Fatima Jinnah

For other uses, see Fatima Jinnah (disambiguation).

Madar-e-Millat Khatun-e-Pakistan Fatima Jinnah
فَاطِمَہْ جِنَاحْ
Leader of the Opposition
In office 1 January 1960 – 9 July 1967
Preceded by	Position established
Succeeded by	Nurul Amin
Personal details
Born	(1893-07-31)31 July 1893 Kathiawar, Bombay Presidency, British India (Now, Gujarat, India)
Died	9 July 1967(1967-07-09) (aged 73) Karachi, West Pakistan, Pakistan (Now, Sindh, Pakistan)
Resting place	Mazar-e-Quaid
Political party	All-India Muslim League (1947) Muslim League (1947–1958) Independent (1960–1967)
Relations	See Jinnah family
Parent(s)	Jinnahbhai Poonja Mitthibhai Jinnah
Alma mater	University of Calcutta (D.D.S)
Occupation	Dental surgeon, stateswoman

Fatima Jinnah (31 July 1893 – 9 July 1967) was a Pakistani politician, stateswoman, author, and activist. She was the younger sister of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder and first Governor-General of Pakistan. She served as the Leader of the Opposition of Pakistan from 1960 until her death in 1967.

After obtaining a dental degree from the University of Calcutta in 1923, she became the first female dentist in undivided India. She was a close associate and adviser to her brother, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. After the independence of Pakistan, she co-founded the All Pakistan Women's Association, which played an integral role in the settlement of women migrants in the newly formed country. She remained the closest confidant of her brother until his death. After his death, Fatima was prevented from addressing the nation until 1951; her 1951 radio address was interrupted, which many believed was an attempt by the Liaquat administration to censor her. She wrote the book My Brother in 1955, but it was only published 32 years later, in 1987. Before publication, several pages were removed by Sharif al Mujahid of the Quaid-i-Azam Academy, as they were deemed to be against the "ideology of Pakistan." Fatima came out of her self-imposed political retirement in 1965 to participate in the presidential election against President Ayub Khan. Despite winning the popular vote, Fatima lost the electoral college to Ayub Khan.

Fatima died in Karachi on 9 July 1967, sparking controversy with rumours of unnatural causes. Although her nephew, Akbar Pirbhai, called for an inquiry, no official report was issued. Nearly half a million people attended her funeral in Karachi.

Her legacy is associated with her support for civil rights. She is commonly known as Madar-e-Millat ("Mother of the Nation"), and Khatun-e-Pakistan ("Lady of Pakistan"), many institutions and public spaces in Pakistan have been named in her honour.

Early life and education

Fatima was born into the Jinnah family on 31 July 1893, the youngest of seven children to Jinnahbhai Poonja and his wife Mithibai, in Kathiawar, Gujarat, during the Bombay Presidency in British India. Fatima had six siblings: Muhammad Ali, Ahmad Ali, Bunde Ali, Rahmat Ali, Maryam, and Shireen Jinnah. Of her siblings she was the closest to Muhammad Ali who became her guardian upon the death of their father in 1901. She joined the Bandra Convent in Bombay in 1902. In 1919, she was admitted to the highly competitive University of Calcutta where she attended the Dr. R. Ahmed Dental College. After she graduated, she opened a dental clinic in Bombay in 1923.

Fatima lived with her brother until 1918, when he married Rattanbai Petit. Upon Rattanbai's death in February 1929, she closed her clinic, moved into her brother Muhammad Ali's bungalow to care for her niece Dina Jinnah and took charge of his house. This transition began the lifelong companionship that lasted until her brother's death on 11 September 1948.

Political career

Statue of Jinnah at the Pakistan Monument in Islamabad

Fatima accompanied her brother to every public appearance that he made. She travelled to London, England in 1930, returned to Bombay for a year, and then went back to England in 1931, where she lived for four years. After she moved back to India, Muhammad Ali sought to make an independent homeland for Indian Muslims. She actively supported and campaigned for that cause. Muhammad acknowledged her contribution, especially when she stood by him during difficult times, offering encouragement and care. Although she never held political office, Fatima played an important role in supporting Muhammad Ali, particularly during his illness in 1943, which helped him continue his efforts toward the creation of Pakistan. She supported the Two-nation theory, which subsequently played a crucial role in the creation of Pakistan in 1947.

On 11 August 1947, Fatima attended the first session of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan from the visitor's gallery, symbolising her unwavering support for Muhammad Ali, who was elected its president.

