Jump to content

Psychology of social class

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The psychology of social class is a branch of social psychology dedicated to understanding how social class affects individual's thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. While social class has long been a subject of analysis in fields such as sociology, political science, anthropology, medicine and epidemiology, its emergence within the field of psychology is much more recent.[1]

Defining social class

[edit]

Social class is often defined inconsistently, or not at all, within the social sciences.[2] Definitions tend to focus either on the essential properties of social class (i.e., conceptual definitions) or on how social class is measured (i.e., operational definitions). Conceptual definitions often define social class as a "cultural identity encompassing both a person's objective resources and their subjective rank relative to others.[3]" Whereas operational definitions describe social class as "a reflection of one's social position, measured by income, education, and occupation.[4]" Additionally, the terms social class and socioeconomic status are often used interchangeably as both tend focus on an individual's material or economic resources and on their social position relative to others.

Definitions of social class also vary on the extent to which they emphasize objective or subjective elements of social class. Objective definitions tend to focus on income, education, and occupation and suggest that higher social class is attained through having more money, being more educated, and having greater occupational prestige than others.[4] Alternatively, subjective definitions focus on individuals' perceived rank relative to others [3] and suggest that higher social class is attained through one's belief that they rank higher than others because they "perceive that they have more money, a more advanced education, and/or a more prestigious occupation than others."[2]

While definitions of social class remain inconsistent, definitions in social psychology tend to focus on both the objective and subjective elements and most often define social class as a dimension of the self and/or a cultural identity "rooted in objective material resources and subjective perceptions of rank vis-a-vis others.[2][3][5]"

Measurements

[edit]

Similar to definitions of social class, measurements of social class tend to focus on the objective and/or subjective dimensions of class.

Objective measures

[edit]

Measures of objective social class in psychology have primarily focused on education, income, and/or occupation.[6][7] Educational attainment is often viewed as a "gateway" to higher social class and therefore is frequently considered to be the most fundamental measure of social class.[1] For example, advanced education leads to increased income.[8][9] and access to professional networks.[10] Someone with a four-year college degree will earn twice as much money in their lifetime as someone with a high-school degree.[11] Income, however, provides the most direct assessment of people's access to material goods (e.g., food, clothing, and shelter) and also predicts an array of psychological variables such as well being,[12] social trust,[13] personality,[14] and prosocial behavior.[15] One's occupation also provides important signals of social class. In psychology, occupation is most often measured in the form of occupational prestige, or the admiration and respect given to a particular job in society. For example, jobs with higher occupational prestige tend to be more admired and respected within society, and are often held by those with high levels of educational attainment and usually come with higher salaries (e.g., lawyers, doctors). Alternatively, occupations with lower prestige tend to be less admired and respected in society, pay less money, and are frequently held by people who are less educated (e.g., construction workers, janitors).

Subjective measures

[edit]

While objective measures such as education, income, and occupation are important indices of social class, people's subjective perceptions of where they sit relative to others has been found to impact psychological functioning above and beyond objective measures.[16] The MacArthur Scale of Subjective Social Status [17] is the most widely-used measure of social class rank relative to others. In this measure, people are asked to rank themselves on a ladder with 10 rungs which represent ascending levels of income, education, and occupation:[18][19]

"Think of this ladder as representing where people stand in the United States.

At the top of the ladder are the people who are the best off - those who have the most money, the most education, and the most respected jobs. At the bottom are the people who are the worst off - who have the least money, least education, and the least respected jobs or no job. The higher up you are on this ladder, the closer you are to the people at the very top; the lower you are, the closer you are to the people at the very bottom.

Where would you place yourself on this ladder?

