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Landelinus buckle

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image icon Photograph of the Landelinus buckle with a close-up of the head of the horseman.

The Landelinus buckle or Ladoix-Serrigny buckle is a 7th-century Merovingian belt buckle uncovered in Ladoix-Serrigny, France. The belt buckle is a notable example of early Christian iconography in Merovingian Burgundy, conjectured to depict an apocalyptic Christ on horseback. The buckle bears a Latin inscription identifying its creator as Landelinus, conjecturally identified by one scholar with Saint Landelin.

Discovery

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In 1971, during earthworks in a Burgundian vineyard at Ladoix-Serrigny, the vineyard's owner, Christian Perrin, uncovered an ancient graveyard. The graveyard contained burials both from the Late Roman Empire and the Merovingian period. The Ladoix-Serrigny buckle was found in one destroyed Merovingian grave. The buckle has been discussed in print continuously since 1971, but archeologists were not able to study it in detail until 1996–97, when Henri Gaillard de Sémainville, then Director of Historical Antiquities for Burgundy, obtained permission from Perrin.[1]: 339 [2]

Description and interpretation

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Another Burgundian "type D" belt buckle with Christian imagery. This belt buckle depicts the biblical figure Daniel having his feet licked by lions.[1]: 348 

The belt buckle is made of bronze and the incisings are shallow.[3]: 53–54  According to Bailey K. Young, among Germanic peoples belt buckles often served as "sites of prominent personal display",[1]: 344  and in this case "a fashion for consciously Christian imagery."[1]: 346  This particular buckle belongs to the family of Burgundian plate-buckles classified by Max Martin [de] as "type D" : such buckles are cast in bronze with decorated plates, are often found as part of elite Burgundian burials, and are generally dated between the later 6th century and to the 7th.[1]: 346 [4] The Landelinus buckle has been dated to the 7th century on this basis.[2] Several other type D buckles with Christian imagery have been found in the region, many with depictions of the biblical figure Daniel.[1]: 346–348 [5] The Burgundian who wore this belt buckle also wore a scramasax, so we can conclude the owner was an elite male.[1]: 351  Its creator was clearly educated: he knew Latin and perhaps even scripture;[2] this contrasts with the engraving, which has been described as "childish" ("puéril")[2] and "simplistically rendered".[3]: 53 

On the buckle, a bearded horseman with rays emanating from his head (perhaps hair or a halo) sits atop his horse. Arms raised and elbows bent, the horseman brandishes a spear (or lance) in his left hand and an axe in his right. The horse is elongated and with a small, fanged mouth, rendered in such a way as has been described as "serpentine".[6] The horse's erect penis is on prominent display. To the left of the rider is small, long, four-legged creature (perhaps a dragon or bird).[3]: 53–54 [1]: 339  To the right of the rider and above the horse's head is a chi-rho, flanked by an alpha and an omega. Below the horse's mouth is a greek cross. The tongue of the belt buckle displays a simpler chi-rho (an X with a horizontal line through it).[1]: 339 

Below the figures a Latin text is inscribed: "LANDELINVS FICIT / NVMEN / QVI ILLA PVSSEDIRAVIT VIVA[T] / VSQVI ANNVS MILI IN D[OMIN]O". Literally: "Landelinus has made this deity. Whoever possesses these things, may he live until the thousandth year of the Lord". The Latin word numen, translated here as "deity" but sometimes "divine will" or "divine presence", is difficult to interpret.[3]: 54  Gaillard de Sémainville notes that numen was often used by Christians to designate Christ. He translates the phrase as "Landelinus has made this (representation of) Christ".[2] However, Gaillard de Sémainville admits, numen can also be meant to "designate the object itself, an artefact provided with divine, indeed magic, powers".[1]: 352  For example, Rainer Warland [de] has argued that given the use of ficit (fecit, literally, "made"), "Christ" is unlikely, and numen should be read to mean "divine guardian spirit".[3]: 54  Another thing to note is the implicit millenarism (that is, belief that the end of times would come in 1000 AD) of the inscription. Such a view had been unfashionable in the Western Church since St. Augustine criticised it.[1]: 352–354 

