Talk:Mandal Commission

Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment

This article was the subject of a Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment, between 29 August 2019 and 5 December 2019. Further details are available on the course page. Student editor(s): Mobeenb98.

Above undated message substituted from Template:Dashboard.wikiedu.org assignment by PrimeBOT (talk) 03:14, 17 January 2022 (UTC)

India is 'democracy' and NOT 'meritocracy' like Singapore.

Hence it is imperative to appreciate socio-economic and cultural 'diversity' in Governance (Legislature,Judiciary,Administration) and in Private Institutions (Reliance, Infosys etc) in India.

Government should implement 'reservations' in Judiciary and in Private Institutions as per Caste and Religious census in India.

52% of Judges should be from OBC.

29% Judges should be Dalits and Tribals.

Remaining Judges should be from other castes.

But first of all, they should be asssholes.

--known-- (talk) 09:15, 10 April 2008 (UTC)

Social injustice

Reservations are legislative response to historical social injustices. Can we scrap reservations if 80% of marriages in India are inter-religious or inter-caste?

why do we need reservations first of all???

-YOU don't need reservations. That man you see on the road, repairing people's footwear for generations because society tells him he is no good, HIS SON needs reservation in admission to premiere education institutes and govt. jobs, so that he has a sizable advantage to counter the disadvantages he faces at home, like domestic violence, utter poverty, bad health, one-meal-a-day and the like. This advantage to ensure he has an opportunity to avoid replacing his father on that roadside shackle one day repairing your shoes.

---

need source for recent edit on Rajeev Goswami's immolation being a rumour. Will remove shortly, otherwise. --Pranathi 22:34, 7 November 2005 (UTC)

I think there is plenty documentary evidence that this self-immolation took place, no? Or are you just playing devil's advocate?

A hoax created by media soon the guy appeared for interview and later dumbed by press/media.HW 08:05, 17 July 2006 (UTC)

---

What Social Justice do the Mandal Commission is Talking about is only the past. If go for reservation based on Mandal Commission's recommendation, i think we are heading for yet another creation of inequality. May be the Commission's findings are true in a sense. But the solution cannot be the best. All the recommendations made in the commission' report basically provides a space for the so called backward people' economic upliftment at the cost of depriving the so called forward communities. Given a school & free education, if a community doesn't want to read then it is solely their problem. Govt can create awareness & provide a level playing field only but not reservation. Reservations what so ever is present today is again used by the developed part of the backward community & it never reaches to whom it is meant for. Scrap the reservations based on social status & if necessary reservations shall be given on economic status alone. Seismorevanth (talk) 13:12, 6 February 2012 (UTC) seismorevanth Seismorevanth (talk) 13:12, 6 February 2012 (UTC)

Neutrality in question

The Neutrality of the article is in question.Only the negatives have been pointed out.A non neutral background and just two other sections 'protest' and 'criticisms' all mean the same thing. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Unknownworld (talk • contribs)

"Protest" and "Criticism" do not represent the same thing. "Protest" tells the way some people protested against the implementation of the suggestions of the commission, whereas "Criticism" tells - as expected- the criticism raised against the suggestions i.e. the rationale.

Also, points raised in favour and against have been discussed, though points in favour are un-referenced.--Dwaipayan (talk) 09:30, 18 July 2006 (UTC)

1. To any reasonable mind, it is clear that the reference to the equivalence of "protests" and "criticism" here is semantic and not linguistic as the response naively assumes. They both present the same point of view and contribute to the quantitative predominance of an anti-reservation stance. (even if it fails to match up qualitatively)

2. There is no attempt by the authors to put the problem in a historical context as without it it is impossible to understand the fact that "Mandal Episode" is just one of the many facets of the social justice movement in independent india which followed the political empowerment of dalits and the other subalterns and allowed them to express themselves politically through the vote.

3. The author also failed to incorporate any sociological insight, most sociologist regard that india today (in fact since some time now) is in the midst of a genuine, overdue and legitimate readjustment of the social equilibrium in favor of a more just social order after centuries of sustaining an unjust status quo.

4. Most (though not all) the points presented in the section titled "Arguments against reservations" lead up to spurious and debatable references themselves. By no means does any of the material referenced prove the arguments beyond doubt and even not to a level of reasonableness .

5. The authors have completely missed a comparative analysis or at least a reference to the prevalence of anti-discrimination policies in other liberal democracies around the world, this would have greatly helped a reader in forming a judgement keeping in view the larger issues.

