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Draft:Years of Lead (Corsica)

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The “Years of Lead”[1] (Corsican: Anni di Piombu; French: Années de plomb), also known as the Fratricidal War[2] (Corsican: Guerra Fratricida; French: Guerre Fratricide) was an eleven-year period of large-scale political violence and guerrilla warfare in Corsica involving the French government and a number of Corsican nationalist guerrilla groups. Mainly a three-way conflict until 1996, it was composed of the French government, the FLNC-Canal Habituel (FLNC-Canale Abituale, FLNC-CA), and the FLNC-Canal Historique (FLNC-Canale Storicu, FLNC-CS). After 1996, the conflict escalated due to the split of the FLNC-5 May (FLNC-5 Maghju, FLNC-5M) from the FLNC-CA and Fronte Ribellu from the FLNC-CS. In 1999, Armata Corsa split from the FLNC-CS and the other guerrilla groups unified to form the FLNC-Union of Combatants (FLNC-Unione di i Cumbattenti, FLNC-UC). It ended with the assassination of François Santoni, leader of Armata Corsa, in August of 2001.

Years of Lead
Part of the Corsican conflict

FLNC-CS militants.
Date17 October 1990 - August 2001
Location
Corsica
Result

FLNC-UC victory

  • FLNC-UC dismantles Armata Corsa, survives the era of factionalism, continues war with the French government
Belligerents

France

Italy

“Historiques”

Supported by:

“Habituels”

Supported by:

  • France (periodically; due to ceasefire agreements)

“Maghjini”

”Ribelli”

“Suldati”

Commanders and leaders
François Mitterand
Jacques Chirac		 Charles Pieri
François Santoni(1990-1999)
Pierre Poggioli(1992-1996)		 Alain Orsoni Jean-Félix Acquaviva Unknown
François Santoni (1999-2001)

The Corsican years of lead, much like the Italian conflict of the same name, was characterized by an upheaval of social and political life on the island. Guerrilla actions were frequent, bombings were daily, and many peace processes failed and caused only more division in the movement. The most famous event of the era, the assassination of Corsican prefect Claude Érignac, committed by Corsican nationalists linked to both the FLNC-CS and a small nationalist paramilitary called Sampieru.[4]

Background

[edit]

By 1987, the National Liberation Front of Corsica (Fronte di Liberazione Naziunale di a Corsica, FLNC) had been waging an eleven-year long guerrilla war against French administration in Corsica. Bombings, occupations, commando operations, ambushes, and clashes had become commonplace, and attacks were nearly daily. In 1982, the FLNC decided to take the struggle into politics, creating the FLNC’s political wing, the Corsican Movement for Self-determination (Muvimentu Corsu per l’Autodeterminazione, MCA). The MCA performed well in mayoral elections and was the largest separatist party in the Corsican Assembly.[5]

On 17 January 1987, the Bastia headquarters of the MCA was the target of an attempted bombing. FLNC officials and MCA elected officials blamed the Bastia police department for the attack, and on 20 January the FLNC and MCA elected officials held a speech where they told the Corsican population to “be vigilant”. The next day, the French government banned and dissolved the MCA for inciting violence. In response, the FLNC occupied the town of Corte and established a separate Corsican governing body in the town called the “Cuncolta”. In the coming weeks, Cuncolte would be established across the island in the following weeks.[6]

French officials responded harshly to the establishment of a rival government in Corsica. In February, the prefect of Haute-Corse was replaced with a hard-line “super cop”. On 16 June, Minister of the Interior and Corso-Provençal Charles Pasqua visited Ajaccio, where he delivered his now infamous “terrorize the terrorists” speech. During a speech in Ajaccio’s Place des Palmiers, Pasqua was interrupted by protesters throwing tear gas at him, resulting in the arrest of seventeen and the injury of many protesters. A day later, leader of Corsica’s Association for the Aid of Victims of Terrorism, Jean-Paul Lafay, was assassinated outside of a meeting place in Ajaccio.[6][7]

On 24 November, a small group of 8 people connected to the FLNC’s Ajaccio brigade were arrested. Following this, a failed attempt to dismantle the Ajaccio brigade began, and a total of 25 Corsicans were arrested in Ajaccio, many women and children, and most were not connected to the FLNC and simply separatists.[6]