Cécile Treffort and Henri Gaillard de Sémainville both read these figures as representing Christ of the Apocalypse on horseback. The figure is Christ upon the white horse, the rays from his head represent a halo. To his right are symbols of God and salvation, and to his left is the Beast.[2][1]: 351  Gaillard de Sémainville, however, has gone further to insist that the creator of the buckle "drew with great originality on various scriptural as well as iconographic traditions in rendering sometimes surprising details", drawing analogies between particular verses of the Book of Revelation and artistic choices in the buckle.[1]: 351–352  Michael Friedrich finds the identification of the figure with Christ "not as clear", citing as evidence Rainer Warland's interpretation of numen. Friedrich reads the "halo" as merely an attempt at rendering hair.[3]: 54  The buckle also exhibits some pagan syncretism. The erect penis and fangs of the horse are described by Young as religiously ambiguous "symbol[s] of vitality and power". Gaillard de Sémainville has drawn explicit analogy between the figures such sources as the ithyphallic Christ in the pagan-Christian Grésin plaque.[1]: 352 

Another remarkable fact about the buckle is that it mentions its author's name, "Landelinus". This is very uncommon among Merovingian belt buckles.[2] Italian scholar Paolo Serra suggested that perhaps this Landelinus was one and the same with the ill-recorded 7th-century Frankish Saint Landelin. Landelinus has prefaced his name with a cross (suggesting he was a member of the clergy) and Gaillard de Sémainville's profile of the author (learned in Latin and scripture, unlearned in art) fits the saint quite well. However, such an identification raises questions, such as why a member of the Western Church was proferring millenarist beliefs.[2][1]: 352–354 

See also

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References

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  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o Young, Bailey K. (2009). "The Imagery of Personal Objects: Hints of 'Do-It-Yourself' Christian Culture in Merovingian Gaul". In Cain, Andrew; Lenski, Noel (eds.). The Power of Religion in Late Antiquity. Farnham: Ashgate. pp. 339–54.
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h Gaillard de Sémainville, Henri (2019). "Landelinus, l'auteur de la plaque-boucle mérovingienne au Christ de l'Apocalypse découverte à Ladoix-Serrigny (Côte-d'Or) serait-il saint Landelin?". Revue archéologique de l'Est. 68 (191): 349–354.
  3. ^ a b c d e f Friedrich, Matthias (2023). "The Enduring Power of Images". Image and Ornament in the Early Medieval West. Cambridge University Press. pp. 37–104. ISBN 9781009207768.
  4. ^ Martin, Max (1971). "Bemerkungen zu den frühmittelalterlichen Gürtelbeschlägen der Westschweiz". Zeitschrift für Schweizerische Archäologie und Kunstgeschichte. 28: 29–57.
  5. ^ "Plaques-boucles à motifs chrétiens". Musée Archéologie Nationale. Retrieved 15 September 2024.
  6. ^ Young, Bailey K. (2018). "Landelinus buckle". Oxford Dictionary of Late Antiquity. Oxford University Press. Retrieved 13 June 2024.

Further reading

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  • Deyts, S., Rolley, C. "Une plaque-boucle mérovingienne inscrite" Revue archéologique de l’Est 22, 3-4 (1971): 403-407.
  • Gaillard de Sémainville, H. "Nouvel examen de la plaque-boucle mérovingienne de Landelinus découverte à Ladoix-Serrigny (Côte-d’Or): Apocalypse et millénarisme dans l’art mérovingien" Revue archéologique de l’Est 52 (2003): 297–327
  • Giesler, U. "Landelinus ficit numen. Zur Interpretation der Stele von Niederdollendorf (2)" Bericht aus dem Rheinischen LandesMuseum Bonn 1 (2007): 1–13
  • Perriaux L. "Une plaque de ceinturon mérovingienne historiée (Ladoix-Serrigny 1971)". Mémoires de la Soc. d’Archéologie de Beaune, 56 (1972): 103-109.
  • Treffort, C. "Vertus prophylactiques et sens eschatologique d’un dépôt funéraire du Haut Moyen Âge: Les plaques boucles rectangulaires burgondes à inscription" Archéologie médiévale 32 (2002): 31–53.
  • Warland, R. "Byzanz und die Alemannia: Zu den frühbyzantinischen Vorlagen der Hüfinger Scheiben," Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 55 (2013): 132–139.
  • Weber, G. "Heidnische Kontinuitäten im frühen Christentum Galliens: Archäologische Zeugnisse in Spätantike und Frühmittelalter". PhD disseration, Univ. Cologne (2019), 150–204.