6. Finally, a subjective criticism - the tone of the article looks to present ant-reservationist stand as logical and well thought , whereas the author has not taken even half the effort to present logical in favour of reservations .. being contended only by revisiting what the mandal report itself lists

Kindly consider balancing the tilt of the article and i'll be happy to help in case the author wants me to. regards ```` javascript:insertTags('112.110.74.65 (talk) 19:38, 22 April 2010 (UTC)',,)Siddharth Kaushal

 This article is not neutral because the author has stated facts and views. A fact can't be politically correct, because it can only be either true or false. But a stand alone fact does not prove or disprove any point. So the ways to counter a fact are two. One, by stating another fact which reveals another side  of the issue being discussed,two, by proving that the said fact is erroneous. 
 A view-point can't also be politically correct, because bipartisanship has a side of its own.A view-points can also be countered in two ways. One, by displaying it to be a derivative of "cherry-picking" of data or erroneous data, two, by proving it to be speculative in nature.
 Wikipedia is open for anybody to edit. The whole concept of wiki is hinged on being "open-source", making authorship irrelevant. Those who dissent should add their facts, figures, and views backed by verifiable data, to the article, so that the reader may have a complete picture. Mere generalizations, that too on the talk page, serve nobody.
 Laymen like myself, fail to internalize the jargon-speech rhetoric of the main-stream intelligentsia, owing to an inherent deficiency of proficiency in sectoral knowledge in the relevant fields. I hope that, experts would engage , at least in the talk page, keeping in mind that most of the readers here may be from a back-ground which makes technical conceptualizations  in specific fields untenebale for them, most bogged down by the additional handicap of non-English vernaculars.
 So lets talk plain English!  — Preceding unsigned comment added by Luxleocor (talk • contribs) 18:46, 10 August 2012 (UTC) 

The Use of the term Backward

Is the terming of the socially deprived sections of India "Backward" appropriate? This discussion has started at Indian Caste System, Talk page. The Indian Constitution currently terms a huge section of the Indian Society as BACKWARD which seems to me as inappropriate, uncalled and indirectly mocking. a. Is there any research done in this direction before by anyone? With the use of this term, sections of the society will always be termed officially BACKWARD and it will become impossible for the deprived sections to be equal. So, if some researcher has done research in this very direction it it will useful to add the same in the Main Article.BalanceRestored 08:08, 12 June 2007 (UTC)

Backward is the official term used by the Government of India, and also by the media. Maybe you should file a Public Interest Litigation. Debating on Wikipedia talk pages won't server any purpose. utcursch | talk 12:26, 13 June 2007 (UTC)

Illiteracy was the problem in India that allowed certain community to teach and prescribe prescriptions of their own ignoring even that they where fiddling with the words from GOD, but things have changed. Public Interest Litigation is not the solution, yes if that's filed surely the case would favor in the interest of the mass. But, from my understanding certain individuals could have committed deliberate crime with full understanding. They have to be punished first if there where any behind getting this term. Misinterpreting of the Puranas, Gita has not happened unknowingly. They where all done in a definite direction. For example, many authors of Bhagavat Purana have mentioned "Brahmin Boy" in their english interpretations while the sanskrit verses say something else. The father sage who has said to his son. "You are not still a brahmin" has been changed. Many authors mention, Jati or Caste instead of Varna when the sanskrit text reads Chatur Varna as narrated by Lord Krishna in Gita. Anyway, the mass in India has already attained the education they should have. 1/10 of the population whom have started to attain education now, will start reading these books and will start understanding what has happened with them. There are 10000's of books available in the market and they are clear records of all these. Again, the temple priests did not do these. It is done by ignorant individuals. There is a very well defined method to recite the veda and puranas and they take full care to see that the authenticity of the verses are maintained with due respect. The mistakes where done by someone else. All those who misinterpreted these verses from GOD are there in the open market. They will be questioned some day or the other. Remember Ashwathama was not killed by Arjuna, But he did something else. Same will happen to these intelligent individuals who knew the truth and tried to destroy our country. But, God is there he will do his duty, nothing bad happened to the Country so far, and it is going forward with every individual getting educated and moving in a forward direction. BalanceRestored 07:54, 14 June 2007 (UTC)

moved to talk

This section is too long and it's a quote from the original source. How about we just make a link to the original material instead of this long long list of quoted material? RJFJR (talk) 18:19, 20 November 2011 (UTC)