During the transfer of power in 1947, Fatima formed the Women's Relief Committee, which later formed the nucleus for the All Pakistan Women's Association (APWA).

She also played a significant role in the settlement of Muhajirs in the new state of Pakistan.

Role in women's movement

Fatima played a significant role in mobilising Muslim women during the Pakistan Movement. At a time when most Muslim women were confined to household work and not actively involved in politics, her leadership helped change this dynamic. A separate women's organisation within the All-India Muslim League was created for that purpose. The movement then was led by Fatima as she headed a procession of the Central Committee. She urged the Muslim women to join in the Pakistan Movement.

She was leading a movement that brought thousands of women into the fold of the Muslim League; the movement came to be termed as women's movement. The women's movement was started by Fatima; she trained women for the forthcoming challenges and provided them training of National Guards, first aid training, etc., and also opened some educational institutes for them. In 1947, during the Civil disobedience movement against the Unionist Government of Punjab Province, the women in Lahore, under her leadership, were involved in processions and courting arrests.

Views

In 1949, during a visit to the North-West Frontier Province, where provincialism and separatist sentiments had long been a concern, Fatima addressed a public gathering in Peshawar. She urged them to "[e]schew all personal and factionalism recriminations . . . [to] strengthen the hands of the popular government in all their nation-building programs." Similarly, in the polarizing Punjab elections of 1951, her message to the public was to "vote fearlessly for the right person; do not be cowed down by threats or lured by promises. The vote is a sacred trust and not to be bought or sold." While she refrained from endorsing any specific side, her concerns grew later that year as defections from the Muslim League became increasingly visible. Speaking at a women's gathering in Multan in December 1951, she cautioned against provincialism, describing it as "the greatest danger to the stability of the state," and urged vigilance to prevent its spread.

Her commitment to women's empowerment was evident in a speech delivered soon after the formation of the Punjab government under Mumtaz Daultana in 1951, where she proclaimed the "onward march towards emancipation and freedom of women" and noted their increasing participation in social, educational, and political activities, including roles as members of legislatures and the Constituent Assembly.

Calls to enter active politics

In 1954, following the rout of the Muslim League in East Bengal's provincial elections, numerous appeals emerged urging Fatima to assume a leadership role. A man from Karachi wrote, "A disconsolate nation turns to you as to a mother for solace… You alone can galvanize us once more into action and lead us along during the second stage of our march." Similarly, a journalist from Dhaka implored her to accept the presidency of the Muslim League, calling her "the ablest person to lead and guide this organization."

Support also came from various organizations, such as the City Muslim League chapter of Hyderabad (Sindh), which declared in an open letter that Fatima was the only person "above personal jealousies and scruples" who commanded the "highest honour and regard of the masses." Calls for her leadership resurfaced in 1955, with the Karachi Bar Association passing a resolution urging her "to come forward and actively lead the nation," and again in 1958, after the death of Muslim League President Abdul Rab Nishtar, when prominent women from the Provincial Assembly of West Pakistan requested her to assume the party's leadership.

Several women from the newly formed Provincial Assembly of West Pakistan, including Jahanara Shahnawaz, wrote to Fatima requesting her to accept the presidency of the Pakistan Muslim League, with support from Muslim League chapters such as in Rahim Yar Khan. Additionally, a man from Lahore suggested Fatima organize a new party, criticizing the failure of existing political parties. A student from Rawalpindi, excited by the possibility of Fatima leading the Muslim League, urged her to reconsider her decision to decline the presidency for the sake of the country.

1965 presidential election

See also: 1965 Pakistani presidential election

In the 1960s, Fatima returned to the forefront of political life when she ran for the presidency of Pakistan as a candidate for the Combined Opposition Parties (COPP). She described her opponent, Ayub, as a dictator. In her early rallies, nearly 250,000 people thronged to see her in Dhaka, and a million lined the 293-mile route from there to Chittagong. Her train, called the Freedom Special, was 22 hours late because men at each station pulled the emergency cord, and begged her to speak. The crowds hailed her as Madar-e-Millat, (Mother of the Nation).

In her speeches, she argued that by coming to terms with India on the Indus Water dispute, Ayub had surrendered control of the rivers to India. She narrowly lost the election, winning a majority in some provinces. The election did not involve direct democracy of the population, and some journalists and historians believe that if it had been a direct election she could have won.

Wax statues of Fatima and her brother Muhammad Ali at Madame Tussauds in London.

