[661][667][663]
- June 17 - The People's Republic of China conducted its first hydrogen bomb test.[661][667]
- November 12 - New Left factions attempted to block Prime Minister Eisaku Satō from traveling to the U.S.[667] - Haneda Incident (羽田事件, Haneda jiken)
Tunoshin Yui (由比忠之進) committed suicide by self-immolation in front of the Prime Minister's residence.[667]
A meeting was held between Prime Minister Eisaku Satō and U.S. President Lyndon Johnson, and a joint statement was issued by Japan and U.S. on Security Treaty (Anpo) and Okinawa.[664]
- 1968
- January 9 - JSDF official and marathoner Kōkichi Tsuburaya committed suicide.[667][666][663]
- January 19 - The American Nuclear-powered aircraft carrier Enterprise arrived at Sasebo port.[661][667][663][664] - Struggle to prevent the Enterprise from docking at Sasebo (佐世保エンタープライズ寄港阻止闘争, Sasebo Enterprise kikō soshi tousō)
- January 29 - Students at the Tokyo University Faculty of Medicine had gone on an indefinite strike in opposition to the registered doctor system replacing the internship system.[661][667][663] - The Beginning of the Tokyo University Conflict (東大紛争, Todai funsō)
Afterwards, anti-Japanese Communist Party New Left students occupied Yasuda Auditorium, and the graduation ceremony to be canceled.[663][664] - February 20–24 - A murder and hostage incident occurred in Shizuoka Prefecture by a Korean resident of Japan, Kim Hi-ro (金嬉老, Kin kiro).[667][663] - Kim Hi-ro Incident (金嬉老事件, Kin kiro jiken)
- October 17 - Yasunari Kawabata was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature.[667][666][663]
- October 21 - Approximately 300,000 people participated in the International Anti-War Day (国際反戦デー, Kokusai Hansen dei) demonstration.[667][663] - Shinjuku riot
- November 4–12 - Kentarō Hayashi (林健太郎), a professor and the dean of the Faculty of Letters at the Tokyo University, was imprisoned by the Zenkyōtō.[663] - Kentarō Hayashi Imprisonment Incident (林健太郎監禁事件, Hayashi Kentarō kankin jiken)
- December 10 - A fake police motorcycle officer stole approximately 300 million yen in bonuses from Tokyo Shibaura Electric (now Toshiba)'s Fuchu factory.[667][663] - 300 million yen robbery
- In 1968, campus conflicts (Nihon University conflict (日大紛争, Nichidai funsō), Meiji University conflict (明大紛争, Meidai funsō)), the Anpo protests, and anti-Vietnam War demonstrations intensified across the country.[664]
- 1969
- January 2 - During a Visit of the General Public to the Palace (一般参賀, Ippan sanga), Emperor Shōwa on balcony, was targeted with pachinko balls by Kenzō Okuzaki.[663] - Emperor Shōwa Pachinko Shooting Incident (昭和天皇パチンコ狙撃事件, Showa Tenno pachinko shūgeki jiken)
- January 18–19 - New Left Zenkyōtō students New Left students occupied Yasuda Auditorium at the Tokyo University, leading to the cancellation of the entrance exams for the Tokyo University, and Riot Police Unit stormed in.[661][668][663][664] - "University of Tokyo Yasuda Auditorium Incident" (東大安田講堂事件, Tōdai Yasuda kōdō jiken)
- February 11 - A JGSDF official Kosaburo Eto committed suicide by self-immolation, leaving behind a suicide note called "Awakening Note" (覚醒書, Kakusei sho).[407]
- August 28 - The Red Army Faction of the Communist League was formed.[668] - Second Bund (第二次ブント, Dai 2-ji bunto)
- October 21 - Approximately 860,000 people across the country participated in International Anti-War Day.[661][668][663] - 10.21 International Anti-War Day Struggle 1969 (10.21国際反戦デー闘争 (1969年), 10.21 Kokusai Hansen dei tousō (1969 nen))
- November 16–17 - Prime Minister Eisaku Satō traveled to the U.S. to discussion of the Okinawa Reversion.[661][663][664] The New Left launched a campaign to prevent Eisaku Satō from visiting the U.S.[668] - Struggle to prevent Prime Minister Satō from visiting the United States (佐藤首相訪米阻止闘争, Satō shusho hobei soshi tousō)
- In 1969, the Okinawa Reversion Struggle and the movement for Reversion to the Mainland (本土復帰, Hondo fukki) gained momentum.[668][664] Also, campus conflicts intensified.[668][664]
- 1970
- February 3 - Japan signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT).[669]
- March 14–September 13 - The Japan World Exposition was held in Suita, Osaka Prefecture.[668][670][671][672]
- March 31 - The JA8315 passenger plane (Yodo-go) was hijacked by members of Red Army Faction.[668][670][671][672] - Yodogo Hijacking Incident
- May 13–14 - A passenger ship was hijacked at Ujina Port in the Seto Inland Sea.[668] - Setouchi Hijacking Incident (瀬戸内シージャック事件, Setouchi Seajack jiken)
- June 23 - The Japan-US Security Treaty (Anpo) was automatically extended.[673][668][670][671][672]
- August 3 - A huge brawl broke out in Shibuya between the Chukaku-ha and Kakumaru-ha.[668][674] - Tokyo University of Education Student Lynching Murder Incident (東京教育大学生リンチ殺人事件, Tokyo kyoiku daigaku-sei rinchi satsujin jiken)
- September - Professor at Niigata University determined that the cause of SMON disease was the intestinal regulator Chinoform.[670]
- November 25 - The Mishima Incident occurred at the Camp Ichigaya of the JGSDF. [673][668][666][670]
- December 20 - There were incidents of burning U.S. military vehicles and facilities in Koza-shi (now Okinawa-shi in central Okinawa.[673][668][671] - Koza riot
- 1971
- January 24 - Yukio Mishima's funeral was held at Tsukiji Hongan-ji.[675][670][671]
- June 17 - The Okinawa Reversion Agreement was signed.[673][670]
- July - Henry Kissinger made a secret visit to China.[429]
- November - 100,000 people and Chukaku-ha participated in a general strike against the Okinawa Reversion Agreement.[675][670] - Okinawa General Strike Police Officer Murder Incident (沖縄ゼネスト警察官殺害事件, Okinawa zenesuto keisatsu-kan satsugai jiken), Shibuya Riot Incident (渋谷暴動事件, Shibuya bōdō jiken)
- 1972
- January 24 - Former Sergeant Shoichi Yokoi was found in Guam.[673][675]
- February 3–13 - The 11th Winter Olympics was held in Sapporo-shi, Hokkaido.[675]
- February 19–28 - A hostage taking incident by the United Red Army occurred at a mountain lodge in Karuizawa-machi, Nagano Prefecture.[673][675] - Asama-Sansō incident
- February 21 - US-China Reconciliation.[673] - 1972 visit by Richard Nixon to China
- April 15 - Two suspects, a Ministry of Foreign Affairs official and a newspaper reporter, were indicted for leaking confidential information about the Okinawa Reversion Association.[673] - Nishiyama Incident (西山事件, Nishiyama jiken)
- April 16 - Yasunari Kawabata committed suicide by gas at his workplace in Zushi-shi, Kanagawa Prefecture.[675]
- May 15 - Okinawa was returned.[673][675] - 沖縄返還 (Okinawa henkan)
- September 29 - Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka visited the People's Republic of China, and Japan–China Joint Communiqué was signed.[673][675] - Normalization of Japan-China relations (日中国交正常化, Nicchū kokkō seijo-ka)
Works based on or inspired by the Mishima incident
[edit]Film
[edit]- Mishima: A Life in Four Chapters directed by Paul Schrader (1985)[676][677]
- Starring: Ken Ogata as Yukio Mishima
- 11/25 The Day Mishima Chose His Own Fate directed by Kōji Wakamatsu (2012)[678]
- Starring: Arata Iura as Yukio Mishima
TV
[edit]- New documentary drama Shōwa: Seicho Matsumoto approaches the incident (ニュードキュメンタリードラマ昭和 松本清張事件にせまる) produced by TV Asahi (1984)[679]
- Narrator: Kei Satō
- Witnesses: Shigeru Amachi, Donald Keene, Takao Tokuoka (徳岡孝夫), Shūsuke Nomura, Akihiro Miwa, others
Manga, Anime
[edit]- Yuuyake Banchō Volume 15 "Both literary and martial arts" (文武両道, bunbu ryōdō) written by Ikki Kajiwara and Illustrated by Toshio Shōji (荘司としお) (1971)[680]
- Ghost in the Shell: Stand Alone Complex 2nd GIG (攻殻機動隊 S.A.C. 2nd GIG, Kokaku Kidōtai S.A.C. 2nd GIG) (2004, Production I.G)[681]
Literary works
[edit]- The Day He Himself Shall Wipe My Tears Away (みずから我が涙をぬぐいたまう日, Mizukara waga namida wo nuguitamau hi) written by Kenzaburō Ōe (1971, Gunzo, later same title book published in October 1972 by Kodansha, NCID BN04777478[682][683]
- The Head of Yukio Mishima (三島由紀夫の首, Mishima Yukio no Kubi)) written by Tetsuji Takechi (1972, Toshi shuppan, NCID BN05185496)[684][683]
- A mysterious tale of Mishima's head flying over the Kantō region and arguing with the head of Taira no Masakado.[685]
- Nemuri Kyōshirō Heartless (眠狂四郎無情控, Nemuri Kyoshiro Mujokou) written by Renzaburō Shibata (1972, Shinchosha)[683]
- The summer never return (帰らざる夏, Kaerazaru natsu) written by Otohiko Kaga (1973, Kodansha)[683]
- Regarding the Mishima incident, which occurred while Kaga was conceiving this work, he said, "It surprised me, as if the event I had been thinking of writing about in a novel had suddenly become reality. The Mishima incident naturally influenced my writing and made me feel tense."[686]
- Elegy of the Chrysanthemum Emperor: A Novel of Emperor Gotoba (菊帝悲歌―小説後鳥羽院, Kikutei hika: Shosetsu Gotobain) written by Kunio Tsukamoto (塚本邦雄) (1978, Shueisha)[683]
- A dirge for the gentle leftist (優しいサヨクのための嬉遊曲, Yasasii Sayoku no tame no kiyuukyoku) written by Masahiko Shimada (1983, Fukutake Shoten)[683]
- Teito Monogatari (帝都物語, Teito monogatari) (vol. 5–10) written by Hiroshi Aramata (1985, Kadokawa Shoten, ISBN 4-04-169005-6)[687][688][685][683]
- A historical fantasy novel. Mishima was appearing in series No.5. He committed seppuku crying out for spiritual defense, then the spirit of Mishima confront the earthbound spirit of Taira no Masakado. In the following series No.6, Mishima reincarnated a woman Michiyo Ohsawa.[685]
- Popoi (ポポイ) written by Yumiko Kurahashi (1987, Fukutake Shoten)[683]
- Until he becomes a mummy (ミイラになるまで, Miira ni narumade) written by Masahiko Shimada (1990, Chūō Kōron, later included in Armadillo King (アルマジロ王, Armadillo Ou) published in April 1991 by Shinchosha)[683]
- Legend - A Summer Morning, on the Illusionary Shore (伝説――夏の朝、幻の岸辺で, Densetsu: Natsu no asa, Maboroshi no kishibe de) written by Masahito Nakayama (中山雅仁) (1993, Kawade Shobō Shinsha)[683]
- Goodbye, honey (さよなら、ハニー, Sayonara, honey) written by Nori Nakayama (中山紀) (1998, Sinpoosha)[683]
- Another Patriotism (もうひとつの憂國, Mouhitotsu no Yukoku) written by Yuichi Ogiwara (荻原雄一) (2000, Natsume Shobo)[683]
- This is a fiction story in which the spirit of Lieutenant General Kanetoshi Mashita recalls how, unable to bear the sight of Mishima suffering after Masakatsu Morita's kaishaku had failed, he was in fact the one to perform the final kaishaku.[689]
- ふくみ笑い (Fukumi warai) written by Kō Machida (2002, Gunzo, later included in Dancer of Gongen (権現の踊り子, Gongen no Odoriko) published in March 2003 by Kodansha)[683]
- Part 2: The "The Temple of the Golden Pavilion" will probably come out of my stomach. (第二部 僕のお腹の中からはたぶん「金閣寺」が出てくる。, Dai 2 bu Boku no onaka no nakakara wa tabun Kinkaku-ji ga detekuru.) written by Ōtarō Maijō (2003, Gunzo, later included in How to Dismantle the 'Locked Room' (「鍵のかかった部屋」をいかに解体するか, ”Kagi no kakatta heya” wo ikani kaitai suruka) published in March 2007 by Basilico)[683]
- Fantasista (ファンタジスタ) written by Tomoyuki Hoshino (2003, Shueisha)[683]
- Lonely Hearts Killer (ロンリー・ハーツ・キラー) written by Tomoyuki Hoshino (2004, Chuokoron-Shinsha)[683]
- Goodbye, my books! (さようなら、私の本よ!, Sayounara, Watashi no honyo!) written by Kenzaburō Ōe (2005, Kodansha)[683][690]
- Infernal Affairs (無間道, Mugendō) written by Tomoyuki Hoshino (2007, Shueisha)[683]
- Mishima Reincarnation (三島転生, Mishima tensei) written by Akitomo Ozawa (小沢章友) (2007, Popurasha)
- A story in which the spirit of Mishima, who died at the Ichigaya chutonchi, floating and looks back on his life.[691]
- Pale Moon (蒼白の月, Sohaku no Tuki) written by Ryo Hirose (広瀬亮) (2009, Bungeisha)[683]
- Death by Water (水死, Suishi) written by Kenzaburō Ōe (2009, Kodansha)[683]
- Impossible (不可能, Fukano) written by Hisaki Matsuura (2011, Kodansha) [692]
- The patriots (憂国者たち―The patriots, Yukokusha tachi: The patriots) written by Taro Miwa (三輪太郎) (2015, Kodansha)[683]
Performance art
[edit]- Season of fiery fire / Requiem for someone: Number 1, Mishima (烈火の季節/なにものかへのレクイエム・その壱 ミシマ, Rekka no kisetsu/Nanimonoka eno rekuiemu: Sono ichi Mishima) performed by Yasumasa Morimura (2006)
- Classroom of beauty, listen quietly (美の教室、清聴せよ, Bi no kyositsu, seicho seyo)) performed by Yasumasa Morimura (2007)
- ditto
Poetry
[edit]- Harakiri written by István Bálint.[632]
- Grave of Mishima (ユキオ・ミシマの墓, Mishima Yukio no haka) written by Pierre Pascal (1970)[694]
- The Ritual of Love and Death (Patriotism) (愛と死の儀式(憂国), Ai to Shi no gishiki (Yukoku)) written by Emmanuel Rothen (1970)[235]
- Lamentation: Yukio Mishima (哭三島由紀夫, Koku Mishima Yukio) written by {{Nihongo|Akira Asano|浅野晃 (1971)[695][696]
- described at the conclusion of the eulogy "Rainbow Gate".[696]
- Yukoku-ki (憂国忌) written by Shūji Terayama (1971)[696]
- It was noon (正午だった, Shogo datta) & Haiku written by Genki Fujii (2007)[697]
Notes
[edit]- ^ The year 1970 corresponds to Shōwa 45 in the Japanese era.