Please place a large "X" on the rung where you think you stand at this time in your life, relative to other people in the United States"

This measure can also be easily adapted to reflect relative rankings among one's local community or subsets of society. For example, in place of "...in the United States" one could measure perceptions of subjective rank in one's community by replacing this text with "... in their communities" and asking them to place themselves on the ladder "relative to other people in their community." Research using both the local and societal level ladders demonstrates that subjective perceptions of one's social class relative to others are important and distinct dimensions of social class.[18][19]

Research

[edit]

Social class as a cultural identity

[edit]

In the first wave of research on the psychology of social class, social classes were conceived as a form of cultural identity. In this sense, individuals come to embody class-specific thoughts, feelings, and behaviors through learned norms, values, and expectations shared by others of similar social class backgrounds.[20][21] These norms, values, and expectations are then expressed through cultural practices such as food consumption, taste in art and music, language, clothing, and ways for expressing oneself and adjusting to others.[22] The first theoretical account positing social class as a cultural identity[3] contends that social class reflects more than just the material resources that individuals possess, and that objective resources shape individual’s cultural practices and behaviors that signal social class. Individuals display their objective resources (e.g., educational attainment, family wealth/income, and occupational prestige) through class-related signals (e.g., symbols of wealth, education, or occupation, aesthetic preferences, and social behavior). Through these class-related signals, individuals provide the information needed to compare their own social class to that of others. These comparisons then separate people into different social class categories which become the basis for individual’s subjective understanding of their social class rank vis-à-vis others and lead to different psychological and behavioral outcomes for low versus high social class individuals.

Conceptions of self

[edit]

Supporting the idea that social class is a cultural identity, beyond differences in structural resources and individual skills, people from lower social class backgrounds also experience cultural barriers that maintain social-class disparities.[23] In the United States, different social class contexts foster different cultural models of self.[24] Due to fewer financial resources, greater environmental constraints, and fewer opportunities for choice, working-class or low social class contexts tend to foster an interdependent model of self.[25][26] To effectively navigate these contexts, low-social class individuals must rely on and work together with others for material assistance and support. In contrast, middle-class or higher-social class contexts provide greater access to economic capital and more opportunities for choice,[27][25] fostering an independent model of self. To be effective in these contexts they must learn to influence others, challenge the status quo, and express their own personal interests.

Although both models of self can be highly useful, U.S. gateway institutions (e.g. higher education) tend to prioritize independence as the cultural ideal.[28] In higher education, arguably one of the most important gateways to social mobility, administrators and educators often enact an independent model of self when making assumptions about how students should be motivated, learn, and interact with others.[26] Students are expected to express their personal preferences, pave their own paths, and challenge norms and rules.[27] Research suggests that when people from working class backgrounds enter institutions that prioritize independence, they face a cultural mismatch. Experiencing cultural mismatch can lead people from working class backgrounds to feel uncomfortable enacting the independent behaviors required to gain access to gateway institutions. For example, students from working class backgrounds are unlikely to apply to selective universities,[29] feel uncomfortable separating themselves from their families and communities,[30] and are more reluctant to pursue paths to organizational power when doing so requires self-interested behavior.[31] Even when these students do gain admission to these institutions, the cultural mismatch that they face can impede on their opportunity to succeed. When individuals’ cultural norms are not included in institutions, they feel uncomfortable and less often perform up to their potential.[32][27][33] Additionally, displaying interdependent behaviors such as humility, instead of independent behaviors such as confidence, leads to more negative performance evaluations.[34]

Relating to others

[edit]

Conceptions of self also elicit class-specific ways of relating to others. The interdependent norms of low social class contexts tend to engender greater social responsiveness which leads people from lower social class backgrounds to more accurately understand others' emotions and to engage in more pro-social behavior. For example, higher class individuals tend to demonstrate more signs of disengagement and fewer signs of engagement than their lower class counterparts during interactions with strangers (CITE Kraus & Keltner, 2009). Lower social class individuals also tend to perceive people's emotions more accurately[35] because they pay greater attention to contextual cues. Further, people with lower household incomes tend to donate a higher proportion of their salary to charities than do those from higher income households and are more likely to behave pro-socially toward others.[36] Research further suggests that compared to higher social class individuals, lower social class individuals have more egalitarian values, are more likely to help a stranger in distress, and trust others more.[37] Conversely, people who are perceived as being of lower social class are less likely to receive help from others compared to those perceived as being of higher social class. [38]