Fatima, popularly acclaimed as the Madr-e-Millat, or Mother of the Nation for her role in the Freedom Movement, contested the 1965 elections at the age of 71. Except for her brief tour to East Pakistan in 1954, she had not participated in politics since Independence. After the imposition of martial law by Ayub, she once wished the regime well. Yet after martial law was lifted, she sympathized with the opposition as she was strongly in favor of democratic ideals. Being sister of her beloved brother, she was held in high esteem, and came to symbolize the democratic aspirations of the people. The electoral landscape changed when Fatima decided to contest the elections for the president's office in 1965. She was challenging the dictator and self-proclaimed "president" Ayub in the indirect election, which Ayub had himself instituted.

Presidential candidates for the vote of 1965 were announced before commencement of the Basic Democracy elections, which was to constitute the Electoral College for the Presidential and Assembly elections. There were two major parties contesting the election, the Convention Muslim League and the Combined Opposition Parties. The Combined Opposition Parties consisted of five major opposition parties. It had a nine-point program, which included restoration of direct elections, adult franchise and democratization of the 1962 Constitution. The opposition parties of Combined Opposition Parties were not united and did not possess any unity of thought and action. They were unable to select presidential candidates from amongst themselves; therefore they selected Fatima as their candidate.

Elections were held on 2 January 1965. There were four candidates: Ayub, Fatima, and two obscure persons with no party affiliation. There was a short campaigning period of one month, which was further restricted to nine projection meetings that were organized by the Election Commission and were attended only by the members of the Electoral College and members of the press. The public was barred from attending the projection meetings, which would have enhanced Fatima's image.

Ayub had a great advantage over the rest of the candidates. The Second Amendment to the Constitution confirmed him as president till the election of his successor. Armed with the wide-ranging constitutional powers of a President, he exercised complete control over all governmental machinery during elections. He utilized the state facilities as head of state, not as the President of the Convention Muslim League or a presidential candidate, and did not hesitate to legislate on electoral matters. Bureaucracy and business, the two beneficiaries of the Ayub regime, helped him in his election campaign. Taking advantage of political opportunities, he brought all the discontented elements together to support him; students were assured the revision of the University Ordinance and journalists the scrutiny of the Press Laws. Ayub also gathered the support of the Ulama who were of the view that Islam does not permit a woman to be the head of an Islamic state.

Fatima had detached herself from the political conflicts that had plagued Pakistan after the founder's death. The sight of her moving through the streets of big cities, and even in the rural areas of a Muslim country, added to her popularity. She proclaimed Ayub to be a dictator. Fatima's line of attack was that by coming to terms with the Republic of India on the Indus Water dispute, Ayub had surrendered control of the rivers over to India. Her campaign generated tremendous public enthusiasm. She drew enormous crowds in all cities of East and West Pakistan. The campaign however suffered from several drawbacks. An unfair and unequal election campaign, poor finances, and indirect elections through the Basic Democracy System were some of the basic problems she faced. She was backed by a consortium of political parties and won two of Pakistan's largest cities, Karachi and Dhaka. The U.S. magazine, Time, while reporting on the 1965 election campaign, wrote that Fatima faced attacks on her modesty and patriotism by Ayub and his allies.

Fatima won the popular vote in the presidential election of 1965. However through post-election rigging, coercion, and manipulation of the electoral college, Ayub got himself elected as the President of Pakistan. It is believed that had the elections been held via direct ballot, she would have won. The Electoral College consisted of only 80,000 Basic Democrats, who were easily manipulated. The importance of this election lay in the fact that a woman was contesting the highest political office of the country. The orthodox religious political parties, including the Jamaat-e-Islami led by Maulana Maududi, which had repeatedly declared that a woman could not hold the highest office in a Muslim country, modified their stance and supported the candidature of Fatima. The election showed that the people had no prejudice against women holding high offices, and they could be key players in politics of the country.

During a lawsuit, Matloobul Hassan Syed deposed that during Fatima's election campaign against Ayub, when some local Shia leaders told her that they would vote for Ayub, she contended that she could represent them better as she was a Shia. According to Liaquat H. Merchant, "the Court was inclined to repose more trust in the avowed non-sectarian public stance of the Quaid and his sister". Both Muhammad Ali and his sister "carefully avoided a sectarian label."

Personal life

Fatima Jinnah never married and stayed childless. Her unfinished biography on her brother Muhammad Ali Jinnah, My Brother, was published by the Quaid-i-Azam Academy in 1987.