- ^ The first ranked event was Japan's defeat of the war on August 15, 1945.[21]
- ^ This building of the Eastern Army Headquarters was the site of the Imperial Japanese Army Academy from 1874 (Meiji 7) to 1879 (Meiji 12), and during the war, the Imperial General Headquarters, the Army Ministry, and the Imperial Japanese Army General Staff Office, making it a mecca for the Imperial Japanese Army.[31][32] After Japan's defeat in the Pacific War (At that time in Japan, this war was called the "Greater East Asia War" (大東亜戦争, Dai Tō-A Sensō)), Major Makoto Haruke (晴気誠) and General Teiichi Yoshimoto committed seppuku here, and it was also the site of the courtroom for the International Military Tribunal for the Far East.[31][32]
- ^ When Major Yasuharu Sawamoto (沢本泰治), who greeted Mishima at the front entrance, asked him about the Japanese sword he was carrying, Mishima replied that it was a "command sword" that he used at regular meetings.[29][30]
- ^ The most seriously injured of the JSDF staff officer was Lieutenant Colonel Sumiremasa Nakamura (中村菫正), who sustained cuts to his right elbow and the back of his left palm, and will need 12 weeks to recover.[10][39] Nakamura thought Mishima's sword was a toy and tried to snatch it away with his left hand, cutting the tendons in his palm and leaving him with a permanent disability that caused him to lose the grip of his left hand.[29][43][41] However, Nakamura said he "has absolutely no grudge" against Mishima, and recalled, "I don't think Mishima wanted to kill me when he slashed him. If he had wanted to kill someone, he would have slashed more boldly, and when he hit my arm, I felt he was going easy on me."[43] Lieutenant Colonel Nakamura later served as Chief of the Public Relations Section of the Army Staff Office, Commander of the 32nd Infantry Regiment (第32普通科連隊, Dai 32 futsu-ka rentai), Vice Chief of Staff of the General Staff, and Principal of the Officer Candidate School in Kurume, before retiring as a lieutenant general in July 1981.[43]
- ^ This balcony was once the location where Ōta Dōkan built an observation deck to defend Edo Castle.[31]
- ^ The phrase "To be reborn seven times to serve the country" (七生報國, Shichishō hōkoku) is explained in the Taiheiki as the last words uttered by Kusunoki Masasue, the younger brother of the 14th-century imperial loyalist samurai Kusunoki Masashige, when he committed suicide together with his older brother Masashige.[53] Two brothers died fighting to defend the Emperor Go-Daigo.[53] (It is said that Masashige agreed with his brother's words.)
- ^ Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution clearly states that "No possession of military forces" (「戦力の不保持」) and "Denial of the right to wage war" (「交戦権の否認」).
- ^ The written appeal (檄, Geki) describes the JSDF personnel who bow down to the Constitution that denies them as "self-blasphemers."[56]
- ^ Sergeant K recalled his feelings at the time as follows:[57]
I felt a deep sadness. We, the JSDF personnel, have been looked down upon by the public as stranger s under the current constitution for a long time, and we should have more or less grievances among ourselves about the existence of the JSDF, whose mission is to defend our homeland. That hecklers were like the students political demonstration march confronting Riot Police Unit. At the very least, the JSDF personnel had gathered here following orders from the command center. (Omitted) We are soldiers who have gathered here, at least in accordance with the command. (Omitted) The superior officer should have lined up the troops by unit and listened to Mishima's speech. Even if it was a mob, once an order was given to assemble, proper procedures should have been followed. I thought it was presumptuous that the JSDF, in this state, could be called an army to protect Japan.
— Sergeant K, Recollections of Sergeant K[57] - ^ In the training of the members of the Tatenokai, Mishima explained the reason why the smallest military unit was ten people, saying, "The range in which a person can convey the true meaning of what he or she speaks without error and have the other person accurately understand is a maximum of ten people."[64] Mishima also said that unless the speaker speaks in a normal voice within a range where the listener can directly hear the speaker's facial expressions, breathing, and breathing, the true meaning of what is being said is not easily conveyed, and that if a speaker speaks to a large audience using a microphone, a modern convenience, and raises his or her voice, it is bound to contain falsehood and exaggeration, and essentially fails to move people's hearts.[64]
- ^ Takao Tokuoka said that he keeps the notes he wrote down of Mishima's speeches, to the extent that he was able to hear them, in a bank safe deposit box, along with letters and photographs entrusted to him by Mishima.[69]
- ^ Akihiro Miki (三木明博) a young reporter at Nippon Cultural Broadcasting who covered this Incident, later became the company's president.
- ^ It is said that at this time, Morita failed at kaishaku three times, causing the tip of his sword to bend into an S-shape.
- ^ A few days before the Mishima incident, there was a autumn storm (野分, nowake) in Tokyo at night.[87]
- ^ When Yasunari Kawabata heard the news, he was attending the funeral of Moritatsu Hosokawa (細川護立) at Aoyama Funeral Hall (青山葬儀所, Aoyama sougijo) in Minami-Aoyama, Minato-ku, Tokyo.
- ^ Noguchi said that this tendency in there may have been related to their view that suicide as a crime, but in any case, he felt that the fact that Mishima's death was never considered a "problem of the logic of human life" was different from the Japanese habit of relating the meaning of the suicide of others to the living side.[133]
- ^ Three years after the Mishima Incident, Yamamoto, who had become an advisor to a certain company in Ichigaya, was visited by Hiroshi Mochimaru (持丸博), a former member of the Tatenokai, who said to him, "Mr. Yamamoto, whether this is right or wrong, it is possible that Mr. Mishima committed such an act because he was provoked by you." Yamamoto, looking down, replied, "I have a bad sleep. Now I am consoling Mr. Mishima's spirit and living a life immersed in haiku."[138][108]
- ^ Major Katsumi Terao (寺尾克美), one of the victims of the Mishima Incident, said that when he heard Nakasone's words on this tape, "I was boiling with anger", and was dismayed to see that Nakasone, whom he had previously respected, "was really this kind of man."[41][78]
- ^ At the time, there was an atmosphere of mutual rejection on both the left and the right, and it was difficult to be free, with people thinking things like, "I'm left-wing, so I shouldn't be sympathize with Mishima," or, "I'm actually anti-American, but I'm right-wing so I shouldn't be oppose the anpo." However, like Misawa, the Mishima incident prompted some people to join the New Right.[19]
- ^ However, in his later years, Ryōtarō Shiba, just like Mishima's prediction, began to lament and worry about the money worship of materialism and deterioration of ethics among Japanese people from the economic bubble period through to the Heisei era.[151]
- ^ Mishima's written appeal (檄, Geki) also cites the "Washington Naval Treaty," the "Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons," and the "Japan-US textile negotiations (日米繊維交渉, Nichi-bei senni koshō)" as examples of unequal treaties that Japan was forced to accept.[56][4]
- ^ The phrase 醢をくつがえして哭いている (Shiokara wo kutsugaeshite naite iru) comes from a legend that when Confucius informed that his disciple Zhong You had been killed, cut up and turned into a shiokara, he wept and flung away all home shiokara. Kazumi Takahashi used the phrase as a metaphor for grief of losing a brave defeated warrior whom he respects.[178]
- ^ When Kawabata Yasunari saw the sight of the crimson roses, he reportedly whispered in Masuda Takamitsu's ear, "Roses are scary, aren't they?"[207]
- ^ "Kōi" is the on'yomi of Mishima's real name, Kimitaka (公威). Shizue preferred to pronounce her son's name "Kōi" in on'yomi rather than "Kimitake," and called him with the honorific "san."
- ^ At that moment, Shizue actually wanted to say, "Kōi-san, you did a great job," but hesitated because she was afraid the other mourners would think she was dramatic.[208][204]
- ^ This is the words of Wang Yangming's Chuán xí lù (伝習録, Denshuroku).