The assassinations of peace activists and the arrest of civilians caused public opinion of both the FLNC and the French government to decline sharply. Despite this, the FLNC would continue their campaign into 1988 with harsh attacks on military and civilian targets. In February, an FLNC commando attacked the Battesti barracks in Ajaccio, killing a gendarme. On 22 April, the FLNC exploded a car bomb in downtown Ajaccio as a gendarme patrol was passing, injuring one gendarme and 6 civilians.[8]

In May 1988, François Mitterand was re-elected. In 1981, after the first election of Mitterand, the FLNC had gone into negotiations with Mitterand’s cabinet that resulted in the formation of an autonomous territory for Corsica. These agreements, however, fell flat in 1982 and armed campaign resumed. The FLNC and Mitterand re-approached in 1988 in order to negotiate a new ceasefire agreement, and hopefully pursue peace in Corsica. This agreement would be largely influential in Corsican politics, and would allow for more peaceful agreements down the line. However, many hardline nationalists in the FLNC opposed the ceasefire. This caused a political split in the FLNC, between the pro-ceasefire “Habituels” (Abituali in Corsican) and the anti-ceasefire “Historiques” (Storichi in Corsican). The brigade council of the FLNC would be increasingly controlled by the Habituels in order to prevent turmoil, and on 20 July 1988 the FLNC’s new political wing, A Cuncolta Naziunalista, formed in late 1987 from the Cuncolte government, tabled a motion in the Corsican assembly to peacefully establish Corsican recognition and autonomy. Following the ratification of this motion in October, many Historiques, upset with the peaceful agreement and supportive of immediate independence, began to withdraw from the FLNC.[8]

In March 1989, a strike across Corsica paralyzed the island, closing off commerce and business. A failed attempt to resolve the crisis was tabled by prefect Michel Charasse. On 19 April, Charasse was the victim of an attempted kidnapping by a commando of historiques, who had begun a dissident campaign across the island. Leaders and brigades of the FLNC began to withdraw, and infighting began with the assassinations of Gerard Franchi, Petru Avazzeri, and Jean-Luc Natali, all high-ranking officials of the FLNC. On 16 September, Pierre Poggioli, leader of the FLNC, resigned. A month later, he created his own political party, Accolta Naziunale Corsa (ANC), and his own separate guerrilla force, Resistenza. Habituels under Alain Orsoni took official control of the FLNC and began a transformation of the organization.[9]

In November, FLNC dissidents announce the end of the truce with the French government, and begin a bombing campaign against vacation homes and “settler colonialism” in Corsica. Meanwhile, the original FLNC announces a “project of society” to peacefully implement autonomy.[9]

Entering 1990, the FLNC has effectively become multiple organizations, the original FLNC and the various dissident brigades. Bombings form the dissidents and assassinations on both sides became commonplace as the FLNC and the dissidents battled for control over the government. In August 1990, the National Liberation Army of Corsica (Armata di Liberazione Naziunale di a Corsica, ALNC) formed, the first attempt to unify the Historiques, although the organization was mostly local to the centre of the island. On 8 October, after a very brief armed campaign, the ALNC scuttles itself and prepares to rejoin the FLNC. On 17 October, the remnants of the FLNC organized a new organization, the “Habitual Channel” (FLNC-Canale Abituale, FLNC-CA), and a new political wing, the Movement for Self-determination (Muvimentu per l’Autodeferminazione, MPA). A month later, On 25 November, FLNC dissidents and the ALNC invade the town of Borgo and create the “Historic Channel” (Canale Storicu, FLNC-CS). These two groups would immediately instigate a civil war within the movement, beginning the years of lead.[1]

1990-1992: Beginning of the civil war and the social struggle

[edit]