Relationship to other constructs

[edit]

Power and status

[edit]

Recent research has sought to distinguish social class from other dimensions of hierarchy, such as power, or a "person's relative control over resources and ability to influence others,[39] and status, or "one's level of respect and admiration from others.[39]" Although interrelated, empirical evidence suggests that social class, measured both objectively and subjectively, is not reducible to power or status and that the correlations between social class and power and status are small to moderate.[40]

Piff et al. (2012) found that upper-class individuals engage in more unethical behavior than lower-class individuals for a number of reasons. Factors such as their relative independence from others, increased privacy, fewer structural constraints, more resources to successfully deal with the potential fallout, and feelings of entitlement may all contribute to the findings that higher class is correlated with higher rates of wrongdoing.[41]

Social class and mental health

[edit]

Social class can have a significant impact on mental health. It is generally accepted that there is a higher concentration of mental illnesses among those from lower social classes.[42] Many suggest that this is due to increased stressors of living in a lower class. Examples of these stressors include an unstable place of residence, food insecurity, lack of access to important resources, debt, etc.[43] Economic inequality can directly affect the quality of care patients receive as well as the accessibility of the care. The economic inequality individuals face causes these issues in many ways including, inability to afford to travel to a mental health clinic, work hours overlapping with clinic hours, etc.[44] More in depth information on this topic can be found at socioeconomic_status_and_mental_health#external_link .

Race, ethnicity, and gender

[edit]

Social class has been related to other status-based social categories that also effect conceptions of self and how individuals relate to others. For example, similar to being low social class, being female (compared to being male) tends to promote more interdependent norms for relating to others[45] and lower status racial minorities (i.e., African Americans) tend to exhibit more relational norms compared to racial majority members (i.e., European-Americans).[46] Class, race, and gender also have similar effects on individuals sense of belonging in academic institutions.[47] Students from lower social class backgrounds tend to experience increased anxiety about confirming to negative stereotypes about their social class when a test is framed as diagnostic of ability, and inevitably perform worse as a result.[48] This parallels research on the role of stereotype threat in the performance of racial minorities and women in academic settings.