- ^ His father is Akutagawa Prize-winning author, Uio Tomizawa (冨澤有爲男).[299]
- ^ Some source says that "Victoria" was located in Ginza 8-chōme, Chūō-ku.[306]
- ^ "Sakimori" (防人) were soldiers stationed in Kyushu during the ancient Asuka and Heian periods to guard against incursions by the Tang dynasty and Silla.[367][368] The defenders numbered about 3,000, and most of them were from the eastern part of Japan (東国, Azuma no kuni, present-day Kantō region).[367][368]
- ^ The meaning of "ugly" (醜, shiko) here expresses a feeling of self-deprecation and humility.[370][368]
- ^ However, after Mishima's death, Colonel Yamamoto reflected that his large-scale civil defense long term plan that he had thought was good, was not necessarily more realistic than Mishima's vision of a coup d'état as a short-term solution to turn the JSDF into a national army.[393] Yamamoto repeatedly thought himself that Mishima's plan to launch a coup d'état on October 21st "may have been a thousand-to-one chance," even if it was somewhat far-fetched. Considering that Japan's pitiful and dangerous situation remained unchanged 30 years later in the year 2000, he came to feel that he had missed their only chance on that time.[393]
- ^ Miyazaki Masahiro (宮崎正弘) of the "Japan Student Alliance" wrote in the Japan Student Newspaper that the reason Morita and others were expelled was because they "sold their souls to communism."[356][404]
- ^ The refresher course lasted for three days and two nights and was held four times a year in March, June, September and November.
- ^ The record of this debate was published in June 1969 under the title Zenkyōtō 1969 , later collected in complete40 2004, pp. 442–506 .
- ^ According to Azusa, it was "a certain general" who removed the ladder Mishima was on.[237][430] According Mochimaru, it was Colonel Yamamoto.[108] According to Colonel Yamamoto, it was Yamamoto himself, Lieutenant General H, and Iwaichi Fujiwara.[429]
- ^ In order to handle administrative communications between Tatenokai members and outside parties, the members decided to outsource telephone secretarial services to a phone secretary service company located inside Seibu Department Stores in Shibuya-ku, and it became Morita's daily routine to call the company around noon and in the evening to check the contents of any messages he had received.</ref>[441]
- ^ There is also an episode that a Kokugakuin University student who wanted to join the Tatenokai visited Mishima's home in 1970 and asked, "When is the teacher going to die?" However, this person actually visited Mishima in the summer.[469]
- ^ The second of Problem presentation distributed in July was "Abandonment of War," followed by the third in September, "Regarding the 'Emergency Law'".[464][474]
- ^ Mishima criticized the Constitution drawn up by GHQ, saying that it was clear that they did not understand the traditional Japanese idea of the Emperor, who functions as a guarantor of the temporal continuity of a supra-personal, traditional, and historical entity, and instead forcibly attached it to Western democratic ideals, thereby judging and confusing Japan's gods, meddling in the religious issues of a defeated country, with the aim of eventually eradicating Japan's cultural traditions.[472][473][477]
- ^ Mishima's Petition was published in August 1978, after his death, under the titles Bushido and Militarism (武士道と軍国主義, Bushido to Gunkoku-shugi) and Regular and Irregular Armies (正規軍と不正規軍, Seiki-gun to Fu-seiki-gun).[485][486][487][450]
- ^ While Morita was still in his hometown, he wanted to marry Makiko, but her mother turned him down, politely saying, "Thank you for being a friend to my daughter."[492]
- ^ Mishima would sometimes suddenly utter prophetic statements, and around spring in 1970, he had spoken to his father Azusa in the living room, expressing his concern for Japan's future.[498] One of Mishima's seniors also heard the exact same prophecy from Mishima while dining with him a restaurant in Ginza in the spring of 1968.[498]
One evening, around the spring of the year the incident occurred, my son said in the living room,
"Japan will be in a strange position. One day, the United States suddenly contacts China over Japan's head, Japan will only be able to look up from the bottom of the valley and eavesdrop on the conversation slightly. Our friend Taiwan will say that "it will no longer be able to count on Japan", and Taiwan will go somewhere. Japan may become an orphan in the Orient, and may eventually fall into the product of slave dealers. Today, there is no one other than teenagers to whom we can entrust the future of Japan."— Azusa Hiraoka, My son: Yukio Mishima[498] - ^ She had been working for a phone secretary service company that was outsourced to handle telephone secretarial services for Tatenokai members and external administrative communications.[441][510] The two began dating at the end of January 1970 after exchanging messages every day.[441][510] However, on October 31 of the same year, about one month before the incident, Morita broke up with Yumiko, saying, "I think there is someone better suited for you than me. I hope you find him and be happy."[511][510] Morita's friends in the "Junisō Group" also knew about their relationship.[512][510] After the incident, Yumiko was questioned by the police and visited Morita's brother in Yokkaichi-shi, Mie Prefecture to visit Morita's grave.[512][510] She later married in 1976 and had a daughter and a son. And, Yumiko"s first grandchild was named "Masakatsu."[513][510]
- ^ A few days before Yasunari Kawabata committed suicide on April 16, 1972, Mishima's father, Azusa, received a long letter from Kawabata.[517] Azusa had not been fond of Kawabata since Kawabata refused to attend the Tatenokai 1st anniversary parade, and he sarcastically remarked, "I was intrigued by the letter, as it really revealed some completely unexpected aspects of Kawabata's personality," and said he would keep it as a family heirloom.[517] (As of 2024, the Kawabata's last letter has still not been made public.)
- ^ Keiko (圭映子) was pregnant at the time.[512] Keiko said that she had been informed of the uprising plan by Ogawa in advance.[512] Later, Keiko gave birth to a boy who was named Kiichirō (紀一郎) after Mishima's two children's names, Noriko (紀子) and Iichirō (威一郎).[512][260][261]
- ^ Many researchers have pointed out that the ending of the final novel The Decay of the Angel is similar to the ending of Mishima's debut work, Forest in Full Bloom (花ざかりの森, Hanazakari no Mori).[526][527][528][529][17] Incidentally, it has recently clear from Mishima's draft notes that in his plan around February 1969, the ending of the fourth volume novel was different, in which an angelic boy who is the true reincarnation of Kiyoaki appears before Honda just before he dies.[108][530][531]
- ^ After becoming independent, Kikue Kojima used the pen name Chikako Kojima.
- ^ Incidentally, not long since after the incident, there were speculations and rumors that it was a "homosexual double suicide" between Mishima and Morita, and the police received inquiries from reporters of weekly magazines asking whether there were any autopsy findings that would indicate homosexuality, but the police chief denied it with a wry smile, saying that there were absolutely no such traces.[225] As it was originally planned for all five of them to commit suicide together, and as the investigation into Morita progressed, it became clear that Morita had met a girl the night before the incident etc.,[563] so in recent years, this theory of a "homosexual double suicide" has been deemed an unreliable view with little possibility.[563][564][565] Kunio Suzuki (鈴木邦男) of Issuikai, who was on friendly terms with Morita and other members of the Tatenokai and knew Morita's character well, also said that if Mishima had forced a homosexual relationship on Morita or any of his fellow members, the Tatenokai would have fallen apart.[565]
- ^ Then, it was discovered after he underwent a re-examination at a hospital in Tokyo that it was a misdiagnosis through examination by a renowned doctor.[580][582]
- ^ In his final dialogue with Takashi Furubayashi, Mishima had described the postwar period as his "remaining years."[519][594]
- ^ Regarding John Nathan's pathological treatment of Mishima's homosexuality, linking it to his upbringing and family environment based on Mishima's autobiographical novel Confessions of a Mask, Takehiko Noguchi (野口武彦), the translator of Nathan's book, and Bunzō Hashikawa (橋川文三) have mentioned that Mishima's relationship with his mother was not particularly abnormal in Japan, and that unlike in Europe and the United States, homosexuality has not long been considered taboo in Japanese culture and is not socially ostracized, so the ordinary Japanese person would be tacitly tolerant of homosexuality and insensitive to it, but in Confessions of a Mask, Mishima very keenly explored his own homosexuality to the point of it becoming something like his existential consciousness.[612]
- ^ Mishima made it a rule to take his family on a summer vacation every year to Shimoda-shi, Izu Peninsula, a place associated with his much respected Yoshida Shōin.[220][622] And, when Mishima heard that Henry Scott-Stokes, who had come to Shimoda, was staying at an inn called "Kurofune," he expressed his displeasure, asking "Why? Why do you stay at a place with such a name?".[623][622]
- ^ Boris Akunin explained that the reason why Mishima became so popular among Russians that he was nicknamed "Mishinka" and "Misimych" after perestroika, when details about Mishima, who had been viewed as an enemy and banned during the Soviet era, were made public, was because there were many similarities between the national character of Japan and Russia, and because of the "power of passion that is very Dostoevskian and Russian" that can be felt in all of Mishima's literature and actions, saying, "A writer who lived true to his own beliefs and ideals and met his end in seppuku cannot be believed to escape the embrace of Russian love, no matter how foreign his cultural aspects may have been."[653]
References
[edit]- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at au av aw ax ay Date 1972, pp. 59–75
- ^ Date 1972, pp. 123–136
- ^ a b c d e f g h Date 1972, pp. 252–270
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o O-Encyclo 1976, pp. 136–137
- ^ Yamamoto 2001, pp. 38–43
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae Hosaka 2001, pp. 57–68
- ^ O-Encyclo 1976, pp. 247–248
- ^ a b c d e f g Hosaka 2001, pp. 313–321
- ^ a b c d Tomofusa Kure (呉智英) The end of the "serious" era (Chujō1 2005, pp. 188–203 )
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Date 1972, pp. 40–58
- ^ a b c d Shibata 2012, pp. 19–22
- ^ Donald 2012, pp. 202–203
- ^ a b c Nishi 2020, pp. 15–21
- ^ a b Ando 1996, pp. 423–427
- ^ Seikai 2000, pp. 122–132
- ^ Shigeru Kashima (鹿島茂) The miracle of "counter-revolution without revolution": The eternal hero who made the impossible possible (Chujō1 2005, pp. 205–226 )
- ^ a b Shohei Chujō (中条省平) In lieu of an afterword: Who was Yukio Mishima - "As a child of the Shōwa era" (Chujō1 2005, pp. 255–259 )
- ^ a b c d e f g h Hosaka 2001, pp. 303–312
- ^ a b c d Itasaka&Suzuki 2010, pp. 19–25
- ^ Kazuo Nakajima (中島一夫) The alienated Emperor: Yukio Mishima and New right(Bungei-umi 2020, pp. 112–119 )
- ^ a b Irmela 2010 "iv" in the Preface without page numbers
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x Hosaka 2001, pp. 76–92
- ^ a b c d Tokuoka 1999, pp. 280–289
- ^ a b c d e f g h Shohei Chujō Introduction (Chujō1 2005, pp. 2–10 )
- ^ a b c d e Nathan-j 2000 the Preface to the New edition without page numbers
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Matsumoto 1990, pp. 219–228
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w complete42 2005, pp. 330–334
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Date 1972, pp. 99–108
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad Inose-j 1999, pp. 433–449
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at au av aw ax ay az ba bb bc bd be bf bg bh bi bj bk bl bm bn bo bp bq br bs Ando 1998, pp. 319–331
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Jurō 2005, pp. 33–48
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t Nakamura 2015, pp. 199–206
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac Date 1972, pp. 75–82
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Date 1972, pp. 86–89
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v Azusa 1996, pp. 233–244
- ^ a b c d Tokuoka 1999, pp. 250–254
- ^ a b c Date 1972, pp. 29–40
- ^ The photo of Commander Mashita being held restrained is on Inuzuka 2020, p. 112
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u Nakamura 2015, pp. 206–215
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Date 1972, pp. 109–116
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Katsumi Terao The man slashed by Yukio Mishima (Yukoku50 2020, pp. 47–72 )
- ^ a b c d 三島由紀夫没後45年(下)三島に斬られ瀕死の元自衛官「潮吹くように血が噴き出した」 [45 years since the death of Yukio Mishima (Part 2): Former JSDF personnel nearly killed after being slashed by Mishima: "Blood spurted out like a squirt of water"]. Sankei Shimbun (in Japanese). 2015-11-24. Archived from the original on 2021-12-30. Retrieved 2024-12-04.