The FLNC was organized with a very large and diverse set of sections in the movement. Following the split within the armed and political forces, the other sections of the organization began to be plagued with division. On 29 November 1990, the FLNC’s press wing, U Ribombu, had their equipment stolen by the FLNC-CA after the organization came under the control of the Historiques. The Habituels left a large-caliber bullet on a nearby table as a threat.[1] In February 1991, the FLNC’s labour wing, the Corsican Workers’ Trade Union (Sindicatu di i Travagliadori Corsi, STC), began to suffer through division during a strike in both retail and airport operations. Historiques, which controlled the organization, declared support for the strikes along with the ANC, Resistenza’s political wing, while the FLNC-CA denounced the “militaristic drift” of the FLNC-CS.[10]

Violence against French institutions and authority was, for the majority of the conflict, committed by the FLNC-CS. The FLNC-CA continued the ceasefire agreements signed by the original FLNC in 1988, which was a major source of tension between the two organizations. On 19 December 1990, head of the Chamber of Agriculture, Lucien Tirroloni, was assassinated in Ajaccio. Two days later, Historiques in the town of Propriano, connected to the assassinations of Tirroloni and Charles Grossetti, Mayor of Grosseto-Prugna, were themselves assassinated, likely by the FLNC-CA. On 27 December, two cars belonging two a university professor were lit ablaze, likely by the FLNC-CS. an “FLNC” inscription was left at the scene of the attack.[1]

On 31 December 1990, Paul Mariani, mayor of the town of Soveria and Parliamentary attaché for FLNC negotiations, was murdered in his Soveria home. A judicial inquiry was opened soon after, and after three years of investigation a man named Dominique Santelli was arrested. The murder was presented as a personal financial dispute, yet a lack of evidence caused the Rhône Assize court to find him innocent of the murder. It took until 1995 to solve the case, when the FLNC-CA claimed the murder. The Habituels claimed that Mariani, as negotiator in the agreements between the FLNC-CA and the French government, refused to discuss weapons trafficking and arms sale from other countries, particularly Gaddafi’s Libya and Czechoslovakia.[11][12]

On 30 January 1991, a group of 30 farmers, members of the FLNC-CS’s agricultural union, the Corsican Agriculture Union (Sindicatu Corsu di l’Agricultura, SCA) kidnapped the commissioner of Corsican development and stuffed him in a box, threatening to literally “send him back to Paris”. He was found in an airport being sent to be shipped onto a plane.[13][10]

On 8 January 1991, the FLNC-CA declared the official continuation of the ceasefire with the French government. A meeting was held in March 1991 to reaffirm this position and shift the focus to war with the FLNC-CS. Meanwhile, the FLNC-CS and Resistenza began their first large campaigns around the same time. On 3 January, forty-four major commando operations occurred simultaneously across Corsica: in Linguizzetta, in Sagone, in Saint-Lucie-de-Porto-Vecchio, in Calvi, in Ajaccio, in Aléria, in Sant’Ambroggio, and in Marina-di-Casinca; these were claimed by the FLNC-CS.[14] In January 1991, Resistenza committed several actions: 5 bomb attacks against government buildings across Corsica, and commando operations and occupations around the town of Sagone. On 5 February, the FLNC-CS writes to mayors in the Balagne region, asking them to declare the coast unbuildable to prevent more vacation homes from being built there. On 31 March 1991, Resistenza descends on the town of Porto-Vecchio in response to the senate’s refusal to recognize the Corsican people and right to autonomy. On 8 April 1991, ACN and ANC (the political wings of the FLNC-CS and Resistenza respectively) meet in Ajaccio and begin working together, and their armed wings begin an alliance.[10]

At the same time, political and social divisions continued along the same lines as the armed infighting. On 18 February, the MPA (Muvimentu per l’Autodeterminazione, the FLNC-CA’s political wing) withdrew from the recently established electoral alliance of nationalist parties, the National Council (Cunsulta Naziunale), consisting of the political wing of the FLNC-CS, the Nationalist Collective (A Cuncolta Naziunalista, ACN) and Resistenza’s political wing, the Corsican National Alliance (Accolta Naziunale Corsa, ANC). The political alliance was less of an alliance and more of a broad coalition of nationalist parties. However, with the absence of the MPA, the relationship between ACN and the ANC flourished. The ANC and ACN would issue statements together and organize events together, almost always without the presence of the MPA.[10]