Further, social class is largely intertwined with the mental representations of other categories of identity (i.e., race). For example, Black people are often stereotyped as unintelligent, lazy, and dishonest,[49] while White people are stereotyped as intelligent, motivated, and productive.[50] A further analysis of identity-based stereotypes reveals a direct overlap between the stereotypes associated with being Black and being poor (e.g., unintelligent),[51] and those associated with being White and being rich (e.g., competent).[51] These stereotypes play a pivotal role in how people interpret and categorize individuals. For example, observers are more like to categorize an ambiguously raced person as Black when the individual is wearing low-status clothing and as White when the individual is wearing high-status clothing.[52] Additionally, mental representations of low social class people tend to be of Black people, whereas mental representations of high social class people tend to be of White people.[53][54]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ a b Kraus, Michael W.; Stephens, Nicole M. (September 2012). "A Road Map for an Emerging Psychology of Social Class". Social and Personality Psychology Compass. 6 (9): 642–656. doi:10.1111/j.1751-9004.2012.00453.x. ISSN 1751-9004.
  2. ^ a b c Côté, Stéphane (January 2011). "How social class shapes thoughts and actions in organizations". Research in Organizational Behavior. 31: 43–71. doi:10.1016/j.riob.2011.09.004. ISSN 0191-3085.
  3. ^ a b c d Piff, Paul K.; Kraus, Michael W.; Keltner, Dacher (2011). "Social class, culture, and the convergence of resources and rank". PsycEXTRA Dataset. doi:10.1037/e634112013-188. Retrieved 2020-11-27.
  4. ^ a b Adler, Nancy E.; Snibbe, Alana Conner (August 2003). "The Role of Psychosocial Processes in Explaining the Gradient Between Socioeconomic Status and Health". Current Directions in Psychological Science. 12 (4): 119–123. doi:10.1111/1467-8721.01245. ISSN 0963-7214. S2CID 16625770.
  5. ^ Kraus, Michael W.; Piff, Paul K.; Keltner, Dacher (2009). "Social class, sense of control, and social explanation". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 97 (6): 992–1004. doi:10.1037/a0016357. ISSN 1939-1315. PMID 19968415.
  6. ^ Quirke, Linda (2010-01-25). "Annette Lareau and Dalton Conley, eds., Social Class: How Does it Work?". Canadian Journal of Sociology. 35 (1): 173–175. doi:10.29173/cjs7401. ISSN 1710-1123.
  7. ^ Oakes, J.Michael; Rossi, Peter H (February 2003). "The measurement of SES in health research: current practice and steps toward a new approach". Social Science & Medicine. 56 (4): 769–784. doi:10.1016/s0277-9536(02)00073-4. ISSN 0277-9536. PMID 12560010.
  8. ^ Roworth, Wendy Wassyng (2002). "Professional Ethics: Day by Day". Academe. 88 (1): 24–27. doi:10.2307/40252115. ISSN 0190-2946. JSTOR 40252115.
  9. ^ Pascarella, Ernest T.; Terenzini, Patrick T. (2020). "Institutional Integration Scale". PsycTESTS Dataset. doi:10.1037/t05853-000. Retrieved 2020-11-28.
  10. ^ RIVERA, LAUREN A. (2016-03-22). Pedigree. Princeton University Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctv7h0sdf. ISBN 978-1-4008-8074-4.
  11. ^ Domhoff, G. William; Ginzberg, Eli (July 1998). "New Deal Days: 1933-1934". Contemporary Sociology. 27 (4): 400. doi:10.2307/2655506. ISSN 0094-3061. JSTOR 2655506.
  12. ^ Howell, Ryan T.; Howell, Colleen J. (2008). "The relation of economic status to subjective well-being in developing countries: A meta-analysis". Psychological Bulletin. 134 (4): 536–560. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.134.4.536. ISSN 1939-1455. PMID 18605819.