- ^ a b c Hara 2004, pp. 119–127
- ^ a b Mishima, Yukio (1970-11-25). 要求書 [A Request on 25 November 1970]. none (in Japanese). collected in Date 1972, pp. 95–97 , complete36 2003, pp. 680–681
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Nakamura 2015, pp. 191–198
- ^ The photo of the Request is on Inuzuka 2020, p. 113
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Tokuoka 1999, pp. 255–262
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj Nakamura 2015, pp. 215–227
- ^ a b c d e Hosaka 2001, pp. 68–76
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Nakamura 2015, pp. 231–247
- ^ Suzuki 2005, pp. 103–110
- ^ a b c Murata 2015, pp. 132–139
- ^ a b Mochi 2010, pp. 245–247
- ^ a b c Mishima, Yukio (1970-11-25). 無題 [Untitled (last Speech in Camp Ichigaya) on 25 November 1970]. none (in Japanese). collected in complete36 2003, pp. 682–683
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Yamamoto 2001, pp. 32–38
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Mishima, Yukio (1970-11-25). 檄 [An appeal (last manifesto) on 25 November 1970]. Sunday Mainichi, other newspapers (in Japanese). collected in Date 1972, pp. 90–95 , complete36 2003, pp. 402–406
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t Jurō 2005, pp. 48–62
- ^ The photo of Mishima on the balcony is on Album 1983, p. 95 , Chujō1 2005, p. 21
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Azusa 1996, pp. 244–256
- ^ a b c d e f Chikako 1996, pp. 7–24
- ^ a b c d e f N-Reader 1990, pp. 170–179
- ^ a b c d e f Gunzo18 1990, pp. 78–88
- ^ a b Must 1998, p. 211
- ^ a b c d Yoshiko 2020, pp. 121–126
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1966). 対話・日本人論(林房雄との対談) [Dialogue: Japanese theory (dialogue with Fusao Hayashi)]. "Dialogue: Japanese theory" (Bancho Shobo) (in Japanese). collected in complete39 2004, pp. 554–682
- ^ Mizuki 1994, p. 15
- ^ a b c Date 1972, pp. 12–15
- ^ a b c d e f g Tokuoka 1999, pp. 238–249
- ^ a b Takao Tokuoka Forty years since "that incident": Yukio Mishima and me (Part 1) A journalist who was entrusted with the "Geki" just before his suicide now speaks out the truth (Seiron 2010, pp. 220–229 )
- ^ a b c Inuzuka 2020, pp. 115–122
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj Date 1972, pp. 117–122
- ^ Mochi 2010, pp. 170–172
- ^ Yoshiko 2020, pp. 214–219
- ^ Yumiko 2024, pp. 206–208
- ^ Shiine 2009, p. 241
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Tokuoka 1999, pp. 262–269
- ^ a b Sakurai 2020, pp. 167–170
- ^ a b c d e f Nishi 2020, pp. 207–218
- ^ Murata 2015, pp. 167–172
- ^ a b Azusa2 1974, pp. 5–16
- ^ a b Murata 2015, pp. 243–245
- ^ a b c Nishi 2020, pp. 120–129
- ^ a b c d e f g h Date 1972, pp. 83–86
- ^ a b Yamamoto 1980, pp. 262–266 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 26–30
- ^ The photo of the Mishima's and Morita's Death poems is on Inuzuka 2020, p. 122
- ^ a b Memo-Keene 2019, pp. 85–86
- ^ Murata 2015, pp. 234–235
- ^ The photo of the Geki is on Inuzuka 2020, p. 113
- ^ a b c Toda 1978, pp. 214–228
- ^ a b c d Kenichi 2007, pp. 102–111
- ^ a b c Nathan-j 2000, pp. 326–328
- ^ a b c d e Date 1972, pp. 136–149
- ^ a b Tekina 2015, pp. 122–125
- ^ a b c d e f Shibata 2012, pp. 247–256
- ^ a b Nathan-j 2000, pp. 333–335
- ^ Toyoo 2006, pp. 103–114
- ^ a b Suzuki 2005, pp. 112–116
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Azusa 1996, pp. 7–22
- ^ a b Scott-Stokes 1985, pp. 63–64
- ^ a b c d e f Tokuoka 1999, pp. 270–280
- ^ a b Takashi Tsujii A life of 45 painful years: A solitary genius who continues to be misunderstood - "My son died because you made that uniform". (Chujō2 2005, pp. 55–67 )
- ^ a b c d e f Jurō 2005, pp. 5–23
- ^ Scott-Stokes 1985, pp. 58–62
- ^ a b c d e f g h Matsumoto 1990, p. 232
- ^ a b c d e f g Matsumoto 1990, pp. 229–231
- ^ a b c d e f Jurō 2005, pp. 185–198
- ^ Komuro 1985, pp. 186–190
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y Ando 1998, pp. 294–302
- ^ Mochi 2010, pp. 162–170
- ^ a b Kitakage 2006, pp. 344–352
- ^ a b Eisaku 1997, p. 210
- ^ Resume 2007, pp. 542–544
- ^ a b c Kawabata, Yasunari (1971). 三島由紀夫 [Yukio Mishima]. Shincho, January Issue (in Japanese) (1). Shinchosha: 54–55. collected in Kawabata29 1982, pp. 615–619 , One Grass 1991, pp. 215–218
- ^ a b Gunzo18 1990, pp. 229–231
- ^ Kawabata, Yasunari (1970-11-26). 「もったいない死に方だった」=かけつけた川端氏 ["It's a shame he died in this way.": Mr. Kawabata rushed to the scene]. Asahi Shimbun (in Japanese). The Asahi Shimbun Company: 3.
- ^ Ishihara 1999, pp. 195–196
- ^ a b c d e Side 2014, pp. 159–163
- ^ Ishihara, Shintaro (1970-11-25). かけつけた石原氏ぼう然 [Ishihara, who rushed over, was stunned]. Yomiuri Shimbun Eveing paper (in Japanese). The Yomiuri Shimbun Holdings: 10.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Side 2014, pp. 156–158
- ^ Nakamura 2015, pp. 71–75
- ^ a b c Chujō1 2005, pp. 23–25
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af Ando 1998, pp. 311–319
- ^ a b c d e Jurō 2005, pp. 181–183
- ^ a b c d Date 1972, pp. 152–156
- ^ a b c Side 2014, pp. 103–108
- ^ a b c d e f g Azusa 1996, pp. 22–30
- ^ a b Mishima, Yukio (1970). 命令書 [Order]. none (in Japanese). collected in complete36 2003, pp. 678–679 , Jurō 2005, p. 236
- ^ Date 1972, pp. 16–18
- ^ a b Tokuoka 1999, pp. 233–237
- ^ Nakamura 2015, pp. 19–26
- ^ a b Inuzuka 2020, pp. 138–143
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Date 1972, pp. 297–304
- ^ a b c d Noguchi 1992, pp. 199–217
- ^ a b Hosaka 2001, pp. 34–43
- ^ Chujō1 2005, pp. 38–40
- ^ a b Murata 2015, pp. 262–265
- ^ a b Yamamoto 1980, pp. 274–280
- ^ a b c d e Hosaka 2001, pp. 213–223
- ^ Yamamoto 1980, pp. 271–273
- ^ a b Yamamoto 1980, pp. 290–298
- ^ a b Komuro 1985, pp. 195–196
- ^ Jurō 2005 frontispiece photos
- ^ Inoki 1985, p. 177
- ^ a b c Murata 2015, pp. 252–254
- ^ a b Hori 1993, p. 80
- ^ a b Hori 1993, pp. 80–81
- ^ a b c Shibata 2012, pp. 22–25
- ^ Yamada, Munemutsu (1970-12-12). アンケート [Questionnaire]. Shūkan Gendai - Special Issue: Yukio Mishima Emergency Special Issue (in Japanese). Kodansha.
- ^ Noma, Hiroshi (1970-12-06). 錯誤にみちた文学・政治の短絡 [A Literature full of Errors and a Short circuit between Politics]. Asahi Journal - Emergency Special: The Death of Mishima Aesthetics (in Japanese). The Asahi Shimbun Company: 4–6.
- ^ a b Shiba, Ryōtarō (1970-11-26). 異常な三島事件に接して―文学論的なその死 [On the Extraordinary Mishima Incident: His Literary Death]. Mainichi Shimbun (in Japanese). The Mainichi Newspapers Co., Ltd.: 1.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Tokuoka 1999, pp. 290–301
- ^ a b Postwar 2010, pp. 133–135
- ^ Shibata, Shō (1970-12-12). ナルシシズムに腹が立つ [I get angry at his Narcissism]. Shūkan Gendai - Special Issue: Yukio Mishima Emergency Special Issue (in Japanese). Kodansha: 168.
- ^ Sakurai 2020, pp. 21–26
- ^ Muramatsu, Takeshi (1970-12-26). 市ヶ谷台上の諌死 [Kanshi on Ichigaya-dai]. Shūkan Jiji - Special Issue: Yukio Mishima Emergency Special Issue (in Japanese). Jiji Press.
- ^ Fusao Hayashi Eulogy (Shincho2 1971, pp. 38–44 )
- ^ memorial 1999, pp. 86–91
- ^ a b Funahashi, Seiichi (1970-12-26). 壮烈な憤死 [Fierce Death by Rage]. Tokyo Shimbun Evening paper (in Japanese). Jiji Press.
- ^ Shindō 1976, p. 507
- ^ a b Mari Mori Which one is the Madman? (Shincho2 1971, pp. 48–52 )
- ^ memorial 1999, pp. 96–99
- ^ Chujō1 2005, pp. 29–31
- ^ Nakano, Shigeharu (1970-12-12). アンケート [Questionnaire]. Shūkan Gendai - Special Issue: Yukio Mishima Emergency Special Issue (in Japanese). Kodansha.
- ^ a b Hideo Kobayashi Thoughts (Shincho1 1971, pp. 138–139 )
- ^ Reader 1983, pp. 56–57
- ^ a b Ichirō Murakami To Calm the Ara Mitama (Shincho1 1971, pp. 269–275 )
- ^ Hashikawa, Bunzō (1970-11-26). “狂い死の思想” 美学の完結とは思えぬ ["The Thoughts of Death in Madness": I don't think this is the End of Aesthetics.]. Asahi Shimbun Evening paper (in Japanese). The Asahi Shimbun Company: 10. collected in Hashikawa 1998, pp. 132–134
- ^ Yojurō Yasuda The Sun behind the Eyes (Shincho2 1971, pp. 198–207 )
- ^ memorial 1999, pp. 230–239
- ^ a b Yojurō Yasuda Heavenly Shigure (Shincho1 1971, pp. 176–182 )
- ^ Fukuda 1996, pp. 167–192
- ^ Nakai, Hideo (1971). ケンタウロスの嘆き [The Centaur's Lament]. Ushio, February Issue - Special feature: Yukio Mishima, His journey through life and death (in Japanese). Ushio Shuppansha: 138–146.
- ^ memorial 1999, pp. 302–311
- ^ a b Yumiko Kurahashi Death of a Hero (Shincho2 1971, pp. 83–88 )
- ^ memorial 1999, pp. 131–136
- ^ Women 2020, pp. 143–150
- ^ Takahashi, Kazumi (1970-11-26). 果敢な敵の死悲し [The Death of a Brave Enemy makes me Sad]. Sankei Shimbun (in Japanese). Sankei Shimbun Co., Ltd.
- ^ a b N-Reader 1990, pp. 130–131
- ^ Ōoka, Shōhei (1971). 生き残ったものへの証言 [Testimony for Survivors]. Bungei Shunjū, February Issue (in Japanese) (2). Bungeishunjū: 110–114.
- ^ a b Takeda, Taijun (1971). 三島由紀夫氏の死ののちに [After the Death of Mr. Yukio Mishima]. Chūō Kōron, January Issue (in Japanese) (1). Chuokoron-Shinsha: 252–257.