On 8 July, the Corsican autonomist newspaper KYRN is bombed by the Corsican Anti-Separatist Movement (Mouvement Anti-Séparatiste Corse, MASC), a paramilitary force opposed to Corsican separatists, and the successor to the large anti-separatist guerrilla movement, the New Action Front against Independence and Autonomy (Front d’Action Nouvelle Contre l’Indépendance et l’Autonomie, FRANCIA), which existed from 1977 to 1983.[10]

On 10 July 1991, protests break out over the absence of the Corsican language on road signs. the Consulta Naziunale leads the protest, leading bands of Corsican separatist protesters to unbolt signs. The police respond, arresting three people and injuring five. The next day, hundreds of unbolted road signs are thrown in front of the Ajaccio prefecture building.[10]

On 15 July 1991, MPA (FLNC-CA) members and ANC (Resistenza) members meet in Ajaccio, both organizing events on the same day. Several incidents break out over protesting rights. In one instance, MPA member Jean-Pierre Leca pulls out a gun and fires several shots at ANC protesters. On 18 July, Leca is arrested, and in November he is sentenced to 18 months in prison.[10]

At the end of 1991, attacks from the Historiques and Resistenza become more frequent. In July 1991, the FLNC-CS bombs the Departmental Directorate for Equipment buildings in Bastia and Ajaccio, as well as the ministry of national education in Paris and an oil tanker in Porto Torres in Sardinia, Italy. On 19 August, Resistenza destroys the Bastia police station in a bomb attack. A day later, former FLNC officer and guerrilla leader Léo Battesti announces to the press that he is distancing from armed action due to the factionalism, stating that the “nationalist family” no longer exists and that he is open to civil dialogue with French officials. On 7 September, Resistenza commandos committed armed actions across the far south against real estate agencies and tourist attractions. On 16 September, Resistenza holds a press conference where they announce a “toughening of armed resistance”. On the same day, FLNC-CS bomb attacks destroy the rectorates of Créteil and Arcueil in Île-de-France. In November 1991, an exchange of fire between the FLNC-CS and French police occurred in Bastia.[10]

On 6 November 1991, a lawyer from Bastia named Jean Grimaldi was shot dead outside of his home. The assassination, which had a years long investigation, was likely carried out by the FLNC-CA due to Grimaldi’s alleged donations to nationalists being withheld during the peace process.[10][15]

At the beginning of 1992, tensions began to boil over. Assassinations, already common, became even more common as irregular warfare between the two FLNCs grew larger.

On 9 January 1992, FLNC-CS activist and ACN politician Jean-Dominique Rossi was assassinated by the FLNC-CA. Rossi had been chosen as a candidate for the Corsican assembly elections in a private meeting minutes before he was assassinated. Soon after, two men in a car loaded with weapons were arrested in Bastia, likely connected to one of the FLNC organizations.[16]

In February 1992, a series of incidents of unrest occurred in Ajaccio over the visit of Jean-Marie Le Pen, leader of the far-right National Front to the island. Rocks and tear gas were thrown on the streets of Ajaccio, targeting “symbols of French oppression”. Jean Giambelli, FLNC-CS militant and ACN territorial councilor, stated: “Corsican nationalists want to build a society of justice, tolerance, democracy, and freedom, and to us Jean-Marie Le Pen is the symbol of fascism, repression, and intolerance.” When Le Pen was confronted by separatists in Ajaccio, he stated, “When I’m in power, you will see very little of me”, to which the separatists responded “That’s why we don’t want you, Bastard.” Corsican prefect Roger Hubert-Gros cancelled Le Pen’s rally soon after.[16]

Despite the wave of attacks against elected officials and candidates (a territorial aide was the victim of an attack in Bastia in early March, as well as Bastia mayor Émile Zuccarelli), Corsican separatists won 25% of the vote in the 1992 Corsican elections. However, the MPA is the only party present for the meeting of the opposition. Believing the MPA and FLNC-CA to be working with the French government, ACN executive and FLNC-CS officer Jean-Michel Rossi denounces the “abuses” of the MPA, leading the FLNC-CA to “sentence” Rossi to death. Rossi avoids an assassination attempt and survives until his assassination in 2000 by FLNC-CS members angry at him for leaving the organization with Santoni to form Armata Corsa.