  13. ^ Brandt, Mark J.; Wetherell, Geoffrey; Henry, P. J. (2014-08-28). "Changes in Income Predict Change in Social Trust: A Longitudinal Analysis". Political Psychology. 36 (6): 761–768. doi:10.1111/pops.12228. ISSN 0162-895X.
  14. ^ Piff, Paul K. (January 2014). "Wealth and the Inflated Self: Class, Entitlement, and Narcissism". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 40 (1): 34–43. doi:10.1177/0146167213501699. ISSN 0146-1672. PMID 23963971. S2CID 42266830.
  15. ^ Robinson, Angela R.; Piff, Paul K. (2017). "Deprived, but not depraved: Prosocial behavior is an adaptive response to lower socioeconomic status". Behavioral and Brain Sciences. 40: e341. doi:10.1017/s0140525x17001108. ISSN 0140-525X. PMID 29342766. S2CID 10275632.
  16. ^ Boyce, Christopher J.; Brown, Gordon D.A.; Moore, Simon C. (2010-02-18). "Money and Happiness". Psychological Science. 21 (4): 471–475. doi:10.1177/0956797610362671. hdl:1893/12866. ISSN 0956-7976. PMID 20424085. S2CID 520060.
  17. ^ Adler, Nancy E.; Epel, Elissa S.; Castellazzo, Grace; Ickovics, Jeannette R. (2000). "Subjective SES Scale". PsycTESTS Dataset. doi:10.1037/t20985-000. Retrieved 2020-11-27.
  18. ^ a b Adler, Nancy E.; Epel, Elissa S.; Castellazzo, Grace; Ickovics, Jeannette R. (November 2000). "Relationship of subjective and objective social status with psychological and physiological functioning: Preliminary data in healthy, White women". Health Psychology. 19 (6): 586–592. doi:10.1037/0278-6133.19.6.586. ISSN 1930-7810. PMID 11129362. S2CID 21584664.
  19. ^ a b Goodman, E.; Adler, N. E.; Kawachi, I.; Frazier, A. L.; Huang, B.; Colditz, G. A. (2001-08-01). "Adolescents' Perceptions of Social Status: Development and Evaluation of a New Indicator". Pediatrics. 108 (2): e31. doi:10.1542/peds.108.2.e31. ISSN 0031-4005. PMID 11483841.
  20. ^ Snibbe, Alana Conner; Markus, Hazel Rose (2003). "Who gets to choose? Socieconomic status variability in the effects of choice on object liking". PsycEXTRA Dataset. doi:10.1037/e633872013-793. Retrieved 2020-11-28.
  21. ^ Kohn, Melvin L. (January 1963). "Social Class and Parent-Child Relationships: An Interpretation". American Journal of Sociology. 68 (4): 471–480. doi:10.1086/223403. ISSN 0002-9602. S2CID 144214868.
  22. ^ Stephens, Nicole M.; Markus, Hazel Rose; Townsend, Sarah S. M. (2007). "Choice as an act of meaning: The case of social class". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 93 (5): 814–830. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.93.5.814. ISSN 1939-1315. PMID 17983302.
  23. ^ Stephens, Nicole M.; Townsend, Sarah S. M.; Dittmann, Andrea G. (2018-12-18). "Social-Class Disparities in Higher Education and Professional Workplaces: The Role of Cultural Mismatch". Current Directions in Psychological Science. 28 (1): 67–73. doi:10.1177/0963721418806506. ISSN 0963-7214. S2CID 149969990.
  24. ^ Markus, Hazel Rose; Kitayama, Shinobu (July 2010). "Cultures and Selves". Perspectives on Psychological Science. 5 (4): 420–430. doi:10.1177/1745691610375557. ISSN 1745-6916. PMID 26162188. S2CID 7533754.
  25. ^ a b Kraus, Michael W.; Piff, Paul K.; Mendoza-Denton, Rodolfo; Rheinschmidt, Michelle L.; Keltner, Dacher (2012). "Social class, solipsism, and contextualism: How the rich are different from the poor". Psychological Review. 119 (3): 546–572. doi:10.1037/a0028756. ISSN 1939-1471. PMID 22775498.
  26. ^ a b Stephens, Nicole M.; Markus, Hazel Rose; Phillips, L. Taylor (2014-01-03). "Social Class Culture Cycles: How Three Gateway Contexts Shape Selves and Fuel Inequality". Annual Review of Psychology. 65 (1): 611–634. doi:10.1146/annurev-psych-010213-115143. ISSN 0066-4308. PMID 24079532.