- ^ Reader 1983, pp. 49–53
- ^ Gunzo18 1990, pp. 251–258
- ^ Postwar 2010, pp. 235–240
- ^ Ito 2006, pp. 112–117
- ^ a b c Chujō1 2005, pp. 44–48
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1970). 革命哲学としての陽明学 [Yangmingism as a Revolutionary Philosophy]. Shokun!, September Issue (in Japanese): 22–45. collected in Action 1974, pp. 189–228 , complete36 2003, pp. 277–310
- ^ a b c d Ishikawa, Jun (1970-12-24). 文芸時評 上・下―認識から行動への跳躍 割腹の必然はあったか 三島の死、「楯の会」で思想を固定 檄には見えぬ三島の姿 [Literary Review, Vol. 1 and 2 - The Leap from Awareness to Action, Was the Act of Seppuku Inevitability? Mishima's Death, His Ideology was solidified in the "Tatenokai", The Image of Mishima not seen in the "Geki"]. Asahi Shimbun Eveing paper (in Japanese). The Asahi Shimbun Company. collected in Ishikawa15 1990, pp. 413–421
- ^ a b Ishikawa, Jun (1970-04-27). 文芸時評 上・下―(「太陽と鉄」、「古今集と新古今集」)「肉体」の戦利品「青空」、「英雄」への道急ぐな 三島氏のまぼろしの旅 [Literary Review, Vol. 1 and 2 - "Sun and Steel", "Kokin Wakashū and Shin Kokin Wakashū": The Trophy of the "Body", "Blue sky", Don't rush on the road to becoming a "Hero", Mr. Mishima's Phantom Journey]. Asahi Shimbun Eveing paper (in Japanese). The Asahi Shimbun Company. collected in Ishikawa15 1990, pp. 341–349
- ^ a b c d Yoshimoto, Takaaki (1971). 情況への発言―暫定的メモ [Comments on the Situation: Provisional Memo]. Shiko, February Issue (in Japanese). Shikosha.
- ^ Reader 1983, pp. 60–65
- ^ Bungei-umi 2020, pp. 178–184
- ^ Chujō1 2005, pp. 42–44
- ^ a b c Takeshi Muramatsu Mishima's Death and Yasunari Kawabata – 1, 2 (Shincho20 1990, pp. 192–199 ) collected in Seio 1994, pp. 9–22
- ^ a b Komuro 1985, pp. 196–197
- ^ a b c Isoda, Kōichi (1971). 太陽神と鉄の悪意―三島由紀夫の死 [The Sun God and the Malice of Iron: The death of Yukio Mishima]. Bungakukai, February Issue - Special feature: Yukio Mishima (in Japanese). Bungeishunjū: 10–16. collected in Isoda 1979, pp. 434–445
- ^ a b memorial 1999, pp. 240–246
- ^ a b Chujō1 2005, pp. 31–33
- ^ Keene, Donald (1971-04-20). 無題(時事解説) [none title (Current affairs commentary)]. Jiji Hyoron - Yukio Mishima: His life, Work and Death (in Japanese). Diplomatic Knowledge Promotion Association.
- ^ a b Scott-Stokes, Henry (1971). ミシマは偉大だったか [Why was Mishima Great]. Shokun!, February Issue - Special Feature: Looking at the Death of Yukio Mishima (in Japanese). Bungeishunjū.
- ^ memorial 1999, pp. 321–323
- ^ a b Seidensticker, Edward (1971-04-20). 無題(時事解説) [none title (Current affairs commentary)]. Jiji Hyoron - Yukio Mishima: His life, Work and Death (in Japanese). Diplomatic Knowledge Promotion Association.
- ^ a b c d e Miller, Henry (1971-10-29). 特別寄稿―三島由紀夫の死 [Special Contribution: The Death of Yukio Mishima]. Shūkan Post, 44 to 48 Issue (in Japanese). Shogakukan. collected in Miller 2017, pp. 199–234
- ^ a b c Komuro 1985, pp. 194–195
- ^ a b c d e Muramatsu 1990, pp. 498–504
- ^ Date 1972, pp. 157–164
- ^ a b Nathan-j 2000, pp. 330–331
- ^ a b c Takamitsu Masuda (増田貴光) The nature of a beautiful man (Appendix of complete34 2003 )
- ^ a b c d Hiraoka, Shizue (1976). 暴流のごとく―三島由紀夫七回忌に [Like a turbulent current: On the seventh anniversary of Yukio Mishima's death]. Sincho, December Issue (in Japanese). Shinchosha: 96–120.
- ^ Gunzo18 1990, pp. 193–204
- ^ Eiko 2007, pp. 123–128
- ^ a b c d Inuzuka 2020, pp. 128–133
- ^ a b c d e f g h Suzuki 2005, pp. 123–126
- ^ Suzuki 2005, pp. 116–118
- ^ Itasaka&Suzuki 2010, pp. 31–33
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Jurō 2005, pp. 202–213
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Hori 1993, pp. 81–86
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af complete42 2005, pp. 334–340
- ^ Murata 2015, pp. 262–263
- ^ a b Komuro 1985, pp. 229–230
- ^ a b c d e Sakurai 2020, pp. 123–131
- ^ The photos of Mishima's altar is on Album 1983, p. 96 , Chujō1 2005, p. 117 , Inuzuka 2020, p. 141
- ^ Eiko 2007, pp. 131–132
- ^ a b Eiko 2007, pp. 132–145
- ^ a b Beau 2016, pp. 170–173
- ^ a b Muramatsu 1990, pp. 505–510
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r Matsumoto 1990, pp. 233–235
- ^ The photo of general mourners is on Album 1983, pp. 2–3 , Chujō1 2005, p. 47
- ^ Album 1983, p. 3
- ^ Satō 2020, pp. 233–237
- ^ a b c d Azusa 1996, pp. 213–220
- ^ a b c d Matsumoto 1990, pp. 235–237
- ^ Ando 1996, pp. 427–432
- ^ a b c d e f g Side 2014, pp. 164–167
- ^ a b c d Date 1972, pp. 19–28
- ^ a b c d Date 1972, pp. 203–214
- ^ Tadao Takemoto (竹本忠雄) Paris Yukoku-ki (Yukoku50 2020, pp. 186–189 )
- ^ a b c d Azusa 1996, pp. 220–232
- ^ a b Murakami 2010, pp. 181–185
- ^ a b c Date 1972, pp. 227–232
- ^ a b Date 1972 in the preface without page numbers
- ^ a b c Matsumoto 1990, p. 241
- ^ a b c d e Ando 1998, pp. 336–337
- ^ a b c Date 1972, pp. 305–318
- ^ Yamadaira 2004, pp. 123–129
- ^ a b Takashi Kawachi Seirankai (青嵐会) and Yukio Mishima (Yukoku50 2020, pp. 116–121 )
- ^ a b c d e f g complete42 2005, pp. 341–348
- ^ 「 (三島を) 恨んでも怒ってもいない」と文書で ["I neither hate nor am angry at (Mishima)," he said in a written statement.] (in Japanese). View point. 2020-11-25. Retrieved 2024-12-05.
- ^ Suzuki 2005, pp. 177–180
- ^ a b Suzuki 2005, pp. 149–152
- ^ a b Murata 2015, pp. 289–299
- ^ Hosaka 2001, pp. 43–48
- ^ Matsumoto 1990, p. 242
- ^ a b c Tokuoka 1999, pp. 301–308
- ^ a b complete42 2005, pp. 349–356
- ^ Nishi 2020, pp. 202–204
- ^ a b complete42 2005, pp. 361–367
- ^ Yamamoto 2001, pp. 14–17
- ^ Hosaka 2001, pp. 323–328
- ^ a b complete42 2005, pp. 368–374
- ^ a b c d 訃報 [Obituary] (in Japanese). Yukio Mishima Comprehensive Research Vol. 1298. 2018-11-27. Archived from the original on 2019-04-16.
- ^ a b c d e 「小川正洋さん死去「楯の会」三島事件に参加」 ["Masahiro Ogawa passes away; he participated in the Mishima Incident of the "Tatenokai"]. Chunichi Shimbun (in Japanese). 2018-11-27. Archived from the original on 2018-11-28. Retrieved 2024-11-22.
- ^ a b c Hosaka 2001, pp. 93–101
- ^ a b c d e f g h Ando 1998, pp. 242–248
- ^ a b c Encyclo 2000, pp. 528–532
- ^ a b c Satō 2020, pp. 183–189
- ^ Hirano 2023, pp. 293–297
- ^ a b Jakucho Setouchi Strange friendship (Gunzo 1971, pp. 182–188 )
- ^ a b Satō 2006, pp. 173–174
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1966-05-09). 瀬戸内晴美宛ての書簡」(昭和41年5月9日付) [Letter to Jakucho Setouchi on May 9, 1966]. none (in Japanese). collected in complete-Su 2005, p. 217
- ^ a b c d Matsumoto 1990, pp. 171–177
- ^ Jurō 2005, pp. 180–181
- ^ Encyclo 2000, pp. 504–505
- ^ a b c d e complete42 2005, pp. 278–286
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1968). 習字の伝承 [The Tradition of Calligraphy]. Women's Life, January Issue (in Japanese). collected in complete34 2003, pp. 612–614
- ^ a b Kenichi 2007, pp. 158–163
- ^ Inose-j 1999, pp. 374–388
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1968). 祖国防衛隊はなぜ必要か? [Why do we need the Japan National Guard?]. Japan National Guard pamphlet (in Japanese). collected in complete34 2003, pp. 626–643
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s Ando 1998, pp. 249–258
- ^ a b Muramatsu 1990, pp. 421–426
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1967). 青年について [About Youth]. Controversy Journal, October Issue (in Japanese). collected in complete34 2003, pp. 561–564
- ^ a b c Hayashi 1972, pp. 233–247
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Hosaka 2001, pp. 102–116
- ^ a b c d e f Suzuki 2005, pp. 12–29
- ^ a b c d e f g Nakamura 2015, pp. 86–91
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l complete42 2005, pp. 286–294
- ^ a b c d e f g Inuzuka 2020, pp. 30–35
- ^ a b c Mishima, Yukio (1967). われわれはなぜ声明を出したか―芸術は政治の道具か?(石川淳・川端康成・安部公房との座談会) [Reason why that we did issue the statement? Is art a political tool? (A roundtable discussion with Jun Ishikawa, Yasunari Kawabata, and Kōbō Abe)]. Chūō Kōron, May Issue (in Japanese): 218–327.