Reservations

13.2 One such change in the attitude of the ruling elite pertains to the provisions of reservation in Government services and educations institutions for the candidates of Other Backward Classes. It is generally argued that looking to the large population of OBCs (52 %), recruitment of a few thousand OBCs every year against reserved vacancies is not going to produce any perceptible impact on their general condition. On the other hand, the induction of a large proportion of employees against reserved vacancies will considerably impair the quality and efficiency of the Government services. It is also stated that the benefits of such reservations will be skimmed off by those sections of OBCs which are already well off and the really backward sections will be left high and dry. Another argument advanced against this approach is that the policy of large scale reservations will cause great hurt burning to those meritorious candidates whose entry into services will be barred as a result thereof.

13.3 All the above arguments are based on fairly sound reasoning. But these are also the arguments advanced by the ruling elite which is keen on preserving its privileges. Therefore, like all such reasoning, it is based on partisan approach. By the same token, while illuminating some immediate areas of concern it tends to ignore much larger issues of national importance.

13.4 It is not at all our contention that by offering a few thousand jobs to OBC candidates we shall be able to make 52% of the Indian population as forward. But we must recognise that as essential part of the battle against social backwardness is to be fought in the minds of the backward people. In India Government service has always been looked upon as a symbol of prestige and power. By increasing the representation of OBCs in Government services, we give them an immediate feeling of participation in the governance of this country. When a backward class candidate becomes a Collector or a Superintendent of Police, the material benefits accruing from his position are limited to the members of his family only. But the psychological spin off of this phenomenon is tremendous; the entire community of that backward class candidate feels socially elevated. Even when no tangible benefits flow to the community at large, the feeling that now it has its “own man” in the “corridors of power” acts as a morale booster.

13.5 In a democratic set-up every individual and community has a legitimate right and aspiration to participate in ruling this country. Any situation which results in a near-denial of this right to nearly 52% of the country’s population needs to be urgently rectified.

13.6 Apprehensions regarding drop in the quality of Government services owing to large-scale induction of S.C. / S.T. and O.B.C. candidates against reserved posts may be justified only up to a point. But is it possible to maintain that all candidates selected on merit turn out to be honest, efficient, hard-working and dedicated? At present, top echelons of all the Government services are manned predominantly by open competition candidates and if the performance of our bureaucracy is any indication, it has not exactly covered itself with glory. Of course, this does not imply that candidates selected against reserved posts will do better. Chances are that owing to their social and cultural handicaps they may be generally a shade less competent. But, on the other hand, they will have great advantage of possessing first hand knowledge of the sufferings and problems of the backward sections of society. This is not a small asset for field workers and policy makers even at highest level.

13.7 It is no doubt true that the major benefits of reservation and other welfare measures for Other Backward Classes will be cornered by the more advanced sections of the backward communities. But is not this a universal phenomenon? All reformists remedies have to contend with slow recovery along the hierarchical gradient; there are no quantum jumps in social reform. Moreover, human nature being what it is, a “new class” ultimately does emerge even in classless societies. The chief merit on reservation is not that it will introduce egalitarian amongst OBCs when the rest of the Indian society is seized by all sorts of inequalities. But reservation will certainly erode the hold of higher castes on the services and enable OBCs in general to have a sense of participation in running the affairs of the country.

13.8 It is certainly true that reservation for OBCs will cause a lot of heart burning to others. But should the mere fact of this heart burning be allowed to operate as a moral veto against social reform…. When the higher castes constituting less than 20% of the country’s population subjected the rest to all manner of social injustice, it must have caused a lot of heart burning to the lower castes. But now that the lower castes are asking for a modest share of the national cake of power and prestige, a chorus of alarm is being raised on the plea that this will cause heart burning to the ruling elite. Of all the specious arguments advanced against reservations for backward classes, there is none which beats this one about ‘heart-burning’ in sheer sophistry.

13.9 In fact the Hindu society has always operated a very rigorous scheme of reservations, which was internalised through caste system. Eklavya lost his thumb and Shambhk his neck for their breach of caste rules of reservations. The present furore against reservations for OBCs is not aimed at the principle itself, but against the new class of beneficiaries, as they are now clamouring for a share of the opportunities which were all along monopolised by the higher castes.