On 5 May 1992, Armand-Cesari Stadium in Furiani was the spot of SC Bastia’s long-anticipated match against Olympique Marseille. SC Bastia was heavily influenced by the FLNC-CS, and many members were associated with the organization.[2] An hour before the match, a makeshift stand collapsed causing 18 deaths and 2,300 injuries. This caused both a crisis for the French Football Federation and a political crisis in the FLNC-CS, who were counting on a victory of SC Bastia to sway public opinion.[16]

On 10 May 1992, FLNC activists returning from a separatist congress in Malta are detained and questioned at the airport in Rome. On 21 May, Jean-Michel Rossi is convicted of terrorism charges.[16]

On 25 May, the communist mayor of Sartène and Corsican PCF executive Dominique Bucchini denounces violence in Corsica. Sartène town hall is targeted by an attack just a week later.[16]

On 15 June, Jacques Fieschi, Resistenza member and ANC councilor, is the target of an attempted assassination at his home in Propriano, likely committed by the FLNC-CA. On 29 June, his furniture store is the target of a machine gun attack.[16]

1992-1995: Historiques strengthen the campaign, Habituels break the ceasefire

[edit]

In July 1992, the FLNC-CS and Resistenza strenghten their campaign. On 7 July, the National Education Ministry headquarters in Paris was the target of a large bomb attack, perpetrated by the FLNC-CS. Later in July, the FLNC-CS bombs the Ajaccio criminal court in response to the conviction of one of its members. On 26 July, a Resistenza commando seizes a helicopter on the Corsican island of Cavallo, using it to destroy several buildings on the island. On 28 July, the FLNC-CS bombs buildings owned by the Corsican Society of Distribution (Société Corse de Distribution, SOCORDIS), a market distribution business carrying goods to Corsica from mainland France. In July, the FLNC-CS also holds a press conference, officially demanding Corsican independence.[16]

Also in July 1992, the town of Bonifacio was rocked by the beginning of a decades-long conflict known as the “boatmen’s war”. Local bands of competing boatmen, sometimes guided by Corsican mafiosi, begin to compete for domination in the lucrative ferry and fishing businesses in the town by using intimidation techniques and assassinations. On 27 July 1992, three men are injured by gunfire in an armed clash over fishing rights in the area.[17][18][16]

In August 1992, the FLNC-CA begins escalating conflict with the Corsican mafia, beginning a new phase of the Corsican mafia conflict between the two groups. An August press conference declares the FLNC-CA “ready to attack militarily” if the mafia continues to carry out actions on the island. Also in the same press conference, the FLNC-CA ends the long-running “summer truce”, the ceasefire agreement, and claims attacks committed in Paris, Marseille, and Nice. Resistenza and their political wing also declare themselves opposed to the Mafia. A mafia attack targets the business of an ANC councilor in Porto-Vecchio. Meanwhile, the FLNC-CS loses yet another commander, Bruno DiGiovanni, to an FLNC-CA assassination, this time in Corte. On 22 August, 4 assassinations occur in the Balagne region, likely committed by or against mafiosi. In late August, the FLNC-CA announces the assassination of two drug dealers in Scandola and assassinates Jean Orsoni, a Brise de Mer member.[16]

In September 1992, a case carried out by the European court of Justice found France guilty of police brutality and torture of nationalist activists and militants, particularly Felice Tomasi, an FLNC member arrested after an attack on the Sorbo-Ocognano foreign legion station, resulting in the death of a soldier. French authorities withheld Tomasi’s rights to detention on remand as written in French law, withheld his release for longer than permitted, and inflicted physical and mental abuse on Tomasi while in detention. Tomasi was awarded 300,000 francs as compensation. This judgment was extended to two other FLNC members, Joseph Moracchini and FLNC-CS leader Charles Pieri, both arrested for the Sorbo-Ocognano attack and tortured in detention in 1983.[16][19]

On 20 September 1992, A mobile gendarme is killed by an FLNC-CS bomb attack on the Zonza mairie. The FLNC-CS had been targeting Zonza mayor Sébastien de Rocca Serra for months, committing an Arson attack on the mairie in March and a separate bomb attack in June. In late October, banks and administrative buildings were targeted by large bomb attacks attributed to the FLNC-CS.[16]