- ^ a b c Mishima, Yukio (1967-03-01). 文化大革命に関する声明 [Statement on the Cultural Revolution (Joint statement with Jun Ishikawa, Yasunari Kawabata, and Kōbō Abe)]. Tokyo Shimbun (in Japanese). collected in complete36 2003, p. 505
- ^ a b Postwar 2010, pp. 210–221
- ^ a b c Nishi 2020, pp. 47–54
- ^ a b c Tokuoka 1999, pp. 86–89
- ^ O-Encyclo 1976, p. 364
- ^ a b Nishi 2020, pp. 200–202
- ^ a b c d e f Matsumoto 1990, pp. 178–184
- ^ a b Mishima, Yukio (1967-06-11). 自衛隊を体験する―46日間のひそかな“入隊” [Experience the JSDF: 46 days of secret "enlistment"]. Sunday Mainichi (in Japanese): 16–20. collected in complete34 2003, pp. 404–413
- ^ a b c d Mishima, Yukio (1967-06-11). 三島帰郷兵に26の質問 [26 Questions to Returning Mishima Soldier]. Sunday Mainichi (in Japanese): 20–23. collected in complete34 2003, pp. 414–422
- ^ Sugiyama 2007, pp. 19–28
- ^ Seiichirō Sugaya Two JSDF Officers: Katsuo Kikuchi and Shigeki Nishimura (Yukoku50 2020, pp. 73–86 )
- ^ Sugiyama 2007, pp. 61–70
- ^ a b c Sugiyama 2007, pp. 102–117
- ^ a b c Nishimura 2019, pp. 13–21
- ^ a b c Side 2014, pp. 113–118
- ^ a b c Sugihara 1997, pp. 50–61
- ^ a b c Junko Sakai (酒井順子) The Ultimate Uniform Lover (Appendix of complete18 2002 )
- ^ Photos of Mishima’s first solo enlistment are in Album 1983, pp. 86–87
- ^ a b c d e f Nakamura 2015, pp. 65–69
- ^ Morita 2002, pp. 105–106
- ^ a b c Morita 2002, pp. 107–109
- ^ Morita 2002, pp. 103, 129
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1967-08-25). 菊地勝夫宛ての書簡(昭和42年8月25日付) [Letter to Katsuo Kikuchi on August 25, 1967]. none (in Japanese). collected in complete38 2004, pp. 455–457
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1967-09-24). 菊地勝夫宛ての書簡(昭和42年9月24日付) [Letter to Katsuo Kikuchi on September 24, 1967]. none (in Japanese). collected in complete38 2004, pp. 457–460
- ^ a b c d Nishi 2020, pp. 80–84
- ^ a b Mishima, Yukio (1967-08-11). 民族的憤怒を思ひ起せ―私の中のヒロシマ [Recall ethnic outrage: Hiroshima in me]. Weekly Asahi (in Japanese): 16–18. collected in complete34 2003, pp. 447–449
- ^ Tekina 2015, pp. 156–159
- ^ a b Kawaguchi 2017, pp. 148–152
- ^ a b c Mishima, Yukio (1967-10-20). インドの印象 [Impression of India]. Mainichi Shimbun Evening paper (in Japanese). collected in complete34 2003, pp. 585–594
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1967-10-20). 菊地勝夫宛ての書簡(昭和42年10月20日付) [Letter to Katsuo Kikuchi on October 20, 1967]. none (in Japanese). collected in complete38 2004, p. 460
- ^ O-Encyclo 1976, p. 569
- ^ Toku-Keene 2020, pp. 11–13
- ^ Tokuoka 1999, pp. 121–132
- ^ a b c Encyclo 2000, p. 456
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1967-10-23). インド通信 [India News]. The Asahi Shimbun Evening paper (in Japanese). collected in complete34 2003, pp. 595–600
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1968-09-01). 栄誉の絆でつなげ菊と刀 [Connect them with bonds of honor, Chrysanthemum and Sword]. Nihon Oyobi Nihonjin (Seikyosha) (in Japanese). collected in complete35 2003, pp. 188–199
- ^ a b c d Hosaka 2001, pp. 116–127
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Inose-j 1999, pp. 394–406
- ^ a b c d Yamamoto 1980, pp. 66–68 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 56–60
- ^ Yamamoto 1980, pp. 46–52 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 51–56
- ^ Yamamoto 1980, pp. 66–68
- ^ Yamamoto 2001, pp. 133–137
- ^ a b Mochi 2010, pp. 138–139
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Ando 1998, pp. 259–265
- ^ Hiroshi Mochimaru (持丸博) The Tatenokai and the Controversy Journal (Appendix of complete32 2003 )
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o complete42 2005, pp. 294–303
- ^ The photo of the blood oath is on Yoshiko 2020, p. 104
- ^ a b c d e Azusa 1996, pp. 165–178
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Hosaka 2001, pp. 127–142
- ^ a b c d e f g h Yoshiko 2020, pp. 92–111
- ^ a b c d e Inuzuka 2020, pp. 35–40
- ^ a b c Morita 2002, pp. 117–119
- ^ a b c Nakamura 2015, pp. 91–97
- ^ a b Miyazaki 1999, pp. 231–235
- ^ a b c d Nishi 2020, pp. 176–186
- ^ a b c Nakamura 2015, pp. 97–103
- ^ Date 1972, pp. 197–202
- ^ Miyazaki 1999, pp. 235–239
- ^ Nakamura 2015, pp. 103–110
- ^ Inuzuka 2020, pp. 47–51
- ^ a b c Muramatsu 1990, pp. 457–462
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1968-03-18). 三輪良雄宛ての書簡(昭和43年3月18日付) [Letter to Yoshio Miyoshi on March 18, 1968]. none (in Japanese). collected in complete38 2004, pp. 927–930
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1968-04-17). 三輪良雄宛ての書簡(昭和43年4月17日付) [Letter to Yoshio Miyoshi on April 17, 1968]. none (in Japanese). collected in complete38 2004, pp. 930–931
- ^ a b Azusa 1996, pp. 178–188
- ^ a b c d e f g Hosaka 2001, pp. 143–157
- ^ a b Mishima, Yukio (1968-04-17). 菊地勝夫宛ての書簡(昭和43年4月17日付) [Letter to Katsuo Kikuchi on April 17, 1968]. none (in Japanese). collected in complete38 2004, pp. 463–464
- ^ Yoshiko 2020, pp. 32–39
- ^ A commemorative photos under the cherry blossom trees are in Suzuki 2005, p. 29 , Yoshiko 2020, pp. 33, 37
- ^ a b c d Suzuki 2005, pp. 48–58
- ^ a b c Nakamura 2015, pp. 155–163
- ^ a b c Matsumoto 1990, pp. 185–192
- ^ a b Yamamoto 1980, pp. 96–99 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 98–101
- ^ a b c Yamamoto 1980, pp. 111–116 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 116–118
- ^ a b Morita 2002, pp. 123–124
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Ando 1998, pp. 265–272
- ^ a b Inuzuka 2020, pp. 41–46
- ^ a b Yamamoto 1980, pp. 129–131 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 130–133
- ^ Osawa 2018, pp. 15–21
- ^ a b c d Hirano 2023, pp. 504–511
- ^ a b Manyo-kado 2001, pp. 224–225
- ^ a b c d Jurō 2005, pp. 164–165
- ^ Suzuki 2005, pp. 30–39
- ^ Manyo5-iwa 2015, pp. 232–233
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1968-10-03). 国家革新の原理―学生とのティーチ・イン その二 [Principle of National Innovation: Teach in with Students No.2]. Waseda University Okuma Auditorium (in Japanese). collected in complete40 2004, pp. 257–269 , Culture 2006, pp. 274–295
- ^ a b Inuzuka 2020, pp. 55–60
- ^ a b Yamamoto 1980, pp. 132–134 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 137–140
- ^ a b c d e Hosaka 2001, pp. 158–174
- ^ a b c d e f Yamamoto 1980, pp. 134–138 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 140–145
- ^ a b c d Nishimura 2019, pp. 40–52
- ^ a b c Mishima, Yukio (1968-11-20). 素人防衛論 [Amateur Defense Theory]. Lecture at the National Defense Academy of Japan (in Japanese). collected in complete-Su 2005, pp. 174–188
- ^ a b Murata 2015, pp. 46–48
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Muramatsu 1990, pp. 462–468
- ^ Nishimura 2019, pp. 98–104
- ^ a b Hiroyuki Agawa Memories of Yukio Mishima (Gunzo 1971, pp. 179–182 )
- ^ a b c Shiine 2009, pp. 58–68
- ^ a b c Yamamoto 1980, pp. 140–143 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 146–150
- ^ a b Hosaka 2001, pp. 174–183
- ^ Inose-j 1999, pp. 410–420
- ^ Yamamoto 1980, pp. 143–148 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 150–154
- ^ a b c Yamamoto 1980, pp. 148–149 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 155–156
- ^ a b c d e Yamamoto 2001, pp. 192–197
- ^ a b c d Mochi 2010, pp. 139–143
- ^ Yamamoto 1980, pp. 35–39 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 60–64
- ^ a b Mishima, Yukio (1969). 反革命宣言 [Counter-Revolution Manifesto]. Controversy Journal, February Issue (in Japanese). collected in complete35 2003, pp. 389–405 , Culture 2006, pp. 9–32
- ^ a b Yamamoto 2001, pp. 197–200
- ^ a b Yamamoto 2001, pp. 215–218
- ^ a b Hosaka 2001, pp. 183–188
- ^ a b c d e f Ando 1998, pp. 272–279
- ^ a b c Mochi 2010, pp. 184–189
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v complete42 2005, pp. 304–315
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1969). 大いなる過渡期の論理―行動する作家の思弁と責任(高橋和巳との対談) [The Logic of the great transition period: Speculation and Responsibility of a writer who takes action (dialogue with Kazumi Takahashi)]. Ushio, November Issue (in Japanese): 78–91. collected in complete40 2004, pp. 516–536
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1969). 現代における右翼と左翼―リモコン左翼に誠なし(林房雄との対談) [Right-wing and left-wing in modern times: There is no sincerity in the remote control left wing (dialogue with Fusao Hayashi)]. Ryudo, December Issue (in Japanese): 234–245. collected in complete40 2004, pp. 567–583
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1970-01-01). 二・二六将校と全学連学生との断絶(堤清二との対談) [The Gap Between the February 26 incident Officers and the Zengakuren (dialogue with Seiji Tsutsumi)]. Zaikai, January 1 and 15 issue (in Japanese): 102–106. collected in complete40 2004, pp. 584–592
- ^ a b c d Matsumoto 1990, pp. 193–201
- ^ Morita 2002, p. 128
- ^ a b Nakamura 2015, pp. 127–135
- ^ Nakamura 2015, pp. 137–144
- ^ Nakamura 2015, pp. 144–149
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1969). 若きサムラヒのために―政治について [For the Young Samrahi: About Politics]. Pocket Punch Oh!, May Issue (in Japanese). collected in Samurai 1996, pp. 19–23 , complete35 2003, pp. 58–60
- ^ a b Shiine 2009, pp. 68–72
- ^ a b c Yamamoto 1980, pp. 155–158 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 161–166
- ^ a b c d Yamamoto 1980, pp. 159–163 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 166–170
- ^ a b c d e f Hosaka 2001, pp. 189–198
- ^ a b Scott-Stokes 1985, pp. 295–304
- ^ a b Jurō 2005, pp. 228–232
- ^ a b Tokuoka 1999, pp. 181–182
- ^ a b c d e f Nakamura 2015, pp. 168–175