  27. ^ a b c Stephens, Nicole M.; Fryberg, Stephanie A.; Markus, Hazel Rose; Johnson, Camille S.; Covarrubias, Rebecca (2012). "University Administrators' Institutional Expectations Task". PsycTESTS Dataset. doi:10.1037/t33052-000. Retrieved 2020-11-28.
  28. ^ Markus, H. R. and Connor, E. 2013. Clash! 8 cultural conflicts that make us who we are, New York, NY: Hudson Street Press.
  29. ^ Hoxby, Caroline; Avery, Christopher (December 2012). "The Missing "One-Offs": The Hidden Supply of High-Achieving, Low Income Students". Cambridge, MA. doi:10.3386/w18586. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  30. ^ Covarrubias, Rebecca; Fryberg, Stephanie A. (2015). "Family Achievement Guilt Questionnaire". PsycTESTS Dataset. doi:10.1037/t43171-000. Retrieved 2020-11-28.
  31. ^ Laurin, Kristin (January 2014). "Research and Interventions for Empowering Members of Historically Disadvantaged Groups". Academy of Management Proceedings. 2014 (1): 11923. doi:10.5465/ambpp.2014.11923symposium. ISSN 0065-0668.
  32. ^ Brannon, Tiffany N.; Markus, Hazel R.; Jones-Taylor, Valerie (2012). "Two Souls, Two Thoughts, Two Self-Schemas: Positive Consequences of Double-Consciousness". PsycEXTRA Dataset. doi:10.1037/e521512014-312. Retrieved 2020-11-28.
  33. ^ Stephens, Nicole M.; Townsend, Sarah S.M.; Markus, Hazel Rose; Phillips, L. Taylor (November 2012). "A cultural mismatch: Independent cultural norms produce greater increases in cortisol and more negative emotions among first-generation college students". Journal of Experimental Social Psychology. 48 (6): 1389–1393. doi:10.1016/j.jesp.2012.07.008. ISSN 0022-1031.
  34. ^ Kennedy, Jessica A.; Anderson, Cameron; Moore, Don A. (November 2013). "When overconfidence is revealed to others: Testing the status-enhancement theory of overconfidence". Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes. 122 (2): 266–279. doi:10.1016/j.obhdp.2013.08.005. ISSN 0749-5978. S2CID 11934267.
  35. ^ Kraus, Michael W.; Côté, Stéphane; Keltner, Dacher (2010-10-25). "Social Class, Contextualism, and Empathic Accuracy". Psychological Science. 21 (11): 1716–1723. doi:10.1177/0956797610387613. ISSN 0956-7976. PMID 20974714. S2CID 7306762.
  36. ^ Piff, Paul K.; Kraus, Michael W.; Keltner, Dacher (2011). "Social class, culture, and the convergence of resources and rank". PsycEXTRA Dataset. doi:10.1037/e634112013-188. Retrieved 2020-11-30.
  37. ^ Piff, Paul K.; Kraus, Michael W.; Côté, Stéphane; Cheng, Bonnie Hayden; Keltner, Dacher (2010). "Having less, giving more: The influence of social class on prosocial behavior". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 99 (5): 771–784. doi:10.1037/a0020092. ISSN 1939-1315. PMID 20649364.
  38. ^ Ellwood, Beth (2022-11-01). "Pedestrians give panhandler more than twice as much money when he wears a suit versus jeans, experiment finds". PsyPost. Retrieved 2022-11-11.
  39. ^ a b Magee, Joe C.; Galinsky, Adam D. (January 2008). "8 Social Hierarchy: The Self-Reinforcing Nature of Power and Status". The Academy of Management Annals. 2 (1): 351–398. doi:10.1080/19416520802211628. ISSN 1941-6520.
  40. ^ Anderson, Cameron; Kraus, Michael W.; Galinsky, Adam D.; Keltner, Dacher (2012-05-31). "The Local-Ladder Effect". Psychological Science. 23 (7): 764–771. doi:10.1177/0956797611434537. ISSN 0956-7976. PMID 22653798. S2CID 8406753.
  41. ^ Piff, P.K., Stancato, D.M., Côté, S., Mendoza-Denton, R., and Keltner, D. (2012). Higher social class predicts increased unethical behavior. Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 109, 4086–4091.doi:10.1073/pnas.1118373109.