Quantum and Scheme of Reservations

13.10 Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes constitute 22.5% of the country’s population. Accordingly, a pro-rata reservation of 22.5% has been made for them in all services and public sector undertakings under the Central Government. In the States also, reservation for SCs and STs is directly proportional to their population in each State.

13.11 As stated in the last Chapter (para 12.22) the population of OBCs, both Hindu and non-Hindu, is around 52% of the total population of India. Accordingly 52% of all post under the Central Government should be reserved for them, but this provision may go against the law laid down in a number of Supreme Court judgements wherein it has been held that the total quantum of reservations under Articles 15(4) and 16(4) of the Constitution should be below 50%. In view of this the proposed reservation for OBCs would have to be pegged at a figure which, when added to 22.5% of SCs and STs, remain below 50%. In view of this legal constrain, the commission is obliged to recommend a reservation of 27% only, even though their population us almost twice this figure.

13.12 States which have already introduced reservation for OBCs exceeding 27%, will remain unaffected by this recommendation.

13.13 With the above general recommendation regarding the quantum of reservation, the Commission proposes the following over-all scheme of reservation for OBCs:-

(1) Candidates belonging to OBCs recruited on the basis of merit in an open competition should not be adjusted against their reservation quota of 27%.

(2) The above reservation should also be made available to promotion quota at all levels.

(3) Reserved quota remaining unfilled should be carried forward for a period of three years and deserved thereafter.

(4) Relaxation in the upper age limit for direct recruitment should be extended in the same manner as done in case of SCs and STs.

(5) A roster system for each category of posts should be adopted by the concerned authorities in the same manner as presently done in respect of SC and ST candidates.

13.14 The above scheme of reservations in its toto should be made applicable to all recruitment to public sector undertakings both under the Central and State Governments, as also to nationalised banks.

13.15 All private sector undertakings which have received financial assistance from the Government in one form or the other should also be obliged to recruit personnel on the aforesaid basis.

13.16 All universities and affiliated colleges should also be covered by the above scheme of reservation.

13.17 To give proper effect to these recommendations, it is imperative that adequate statutory provisions are made by the Government to amend the existing enactments, rules, procedure, etc. to the extentthey are not in consonance with the same.

Educational Concessions

13.18 Our educational system is elitist in character, results in a high degree of wastage and is least suited to the requirements of an over-populated and developing country. It is a legacy of the British rule which was severely criticised during the independence struggle, and yet, it has not undergone any structural changes. Though it is least suited to the needs of backward classes, yet, they are forced to run the rat-race with others as no options are available to them. As ‘educational reform’ was not within the terms of reference of the Commission, we are also forced to trend the beaten track and suggest only the palliative measure within existing framework.

13.19 Various State Governments are giving a number of educational concessions to other backward class students (Chapter IX, paras 9.30 – 9.33) like exemption of tuition fees, free supply of books and clothes, mid-day meals, special hostel facilities, stipends, etc. These concessions are all right as far as they go. But they do not go far enough. What is required is, perhaps, not so much the provision of additional funds as the framing of integrated schemes for creating the proper environment and incentives for serious and purposeful studies.

13.20 It is well known that most backward class children are irregular and indifferent students and their drop-out rate is very high. There are two main reasons for this. First, these children are brought up in a climate of extreme social and cultural deprivation and consequently, a proper motivation for schooling is generally lacking. Secondly, most of these children come from very poor homes and their parents are forced to press them into doing small chores from a very young age.

13.21 Upgrading the cultural environment is a very slow process. Transferring these children to an artificially upgraded environment is beyond the present resources of the country. In view of this it is recommended that this problem may be tackled on a limited and selective basis on two fronts.

13.22 First, an intensive and time bound programme for adult education should be launched in selected pockets with high concentration of OBC population. This is a basic motivational approach, as only proper motivated parents will take serious interest in educating their children. Secondly, residential schools should be set up in these areas for backward class students to provide a climate specially conducive to serious studies. All facilities in these schools including board and lodging, will have to be provided free of cost to attract students from poor and backward homes, separate Government Hostels for OBC students with the above facilities will be another step in the right direction.

13.23 A beginning on both these fronts will have to be made on a limited scale and selective basis. But the scope of these activities should be expanded as fast as the resources permit. Adult education programme and residential schools started on a selective basis will operate as growing-points of consciousness for the entire community and their multiplier effect is bound to be substantial. Whereas several States are extended a number of ad hoc concessions to backward class students, few serious attempts have been made to integrate these facilities into a comprehensive scheme for a qualitative upgradation of educational environment available to OBC students.