- ^ a b Scott-Stokes 1985, pp. 13–16
- ^ Yamamoto 1980, pp. 167–170 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 172–175
- ^ Yamamoto 1980, pp. 170–173 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 175–179
- ^ a b Mishima, Yukio (1969). 自衛隊二分論 [Bisection of JSDF]. 20th century, April Issue (in Japanese). collected in complete35 2003, pp. 434–446
- ^ a b Nishimura 2019, pp. 224–227
- ^ a b Yamamoto 1980, pp. 173–175 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 179–180
- ^ a b Mishima, Yukio (1969). 砂漠の住民への論理的弔辞―討論を終へて [Alogical eulogy for the desert dwellers: Closing the debate]. none (in Japanese). collected in Zenkyōtō 1969, pp. 124–143 , complete35 2003, pp. 474–489
- ^ a b c d e Hosaka 2001, pp. 199–213
- ^ Photos from the debate with Zenkyōtō are in Album 1983, pp. 90–91 , Chujō1 2005, p. 99 , Inuzuka 2020, p. 77
- ^ Murakami 2010, pp. 150–156
- ^ Donald 2012, p. 264
- ^ a b c d e f Yamamoto 1980, pp. 185–188 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 202–207
- ^ a b Yamamoto 1980, pp. 195–197 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 207–212
- ^ Yamamoto 2001, pp. 200–202
- ^ a b c d e f g h Yamamoto 2001, pp. 212–215
- ^ Yamamoto 1980, pp. 27–29
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Hosaka 2001, pp. 223–240
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1969-08-04). 川端康成宛ての書簡(昭和44年8月4日付) [Letter to Yasunari Kawabata on August 4, 1969]. none (in Japanese). collected in Correspondence-K 2000, pp. 196–200 , complete38 2004, pp. 306–309
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s Ando 1998, pp. 280–286
- ^ a b c Yamamoto 1980, pp. 190–193 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 186–189
- ^ a b c d Nakamura 2015, pp. 163–168
- ^ a b c Mochi 2010, pp. 129–138
- ^ Murakami 2010, pp. 41–45
- ^ a b c Inuzuka 2020, pp. 81–84
- ^ a b Yoshiko 2020, pp. 88–92
- ^ Yoshiko 2020, pp. 167–174
- ^ a b c d Yumiko 2024, pp. 14–35
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t Ando 1998, pp. 302–311
- ^ Suzuki 2005, pp. 169–172
- ^ Nakamura 2015, pp. 254–259
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Inose-j 1999, pp. 420–433
- ^ Nishi 2020, pp. 89–91
- ^ Satō 2020, pp. 205–209
- ^ a b Nishi 2020, pp. 86–89
- ^ Yoichi Nakagawa (中河与一) Rise of the Soul (Roman 1975, pp. 126–128 )
- ^ a b Muramatsu 1990, pp. 488–492
- ^ Ando 1996, p. 59
- ^ a b Sakurai 2020, pp. 38–44
- ^ a b c Murata 2023, pp. 51–68
- ^ Dialogue between Richi Kuriyama (栗山理一), Tsutomu Ikeda (池田勉) and Yasuhiko Tsukamoto (塚本康彦) A Heroic Poetic Spirit that pursued Elegance – Zenmei Hasuda Zenmei: His lifelong Passion (Roman 1975, pp. 106–124 )
- ^ Sakurai 2020, pp. 45–48
- ^ a b c d e Date 1972, pp. 233–244
- ^ a b c d e Yamamoto 1980, pp. 206–212 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 219–224
- ^ a b c d e Hosaka 2001, pp. 241–254
- ^ a b c d e f g Hosaka 2001, pp. 255–263
- ^ a b Mishima, Yukio (1969-12-29). 尚武の心と憤怒の抒情―文化・ネーション・革命(村上一郎との対談) [Martial Spirit and Lyricism of Rage: Culture, Nation, Revolution (dialogue with Ichirō Murakami)]. Japan Reading Newspaper, December 29 and January 5 Combined Issue (in Japanese). collected in complete40 2004, pp. 608–621
- ^ a b c d e f g Ando 1998, pp. 287–293
- ^ a b c d e f g Yamamoto 1980, pp. 226–229 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 224–230
- ^ a b c d e f g h complete42 2005, pp. 315–329
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af Hosaka 2001, pp. 263–287
- ^ a b c d e Mishima, Yukio (1970). 独楽 [Spinning top]. Henkyo, September Issue (in Japanese): 89–91. collected in Wandering 1995, pp. 268–273 , complete36 2003, pp. 311–315
- ^ a b c d e Tokuoka 1999, pp. 207–211
- ^ a b c d e Seikai 2000, pp. 60–67
- ^ a b Mishima, Yukio (1970-02-27). ドナルド・キーン宛ての書簡(昭和45年2月27日付) [Letter to Donald Keene on February 27, 1970]. none (in Japanese). collected in Letter-keene 2001, pp. 190–192 , complete38 2004, pp. 447–449
- ^ Suzuki 2005, pp. 59–71
- ^ Yamamoto 1980, pp. 238–239
- ^ Hirano 2023, pp. 341–351
- ^ a b c d Mishima, Yukio (1970). 問題提起 (一)新憲法における「日本」の欠落 [Problem presentation 1: The Absence of "Japan" in the postwar new Constitution]. "Constitutional Amendment Draft Study Group" Handouts in May (in Japanese). collected in complete36 2003, pp. 118–128
- ^ a b c Muramatsu 1990, pp. 474–480
- ^ a b c Komuro 1985, pp. 177–178
- ^ Mochi 2010, pp. 200–203
- ^ Mochi 2010, pp. 219–220
- ^ a b Tekina 2015, pp. 167–173
- ^ a b c d e f g h Nakamura 2015, pp. 175–182
- ^ a b Nathan-j 2000, p. 321
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1970-06-11). 士道について―石原慎太郎への公開状 [On Bushido: An Open Letter to Shintaro Ishihara]. Mainichi Shimbun Evening paper (in Japanese). collected in complete36 2003, pp. 179–182
- ^ Komuro 1985, pp. 182–183
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1970-08-10). 山本舜勝宛ての書簡(昭和45年8月10日付) [Letter to Kiyokatsu Yamamoto on August 10, 1970]. none (in Japanese). collected in complete38 2004, pp. 946–947
- ^ Yamamoto 1980, pp. 15–26 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 66–74
- ^ Komuro 1985, pp. 200–204
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1978-08-01). 武士道と軍国主義 [Bushido and Militarism]. Monthly Playboy (in Japanese). collected in complete36 2003, pp. 247–266
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1978-08-01). 正規軍と不正規軍 [Regular and Irregular Armies]. Monthly Playboy (in Japanese). collected in complete36 2003, pp. 267–270
- ^ complete36 2003, p. 691
- ^ a b Mishima, Yukio (1970-07-07). 果たし得てゐない約束―私の中の二十五年 [Promises that I Have Not Fulfilled: 25 years in me]. Sankei Shimbun Evening paper (in Japanese). collected in complete36 2003, pp. 212–215 , Culture 2006, pp. 369–373
- ^ Muramatsu 1990, pp. 492–498
- ^ a b c d e f Matsumoto 1990, pp. 202–213
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac Nakamura 2015, pp. 182–191
- ^ Nakamura 2015, pp. 43–49
- ^ The photo is on Scott-Stokes 1998 gravure page
- ^ a b Mishima, Yukio (1970-09-25). 滝ヶ原分屯地は第二の我が家 [Camp Takigahara is my second home]. Takigahara, First Issue (in Japanese). collected in complete36 2003, pp. 348–349
- ^ Murata 2015, pp. 236–239, 246
- ^ Nishimura 2019, pp. 155–161
- ^ Scott-Stokes 1985, pp. 25–27
- ^ a b c Azusa 1996, pp. 103–112
- ^ a b c d Mishima, Yukio (1970-09-03). 我が国の自主防衛について [About Self-defense of Our country]. Lecture at the 3rd Shinsei Doshikai Youth Politics Workshop (in Japanese). collected in complete36 2003, pp. 319–347 , complete41 2004 CD No.4
- ^ a b Tekina 2015, pp. 70–73 , Tekina 2020, pp. 217–224
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z Hosaka 2001, pp. 288–302
- ^ a b c d Suzuki 2005, pp. 98–100
- ^ A commemorative photo of the five is Album 1983, p. 92 , Inuzuka 2020, p. 107
- ^ Suzuki 2005, pp. 91–92
- ^ a b Toyoo 2006, pp. 97–102
- ^ a b Murata 2015, pp. 122–126
- ^ Side 2014, pp. 119–123
- ^ a b Inuzuka 2020, pp. 97–101
- ^ a b c Yamamoto 1980, pp. 251–256 , Yamamoto 2001, pp. 230–237
- ^ a b c d e f g Reseach24 2024, pp. 156–157
- ^ Yumiko 2024, pp. 134–139
- ^ a b c d e f Yumiko 2024, pp. 176–189
- ^ Yumiko 2024, pp. 240–241
- ^ Mochi 2010, pp. 170–175
- ^ a b Correspondence-K 2000, pp. 234–237
- ^ a b Nishi, Houtaro (2012-04-17). 三島由紀夫と川端康成(補遺2) [Yukio Mishima and Yasunari Kawabata (Addendum 2)] (in Japanese). Yukio Mishima Comprehensive Research Vol.636. Archived from the original on 2016-03-05.
- ^ a b Azusa2 1974, pp. 115–127
- ^ Suzuki 2005, pp. 95–96
- ^ a b c d e Mishima, Yukio (1970-12-12). 三島由紀夫 最後の言葉(古林尚との対談) [Yukio Mishima: Last words (dialogue with Takashi Furubayashi)]. Book Newspaper, December 12 and January 1 Issue (in Japanese). collected in Gunzo18 1990, pp. 205–228 , complete40 2004, pp. 739–782
- ^ a b Kitakage 2006, pp. 118–128
- ^ Must 1998, pp. 38–39
- ^ a b Cite error: The named reference
date-2a”
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Tokuoka 1999, pp. 212–218
- ^ a b c Jurō 2005, pp. 23–33
- ^ Inuzuka 2020, pp. 105–114
- ^ Scott-Stokes 1985, pp. 112–114
- ^ Okuno 2000, pp. 445–448
- ^ Encyclo 2000, pp. 335–345
- ^ Miyoko 2006, pp. 17–25
- ^ Inoue 2010, pp. 27–44
- ^ Osawa 2018, pp. 29–36
- ^ a b c d Hosaka 2001, pp. 27–34
- ^ complete38 2004, pp. 989–990
- ^ a b c Murata 2015, pp. 150–155
- ^ a b Mishima, Yukio (1970). 倉持清宛ての手紙(昭和45年11月) [Letter to Kiyoshi Kuramochi on November 1945]. none (in Japanese). collected in Hosaka 2001, pp. 49–52 , complete38 2004, pp. 495–496
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1970). 「楯の会会員たりし諸君へ」(昭和45年11月) [To you all members of the Tatenokai, on November 1945]. none (in Japanese). collected in Hosaka 2001, pp. 53–55 ,complete38 2004, pp. 672–673
- ^ The photo of the letter To you all members of the Tatenokai is on Inuzuka 2020, pp. 126–127
- ^ a b Dialogue between Taijun Takeda and Takeshi Muramatsu Suicide of Yukio Mishima (Shincho1 1971, pp. 152–169
- ^ a b Shibata 2012, pp. 25–29
- ^ a b Tekina 2015, pp. 185–188
- ^ a b c Toda 1978, pp. 37–54
- ^ Mitani 1999, pp. 140–145
- ^ Hayashi 1972, pp. 61–70
- ^ a b c Chujō1 2005, pp. 34–35
- ^ a b Memo-Keene 2019, pp. 96–98
- ^ Encyclo 2000, pp. 623–625
- ^ Donald 2012, p. 286
- ^ Encyclo 2000, pp. 567–570
- ^ Chikako 1996, pp. 25–40
- ^ a b Chikako 1996, pp. 100–126
- ^ Kasuya 2006, pp. 163–168
- ^ a b Murakami 2010, pp. 133–136
- ^ a b Mishima, Yukio (1967). 美しい死 [Beautiful Death]. "Things that protect peace" Tanaka Shoten (in Japanese). collected in complete34 2003, pp. 440–441