  42. ^ Murali, Vijaya; Oyebode, Femi (May 2004). "Poverty, social inequality and mental health". Advances in Psychiatric Treatment. 10 (3): 216–224. doi:10.1192/apt.10.3.216. ISSN 1355-5146.
  43. ^ Simon, Kevin M.; Michaela, Beder (29 June 2018). "Addressing Poverty and Mental Illness". Psychiatric Times. Vol 35, Issue 6. 35. Retrieved 2021-06-05.
  44. ^ Hodgkinson, Stacy; Godoy, Leandra; Beers, Lee Savio; Lewin, Amy (January 2017). "Improving Mental Health Access for Low-Income Children and Families in the Primary Care Setting". Pediatrics. 139 (1): e20151175. doi:10.1542/peds.2015-1175. ISSN 0031-4005. PMC 5192088. PMID 27965378.
  45. ^ Cross, Susan E.; Madson, Laura (1997). "Elaboration of models of the self: Reply to Baumeister and Sommer (1997) and Martin and Ruble (1997)". Psychological Bulletin. 122 (1): 51–55. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.122.1.51. ISSN 1939-1455.
  46. ^ Boykin, A. Wade; Jagers, Robert J.; Ellison, Constance M.; Albury, Aretha (1997). "Communalism Scale". PsycTESTS Dataset. doi:10.1037/t21394-000. Retrieved 2020-11-30.
  47. ^ Steele, Claude M.; Aronson, Joshua A. (2004). "Stereotype Threat Does Not Live by Steele and Aronson (1995) Alone". American Psychologist. 59 (1): 47–48. doi:10.1037/0003-066x.59.1.47. ISSN 1935-990X. PMID 14736323.
  48. ^ Croizet, Jean-Claude; Claire, Theresa (June 1998). "Extending the Concept of Stereotype Threat to Social Class: The Intellectual Underperformance of Students from Low Socioeconomic Backgrounds". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 24 (6): 588–594. doi:10.1177/0146167298246003. ISSN 0146-1672. S2CID 145536011.
  49. ^ Devine, Patricia G.; Elliot, Andrew J. (November 1995). "Are Racial Stereotypes Really Fading? The Princeton Trilogy Revisited". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 21 (11): 1139–1150. doi:10.1177/01461672952111002. ISSN 0146-1672. S2CID 145214090.
  50. ^ Dasgupta, Nilanjana; McGhee, Debbie E; Greenwald, Anthony G; Banaji, Mahzarin R (May 2000). "Automatic Preference for White Americans: Eliminating the Familiarity Explanation". Journal of Experimental Social Psychology. 36 (3): 316–328. doi:10.1006/jesp.1999.1418. ISSN 0022-1031.
  51. ^ a b Durante, Federica; Tablante, Courtney Bearns; Fiske, Susan T. (March 2017). "Poor but Warm, Rich but Cold (and Competent): Social Classes in the Stereotype Content Model". Journal of Social Issues. 73 (1): 138–157. doi:10.1111/josi.12208. ISSN 0022-4537.
  52. ^ Freeman, Jonathan B.; Penner, Andrew M.; Saperstein, Aliya; Scheutz, Matthias; Ambady, Nalini (2011-09-26). "Looking the Part: Social Status Cues Shape Race Perception". PLOS ONE. 6 (9): e25107. Bibcode:2011PLoSO...625107F. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0025107. ISSN 1932-6203. PMC 3180382. PMID 21977227.
  53. ^ Brown-Iannuzzi, Jazmin L.; Dotsch, Ron; Cooley, Erin; Payne, B. Keith (2016-11-24). "The Relationship Between Mental Representations of Welfare Recipients and Attitudes Toward Welfare". Psychological Science. 28 (1): 92–103. doi:10.1177/0956797616674999. ISSN 0956-7976. PMID 27879320. S2CID 36034428.
  54. ^ Lei, Ryan F.; Bodenhausen, Galen V. (2017-04-05). "Racial Assumptions Color the Mental Representation of Social Class". Frontiers in Psychology. 8: 519. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2017.00519. ISSN 1664-1078. PMC 5380730. PMID 28424651.
Retrieved from "https://wiki.riteme.site/w/index.php?title=Psychology_of_social_class&oldid=1257098544"