On 4 November, a small conflict between Resistenza and the FLNC-CS begins. Resistenza’s political wing, the Accolta Naziunale Corsa, denounces violent measures taken by the FLNC-CS. In response, A Cuncolta Naziunalista denounces the ANC and reacts aggressively during a Corsica Nazione meeting.[16]

  1. ^ a b c d "#corse StoriaCorsa 1990 « FLNC Canal Historique, Canal Habituel, Resistenza, Cuncolta, MPA, ANC… » -" (in French). 2019-09-03. Retrieved 2024-10-08.
  2. ^ a b "Les drames de Furiani". Ultimo Diez (in French). 2020-05-05. Retrieved 2024-11-04.
  3. ^ “TERRORISM REVIEW (U)”, CIAhttps://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP87T00685R000200220002-2.pdf
  4. ^ archive.wikiwix.com https://archive.wikiwix.com/cache/index2.php?url=http://www.unita-naziunale.org/portail/sansigle98.htm#federation=archive.wikiwix.com&tab=url. Retrieved 2024-10-06. {{cite web}}: Missing or empty |title= (help)
  5. ^ "35. France/Corsica (1967-present)". uca.edu. Retrieved 2024-10-07.
  6. ^ a b c "#corse StoriaCorsa 1987 « GHJUVAN'BATTISTA, FRATELLU DI U FRONTE, SIMU FIERU D'AVE CUMBATTUTU A FIANCU A TE, MAI UN CI SCURDEREMU DI TE, MAI » -" (in French). 2019-09-01. Retrieved 2024-10-07.
  7. ^ "La situation en Corse après l'assassinat du docteur Lafay. M. Robert Pandraud à Ajaccio LE "déshonneur"" (in French). 1987-06-19. Retrieved 2024-10-07.
  8. ^ a b "#corse StoriaCorsa 1988 « Motion Peuple Corse déposée par A Cuncolta à l'Assemblée » -" (in French). 2019-09-02. Retrieved 2024-10-07.
  9. ^ a b "#corse StoriaCorsa 1989 « Le FLNC propose un projet de société » -" (in French). 2019-09-02. Retrieved 2024-10-07.
  10. ^ a b c d e f g h i "#corse StoriaCorsa 1991 « Le FLNC sort u Sicondu Quaternu » la suite de son projet de société -" (in French). 2019-09-03. Retrieved 2024-10-08.
  11. ^ BENHAMOU, Guy. "Le meurtre de Paul Mariani cache-t-il une affaire d'Etat? Après l'acquittement de Dominique Santelli par les assises du Rhône, reste la thèse de la défense sur un trafic d'armes". Libération (in French). Retrieved 2024-10-08.
  12. ^ “TERRORISM REVIEW (U)”, CIAhttps://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP87T00685R000200220002-2.pdf
  13. ^ "Devant le tribunal correctionnel d'Ajaccio Les méthodes expéditives de sept syndicalistes agricoles corses" (in French). 1991-03-03. Retrieved 2024-10-08.
  14. ^ "GTD Search Results". www.start.umd.edu. Retrieved 2024-10-08.
  15. ^ "Un autre avocat avait été tué en Corse en 1991 avant Antoine Sollacaro". Le Point (in French). 2012-10-16. Retrieved 2024-10-10.
  16. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l "#corse StoriaCorsa 1992 « 25% aux élections régionales » « Catastrophe de Furiani » -" (in French). 2019-09-04. Retrieved 2024-10-30.
  17. ^ "Meurtre de Paul Rocca : peu d'avancées mais des témoignages". www.corsematin.com (in French). 2019-06-13. Retrieved 2024-10-31.
  18. ^ France 3 Corse ViaStella (2019-06-11). Retour sur le conflit entre les bateliers bonifaciens. Retrieved 2024-10-31 – via YouTube.{{cite AV media}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  19. ^ "HUDOC - European Court of Human Rights". hudoc.echr.coe.int. Retrieved 2024-11-07.
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