- ^ Tokuoka 1999, pp. 193–196
- ^ Mishima, Yukio (1967-01-01). 年頭の迷ひ [Hesitation at the Beginning of the Year]. Yomiuri Shimbun (in Japanese). collected in complete34 2003, pp. 284–287
- ^ Must 1998, p. 45
- ^ Nathan-j 2000, pp. 121–127
- ^ Donald 2012, pp. 237–239
- ^ Hirano 2023, pp. 43–47
- ^ Shohei Chujō Beyond Death, Eroticism, and Despair: Yukio Mishima's Final Message - "The source of happiness","Resistance to Mass Society" (Chujō1 2005, pp. 245–251 )
- ^ Domoto 2005, pp. 59–68, 132–139
- ^ Mutsuo Takahashi Aspiration to gain presence - The key that unlocks the secret left by Mishima (Chujō2 2005, pp. 171–179 )
- ^ a b Tokuoka 1999, pp. 231–233
- ^ a b c Ito 2006, pp. 192–196
- ^ a b Itasaka&Suzuki 2010, pp. 35–38
- ^ Nakayasu 1973, pp. 48–58
- ^ a b c d e f Itasaka&Suzuki 2010, pp. 94–107
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
nakayasu
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Scott-Stokes 1985, pp. 77–81
- ^ a b Must 1998, pp. 46–47
- ^ Ito 2006, pp. 24–27
- ^ a b c Satō 2020, pp. 2–12
- ^ a b Hamasaki 2020, pp. 26–31
- ^ a b Hirano 2023, pp. 32–40
- ^ Muramatsu 1990, pp. 443–449
- ^ Okuno 2000, pp. 466, 473–475
- ^ Ito 2006, pp. 57–64
- ^ Hamasaki 2020, pp. 105–112
- ^ Hamasaki 2020, pp. 113–120
- ^ a b Azusa 1996, pp. 69–72
- ^ a b c Scott-Stokes 1985, pp. 130–133
- ^ a b c Nathan-j 2000, pp. 76–80
- ^ a b c Jurō 2005, pp. 65–74, 134–139
- ^ a b Ito 2006, pp. 73–85
- ^ a b c Hirano 2023, pp. 68–70
- ^ a b c d Izumi Hasegawa (長谷川泉) General Discussion: The End of the Aesthetics of Colored Picture Glass (Esprit 1971, pp. 9–27 )
- ^ a b c d e f Yukito Yamauchi (山内由紀人) Yukio Mishima's Return home (Heimkehr): On Zenmei Hasuda and Fusao Hayashi (E-CollecionI 2001, pp. 135–147 )
- ^ a b c Sugiyama 2007, pp. 130–140
- ^ Mitani 1999, pp. 88–94
- ^ Hirano 2023, pp. 61–64
- ^ a b c d e f Nakayasu 1973, pp. 58–60
- ^ a b Sarma 2001, pp. 254–264
- ^ a b Hirano 2023, pp. 629–635
- ^ Kitakage 2006, pp. 67–71
- ^ Jirō Odakane (小高根二郎) The Implied Contract between Zenmei and Yukio (Shincho2 1971, pp. 52–58 )
- ^ memorial 1999, pp. 100–105
- ^ a b c O-Encyclo 1976, pp. 312–313
- ^ a b Jurō 2005, pp. 151–156
- ^ Kenichi 1990, pp. 8–15, 158–167
- ^ Kitakage 2006, pp. 72–78
- ^ a b c Shima 2010, pp. 262–263
- ^ Reiji Andō (安藤礼二) Eternal Summer: Zenmei Hasuda and Yukio Mishima (War70 2011, pp. 38–41 )
- ^ a b Jirō Odakane Zenmei Hasuda and his death (Modern61 1970, pp. 461–471 )
- ^ Kitakage 2006, pp. 78–85
- ^ a b Mishima, Yukio (1946-11-17). 故蓮田善明への献詩 [A poem dedicated to the late Zenmei Hasuda]. Omokage (in Japanese). collected in complete37 2004, p. 762 , Roman 1975 frontispiece photo
- ^ Kenichi 1990, pp. 158–167
- ^ a b c Chiseko Tanaka Mishima lives among people far from his suicide (Chujō2 2005, pp. 310–318 )
- ^ Kitakage 2006, pp. 86–92
- ^ a b c Mitsuru Yoshida The suffering of Yukio Mishima (Eureka 1976, pp. 56–64 ) collected in Yoshida2 1986, pp. 127–143 , Yoshida 2015, pp. 70–88
- ^ a b Postwar 2010, pp. 136–146
- ^ a b Sugiyama 2007, pp. 201–206
- ^ Dialogue between Takehiko Noguchi and Bunzō Hashikawa The Shōwa era as a Contemporaneous period (Eureka 1976, pp. 135–138 ) collected in Hashikawa 1998, pp. 208–214
- ^ a b Miyoji Ueda (上田三四二) Writting Style and his Flesh (Gunzo 1971, pp. 199–204 )
- ^ Gunzo18 1990, pp. 48–54
- ^ N-Reader 1990, pp. 180–186
- ^ a b c d e Shibata 2012, pp. 256–267
- ^ Nishimura 2019, pp. 53–58
- ^ Isoda, Kōichi; Shimada, Masahiko (1986). 模造文化の時代 [The Era of Imitation Culture]. Shincho, August Issue (in Japanese): 120–140.
- ^ Kenichi 2007, pp. 112–128
- ^ a b Izawa, Kinemaro (1970-12-17). なぜ11月25日が特に選ばれたか [Why was November 25 specifically chosen?]. Shūkan Gendai (in Japanese). Kodansha.
- ^ 旧暦カレンダー 1970年11月 [Lunisolar calendar - November 1970] (in Japanese). WEB STUDIO ARACHNE.
- ^ a b Miyazaki 2014, pp. 241–250
- ^ Scott-Stokes 2012, pp. 168–170
- ^ a b Mishima, Yukio (1949). 「仮面の告白」ノート ["Confessions of a Mask" Notes]. Appendix of Confessions of a Mask (Kawade Shobō) (in Japanese). collected in complete27 2003, pp. 190–191
- ^ a b Inoue 2010, pp. 245–250
- ^ a b Takashi Inoue (井上隆史) The psychological trajectory leading to the suicide inferred from new materials: The meaning of reexamining Mishima today - Rereading "Confessions of a Mask": "The Decay of the Angel" Notes, and the meaning of November 25 (Chujō2 2005, pp. 51–54 )
- ^ Donald 2012, pp. 232–233
- ^ a b Hirano 2023, pp. 425–428
- ^ Kōichirō Tomioka (富岡幸一郎) Yukio Mishima's 100 Years: Fragments (Quarterly98 2024, pp. 43–45 )
- ^ a b c d Gunzo18 1990, pp. 78–88
- ^ Ito 2002, p. 157
- ^ a b c Side 2014, pp. 168–170
- ^ Satō 2020, pp. 233–235
- ^ a b c d Masahiko Shimada Thirty Years Without Yukio Mishima, dialogue with Yoshikichi Furui and Keiichiro Hirano (Shincho30 2000, pp. 322–340 )
- ^ a b Miyoko Tnanaka Mishima Incident (Encyclo 2000, pp. 604–606 )
- ^ a b Album 1983, pp. 94–95
- ^ a b c 三島由紀夫 自決9カ月前の肉声…TBSに録音テープ [Yukio Mishima's voice that 9 months before his suicide: TBS has a recording]. Mainichi Shimbun (in Japanese). 2017-01-12. Archived from the original on 2017-01-12. Retrieved 2024-12-04.
- ^ a b c d 三島由紀夫「平和憲法は偽善。憲法は、日本人に死ねと言っている」TBSが未公開テープの一部を公開・放送 [Yukio Mishima: "The Peace Constitution is hypocritical. The Constitution tells the Japanese people to die." TBS releases and broadcasts part of an unreleased tape]. Sankei Shimbun (in Japanese). 2017-01-12. Archived from the original on 2021-12-05. Retrieved 2024-12-04.
- ^ a b c d New discovery: Unreleased interview from nine months before his suicide - Yukio Mishima's true confession (Gunzo 2017, pp. 119–137 )
- ^ a b c Hideto Kojima Afterword: About the discovery - Towards Brilliance (TBS 2000, pp. 177–206 )
- ^ Hirano 2023, pp. 351–354
- ^ a b Yukio Mishima (Dialogue with John Bester) Yukio Mishima, Unpublished interview (TBS 2000, pp. 5–74 )
- ^ a b c Furubayashi, Takashi (1970-12-12). 私は「死」を打ち明けられていた [I had be confided about "death" from him.]. Shūkan Gendai - Special Issue: Yukio Mishima Emergency Special Issue (in Japanese). Kodansha.
- ^ Side 2014, pp. 152–155
- ^ Takeshi Muramatsu Mishima's Death and Yasunari Kawabata – 3 (Shincho20 1990, pp. 200–203 ) collected in Seio 1994, pp. 23–29
- ^ Itasaka 2017, p. 42
- ^ Enzai 2011, pp. 130–137
- ^ Enzai 2011, pp. 186–191
- ^ a b c d e f Naoki Inose The Stage of Erased History: The "Last Literary Figure" Who died in the "Postwar" era: "Mishima is amazing, cause, he died." (Chujō1 2005, pp. 145–153 )
- ^ a b c d e f Miyazaki 2014, pp. 229–233
- ^ Shima 2010, pp. 299–301
- ^ a b c d e Tadanori Yokoo In Memory of Ken Takakura: Film of Yukio Mishima that became an illusion (C-Kōron 2015, pp. 200–201 )
- ^ a b Boris Akunin Russian writer Mishinka (Irmela 2010, pp. 9–14 )
- ^ a b Hori 1993, pp. 329–332
- ^ a b Kumano 2020, pp. 263–264
- ^ Shibata 2012, pp. 274–275
- ^ a b c d e Hori 1993, pp. 332–336
- ^ a b c Shibata 2012, pp. 275–276
- ^ a b c Kumano 2020, pp. 264–266
- ^ Morita 2002, p. 60
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Hori 1993, pp. 336–339
- ^ a b c Hosaka 2001, pp. 355–358
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s Kumano 2020, pp. 266–270
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Shibata 2012, pp. 276–279
- ^ a b Murata 2015, pp. 11–21
- ^ a b c d Postwar 2010, p. 242
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Hosaka 2001, pp. 359–362
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Hosaka 2001, pp. 363–371
- ^ Nishio, Kanji (2011-02-26). 三島由紀夫の自決と日本の核武装(その五) [Yukio Mishima's suicide and Japan's nuclear armament (part 5)] (in Japanese). Kanji Nishio's Internet Diary. Archived from the original on 2018-06-14. Retrieved 2024-12-14.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Shibata 2012, p. 279
- ^ a b c d e Kumano 2020, p. 270
- ^ a b c Chujō1 2005, pp. 49–51
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Hori 1993, pp. 339–342
- ^ Itasaka 2017, p. 11
- ^ a b c d e f g h Hosaka 2001, pp. 371–373
- ^ Matsumoto 1990, pp. 242–243
- ^ Michihiro Kakii What does the film "MISHIMA", which has not been released in Japan, depict and how was it received? (E-CollecionIII 2001, pp. 229–240 )
- ^ 11.25自決の日 三島由紀夫と若者たち「時代への落とし前」の迫力 [11/25 The Day Mishima Chose His Own Fate: The power of "the settling the score to the times"]. The Nikkei Eveing paper (in Japanese). 2012-06-01. Retrieved 2024-12-08.
- ^ Ando 1996, p. 447
- ^ 三島由紀夫へ、劇画からの熱い「返礼」 [To Yukio Mishima, the passionate “returns” from Gekiga]. Yomiuri Shimbun (in Japanese). 2020-11-12. Archived from the original on 2020-11-12. Retrieved 2024-12-08.
- ^ Eureka 2005, pp. 46–47
- ^ みずから我が涙をぬぐいたまう日(CiNii)
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v Origin 2016, pp. 184–191
- ^ 三島由紀夫の首(CiNii)
- ^ a b c d Origin 2016, pp. 173–182
- ^ Hideo Levy Commentary (Kaga 1993, pp. 614–621 )
- ^ 帝都物語 (CiNii)
- ^ 帝都物語 第伍番 (5) (角川文庫)(Da Vinci News)
- ^ Ogiwara 2000 obi band
- ^ a b Hisaki Matsuura The great mystery called Mishima(Postwar 2010, pp. 54–63 )
- ^ 三島転生(CiNii)
- ^ 不可能(CiNii)
- ^ 森村泰昌「美の教室-静聴せよ」展
- ^ a b Takemoto 1998, pp. 95–117
- ^ Shincho1 1971, p. 192
- ^ a b c Miyazaki 1999, pp. 257–260
- ^ a b Genki Fujii Genki Haikai No. 85 (Nippon 2008, pp. 140–141 )
See also
[edit]- On Hagakure: The Samurai Ethic and Modern Japan (葉隠入門, Hagakure Nyūmon)
- Miyabi
- Ōshio Heihachirō
- Prince of Lanling (蘭陵王, Ryanryo ou)
- Shōwa Restoration
- The Birth of Tragedy
- Yalta-Potsdam System (YP体制, YP taisei)