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The article doesn't bother to explain why the movement was a failure -- briefly, that Arab leaders in their public statements refused to consider giving Jews any status other than a minority in a unitary state without any special autonomy or entrenched protections (not to mention that many of those who had arrived after 1917 would probably not even be given citizenship in the unitary state), something which was unacceptable to the great majority of Jews. AnonMoos (talk) 20:25, 30 October 2012 (UTC)[reply]
This article was the subject of a Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment, between 15 February 2023 and 11 May 2023. Further details are available on the course page. Student editor(s): Notsunny9299 (article contribs). Peer reviewers: AnonVisor, Hms2026.
Few Arab observers in 1947 would have characterized the positions of the leaders of Ihud as a “state rooted in equal political rights for Jews and Arabs,” pointing to the public statements of people like [Magnes before the U.N.]: “We propose that Palestine become a bi-national country composed of two equal nationalities, the Jews and the Arabs, a country where each nationality is to have equal political powers, regardless of who is the majority or the minority. We call this ‘Political: Parity’.”
The vision of parity Ihud stood for was never a call for one person, one vote: “The voting would be by counties and be regulated in such a way as in the final analysis to produce in the Constituent Assembly in the first place an equal number of Jews and of Arabs, and in the Legislative Assembly, which we hope might result from the Constituent Assembly, an equal number of Jews and Arabs”—this at a time when the population of Mandatory Palestine was probably two-thirds Arab. I think that a disinterested observer would object to framing this as “equal political rights”; it seems closer to the double collège system in colonial Algeria. Fatajayne (talk) 21:29, 16 December 2024 (UTC)[reply]