13.24 After all, education is the best catalyst of change and educating the backward classes is the surest way to improve their self image and raise their social status. As OBCs cannot afford the high wastage rates of our educational system, it is very important that their education is highly biased in favour of vocational training. After all reservation in services will absorb only a very small percentage of the educated backward classes and the rest should be suitably equipped with vocational skills to enable them to get a return on having invested several years in education.

13.25 It is also obvious that even if all the above facilities are given to OBC students, they will not be able to compete on an equal footing with others in securing admission to technical and professional institutions. In view of this it is recommended that seats should be reserved for OBC students in all scientific, technical and professional institutions run by the Central Government as well as State Governments. This reservation will fall under Article 15(4) of the Constitution and the quantum of reservation should be the same as in the Government services, i.e., 27%. Those States which have already reserved more than 27% seats for OBC students will remain unaffected by this recommendation.

13.26 While implementing the provisions for reservation it should also be ensured that the candidates who are admitted against the reserved quota are enable to derive full benefits of higher studies. It has been generally noticed that these OBC students coming from an impoverished cultural background, are not able to keep abreast with other students. It is, therefore, very essential that special coaching facilities are arranged for all such students in our technical and professional institutions. The concerned authorities should clearly appreciate that their jobs is not finished once candidates against reserved quota have been admitted to various institutions. In fact the real task starts only after that special coaching assistance to these students, not only these young people will feel frustrated and humiliated but the country will also be landed with ill-equipped and sub-standard engineers, doctors and other professionals.

Financial Assistance

13.27 Vocational communities following hereditary occupations have suffered heavily as a result of industrialisation. Mechanical production and introductions of synthetic materials has robbed the village potter, oil crusher, blacksmith, carpenter,barber, etc. of their traditional means of livelihood and the pauperisation of these classes is a well-known phenomenon in the countryside.

13.28 It has, therefore become very necessary that suitable institutional finance and technical assistance is made available to such members of village vocational communities who want to set up small-scale industries on their own. Similar assistance should also be provided to those promising OBC candidates who have obtained special vocational training.

13.29 Of course, most State Governments have created various financial and technical agencies for the promotions of small and medium scale industries. But it is well known that only the more influential members of the community are able to derive benefits fro these agencies. In view of this, it is essential that separate financial institutions for providing financial and technical assistance are established for the backward classes. Some State Governments like Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh have already set up separate financial corporations etc., for OBCs.

13.30 Cooperative Societies of occupational groups will also help a lot. But due care should be taken that all office-bearers and members of such societies belong to the concerned hereditary occupational groups and outsiders are not allowed to exploit them by infiltrating into such cooperatives.

13.31 The share of OBCs in the industrial and business life of the country is negligible and this partly explains their extremely low income levels. As a part of its overall strategy to uplift the backward classes, it is imperative that all State Governments are suitably advised and encouraged to create a separate network of financial and technical institutions to foster business and industrial enterprise among OBCs.

Structural Changes

13.32 Reservations in Government employment and educational institutions, as also as possible financial assistance will remain mere palliatives unless the problems of backwardness is tackled at its root. Bulk of the small land-holders, tenants, agricultural labour, impoverished village artisans, unskilled workers, etc. belong to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes. “Apart from social traditions, the dominances by the top peasantry is exercised through recourse to informal bondage which arises mainly thorough money-lending, leasing out of small bits of land and providing house-sites and dwelling space to poor peasants. As most of the functionaries of the Government are drawn from the top peasantry, the class and caste linkage between the functionaries of Government and the top peasantry remain firm. This also tills the socio-political balance in favour of the top peasantry and helps it in having its dominance over others.” *

13.33 The net outcome of the above situation is that notwithstanding their numerical preponderance, backward class continues to remain in mental and material bondage of the higher castes and rich peasantry. Consequently, despite constituting nearly 3/4 of the countries population, Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes have been able to acquire a very limited political clout, even though adult franchise was introduced more than three decades back. Through their literal monopoly of means of production of higher castes are able to manipulate and coerce the backward classes into acting against their own interests. In view of this, until the stranglehold of the existing production relations is broken through radical land reforms, the abject dependence of under privileged classes on the dominant higher castes will continue indefinitely. In fact there is already a sizeable volume of legislation on the statue books to abolish zamindari, place ceilings on land holdings and distribute land to the landless. But in actual practice its implementation has been halting, half-hearted and superficial. The States like Karnataka, Kerala and West Bengal which have gone about the job more earnestly have not only succeeded in materially helping the Backward Classes, but also reaped rich political dividends into the bargains.