Death

Tomb of Fatima Jinnah in Karachi

Jinnah died in Karachi on 9 July 1967. Her death became the subject of controversy, with rumors suggesting unnatural causes, including suspicions of murder. Despite these claims, there was no hard evidence to support them. Her nephew, Akbar Pirbhai, requested an inquiry, but after the provincial government took over the investigation, no official report was ever produced or made public. Rumors persisted, leading to a citizen's appeal for a judicial inquiry in 1972, which resulted in no further action. Her private last rites were performed according to Shia guidelines and the state-sponsored burial followed it. She is buried next to her brother, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, at Mazar-e-Quaid, Karachi.

During her funeral, common people were prevented from approaching her body, and no one was allowed to see her face before burial. Those who attempted to do so were met with force, including baton charges and tear gas. Rumors circulated that visible wounds were present on her body, leading to concerns about her death. Newspapers and editorials also raised questions about the circumstances of her death.

Honours and legacy

A monument in Fatima Jinnah Park containing a commemorative plaque. At this park, the government built a shiny tin statue of Jinnah.

Jinnah remained extremely popular and is considered one of the greatest female figures Pakistan has produced. Jinnah is a source of the awakening of women's rights.

In Pakistan, she rose to stand as Pakistan's national symbol, and unlike Ayub Khan who died in poor health and yet no honours were given him, Jinnah received tremendous honours from the society after her death.

Several eponymous entities have been named in her honor. The notable ones are:

• Fatima Jinnah Colony
• Fatima Jinnah Dental College
• Fatima Jinnah Medical University
• Fatima Jinnah Park
• Fatima Jinnah Women University

See also

• Jinnah family
• Pakistan movement
• List of Pakistan Movement activists

Bibliography

Overview

• Ahmed, Akbar (12 August 2005). Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity: The Search for Saladin. Taylor & Francis. p. 12. ISBN 978-1-134-75022-1. Retrieved 7 October 2024.
• Balouch, Akhtar (27 December 2014). "The deleted bits from Fatima Jinnah's 'My Brother'". Dawn. Retrieved 2 October 2024.
• Pirbhai, M. Reza (2017). Fatima Jinnah: Mother of the Nation. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-14966-2. Retrieved 4 June 2024.
• Sarkar, Tanika (October 2024). Religion and Women in India: Gender, Faith, and Politics, 1780s–1980s. State University of New York Press. ISBN 979-8-8558-0029-6. Retrieved 1 October 2024.

Early life and background

• Commire, Anne (20 July 2000). Women in World History. Yorkin Publications. pp. 177–181. ISBN 978-0-7876-4067-5. Retrieved 10 October 2024.
• Ekbal, Nikhat (2009). Great Muslims of undivided India. Kalpaz. p. 106. ISBN 978-81-7835-756-0. Retrieved 10 October 2024.
• "Jinnah, Fatima (1893–1967". Encyclopedia.com. 2019. Retrieved 9 October 2024.
• Ravikumar, Mallika (20 August 2024). 565: The Dramatic Story of Unifying India. Hachette India. ISBN 978-93-91028-59-6. Retrieved 11 October 2024.
• Shaikh, Muhammad Ali (26 December 2021). "History: The Women in Jinnah's Life". Dawn. Retrieved 11 October 2024.
• Smith, Bonnie G. (2008). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Women in World History: Volume 1. Oxford University Press. p. 653. Retrieved 9 October 2024.

Political career

• Ahmad, Riaz, ed. (2004). Pakistani Scholars on Madar-i- Millat Fatima Jinnah. National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research (NIHCR): Center for Excellence - Quaid-i-Azam University. p. 31. ISBN 978-969-415-073-4. Retrieved 11 October 2024.
• Begum, Shahnaz; Naz, Asmat (July–September 2022). "Fatimmah Jinnah: A Political Leader". Journal of Development and Social Sciences. 3 (3): 162–173. doi:10.47205/jdss.2022(3-III)17. ISSN 2709-6262. Retrieved 15 October 2024.
• Ziring, Lawrence (1994). "Political Connections: Fatima Jinnah and Benazir Bhutto". Asian Affairs: An American Review. 21 (2). Taylor & Francis: 67–79. doi:10.1080/00927678.1994.9933685. ISSN 1940-1590. JSTOR 30172211. Retrieved 11 October 2024.

Further reading

• Jinnah, Fatima (1987). My Brother. Quaid-i-Azam Academy. ISBN 969-413-036-0.
• Noor, Mah, "Fatima Jinnah (1893-1967): Mother of the Nation" (PDF), Academia.edu, retrieved 14 October 2024