13.34 It is the Commission’s firm Conviction that a radical transformation of the existing production relations is the most important single step that can be taken for the welfare and upliftment of all backward classes. Even if this is not possible in the industrial sector for various reasons, in the agricultural sector a change in this nature is both feasible and overdue.

13.35 The Commission, therefore, strongly recommends that all the State Governments should be directed to enact and implement progressive land legislations so as to effect basic structural changes in the existing production relations in the countryside.

13.36 At present surplus land in being allotted to SCs and STs. A part of the surplus land becoming available in future as a result of the operation of land ceiling laws etc. should also be allotted to the OBC landless labour.

Miscellaneous

13.37 (1) Certain sections of some occupational communities like Fishermen, Banjaras, Bansoforas, Khatwes etc. still suffer from the stigma of untouchability in some part of the country. They have been listed as O.B.Cs. by the Commission, but their inclusion in the lists of Scheduled Castes / Scheduled Tribes may be considered by the Government.

13.37 (2) Backward Classes Development Corporations should be set up both at the Central and State levels to implement various socio-educational and economic measures for their advancement.

13.37 (3) A separate Ministry / Department for O.B.Cs. at the Centre and States should be created to safe-guard their interests.

13.37 (4) With a view to giving better representation to certain very backward sections of O.B.Cs. like the Gaddis of Himachal Pradesh, Neo-Buddhists in Maharashtra, Fishermen in the Coastal areas, Gujjars in J&K., it is recommended that areas of their concentration may be carved out into separate constituencies at the time of delimitation.

Central Assistance

13.38 At present no Central Assistance is available to any State Government for implementing any welfare measures for Other Backward Classes. The 18 States and Union Territories which have undertaken such measures have to provide funds from their own resources. During the Commission’s tours practically every State Government pointed out that unless the Centre is prepared to liberally finance all special schemes for the upliftment of OBCs, it will be beyond the available resources of the States to undertake any worthwhile programme for the benefit of Other Backward Classes.

13.39 The Commission fully shares the views of the State Governments in this matter and strongly recommends that all development programmes specially designed for Other Backward Classes should be financed by the Central Government in the same manner and to the same extent as done in the case of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.

13.40 Regarding the period of operation of the Commission’s recommendations entire scheme should be reviewed after twenty years. We have advisedly suggested this span of one generation, as the raising of social consciousness is a generational progress. Any review at a shorter interval would be rather arbitrary and would not give a fair indication of the impact of our recommendations on the prevailing status and life-styles of O.B.Cs.

References

External links modified

Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just modified 4 external links on Mandal Commission. Please take a moment to review my edit. If you have any questions, or need the bot to ignore the links, or the page altogether, please visit this simple FaQ for additional information. I made the following changes:

• Corrected formatting/usage for http://www.theotherindia.org/caste/who-are-the-obcs.html
• Corrected formatting/usage for http://www.tiss.edu/downloads/ppapers/pp1.pdf
• Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20070514045222/http://www.censusindia.gov.in/ to http://www.censusindia.gov.in/
• Corrected formatting/usage for http://www.censusindia.gov.in/census_online/population.html

When you have finished reviewing my changes, you may follow the instructions on the template below to fix any issues with the URLs.

This message was posted before February 2018. After February 2018, "External links modified" talk page sections are no longer generated or monitored by InternetArchiveBot. No special action is required regarding these talk page notices, other than regular verification using the archive tool instructions below. Editors have permission to delete these "External links modified" talk page sections if they want to de-clutter talk pages, but see the RfC before doing mass systematic removals. This message is updated dynamically through the template {{source check}} (last update: 5 June 2024).

• If you have discovered URLs which were erroneously considered dead by the bot, you can report them with this tool.
• If you found an error with any archives or the URLs themselves, you can fix them with this tool.

Cheers.—InternetArchiveBot (Report bug) 18:11, 31 May 2017 (UTC)

Mandal commission

data mistake in hindi and english version in mandal commission 106.206.207.142 (talk) 07:51, 3 June 2021 (UTC)