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Draft:Matrukasindh

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MatrukaSindh is the term used collectively for the evacuated and exchanged lands in the province of Sindh.The Muhajir (Pakistan)|مُہاجر are the only rightful owners of these lands.[1][2]

Matruka is not an English word. It's an Arabic & Urdu word متروکہ متروکہ which means abandoned from the possession (property etc.), left by immigrants (property etc.) inherited wealth and property etc. متروکہ word is derived from ترک . ترک means left, deserted, omitted, renounced. It also means given up, given away, parted with, abdication, abandoned or relinquished.  Pakistan was created by carving a map from united India. A bilateral exchange of populations and lands occurred due to communal riots. This led to the migration of different religious minorities between the newly formed countries. Millions were forced to leave their lands, properties, businesses, and belongings in both India and Pakistan. Sikhs and Hindus left Pakistan. They abandoned their properties and lands. Muslims in India were compelled to leave their wealth, lands, and businesses. The partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947 was significant. It was marked by one of the largest migrations in peacetime in modern history. Around twenty million people were displaced by this ugly partition. Hindus and Sikhs migrated to India. Muslims migrated to Pakistan. In human history this is the only bilateral exchange of population and lands ever happened.[3]

Initially, the intention was for people to return to their hometowns and villages.[4] Nevertheless, over time, animosity and hatred resulted in a permanent exchange of populations and lands. The negotiation process began in August 1947. After this lengthy process, the two countries endorsed this exchange of lands. They also legalized the exchange of other immovable properties. A bilateral treaty between Pakistan and India made this possible. Constitutional provisions and federal and provincial laws in both countries also supported the legalization. Indian Prime Minister Nehru outlined the pathway for this exchange at the Delhi summit. Pakistani Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan also outlined the pathway on April 8, 1950. Instead of terms like 'abandoned' or 'relinquished,' the term 'evacuee' was used.[5] This term described the true nature of these lands and properties. But, in Pakistan متروکہ continued to be used. There was no other better or common word available in Urdu for 'evacuee lands'. So, evacuee lands in the province of Sindh are collectively called متروکہ سندھ MatrukaSindh. 

Evacuee lands & properties were not from one city, district or province, yet highest concentration was in divided Punjab. Government of West Punjab Pakistan initiated the term "agreed" for evacuee from East Punjab & Delhi. The rest of the migrants from India were declared as "non-agreed." Indian Government never accepted this terminology for their migrants from any area of Pakistan. Meanwhile, migrants from the rest of India, especially UP, demanded an end to this discrimination. Finally Government of Pakistan abolished the terms of "Agreed" & "non-agreed" for evacuee lands in 1966.[6]

Estimating the exact total area of Matruka (or evacuee) lands in both Pakistan and India is challenging. Both countries initially provided exaggerated estimates of the lands left behind by migrants. The complexity arises from the fact that Muslims ruled various regions of India for centuries before partition. Excluding East Punjab, Muslims from other parts of India owned numerous princely states, extensive lands held by Nawabs and jagirdars, as well as agricultural lands, businesses, and residential properties across India.[7]

Due to the extreme violence in Punjab, many Muhajirs from other parts of India—particularly Uttar Pradesh, Central Provinces, Rajasthan, Hyderabad, Gujarat, and other areas (excluding the eastern provinces)—ended up in the Sindh province. Meanwhile, non-Muslims from Sindh migrated to their evacuated lands. Not only were migrants between the two Punjabs welcomed, embraced, and integrated into local societies, but the culturally and linguistically distinct Sindhi migrants were also warmly received in the towns, cities, and provinces vacated by the Muhajirs who had moved to Sindh. (#3)Unfortunately, the Muhajirs in Sindh were not welcomed by the local Wadero class and instead faced persecution and racial discrimination. The situation in Sindh was complex, marked by intense competition for resources between refugees and locals. Official estimates indicate that influential local Sindhi landlords, in collusion with evacuee property officials, appropriated over 300,000 acres of evacuee agricultural land. Sarah Ansari has highlighted that the issue of evacuee property sparked significant resentment among refugees in the province throughout the 1950s. She provides evidence of major zamindars seizing evacuee land and argues that such actions not only hindered the rehabilitation of refugee families but also significantly contributed to the antagonism between refugees and local communities in the years following 1947.[8][9][10]

To this day, Muhajirs in the Sindh province face mockery for allegedly making false claims over evacuee lands. Critics often overlook the fact that, unlike East and West Punjab, there was no mechanism to obtain land records from India for the so-called "non-agreed" lands. Sindhi nationalists use this gap to falsely assert that Muhajirs occupied their lands, despite evidence showing that Muslim Sindhis owned only 30% of documented lands in Sindh before partition (Reference: Separation of Sindh, Vol. 1, p. 347 by Hameeda Khuro, Minister for Education and also served as a professor of history at the ).[11][12]

Sindhi nationalism, inspired by Stalin's ideas on nations and nationalities, began to take root in the 1960s. By the 1970s and 1980s, it had evolved into a well-defined narrative of grievance combined with a historical and cultural identity. This nationalist sentiment often targeted Muhajirs and Punjabis in Sindh, fueling a radical narrative of hate and violence. Urdu-speaking students were particularly targeted, especially during the "language riots" of 1971 and 1972.

The first instance of lethal violence occurred in October 1973 at the University of Sindh, where two students were killed. In July 1975, members of the Jeay Sindh Student Federation (JSSF) abducted an Urdu-speaking provincial minister. The 1980s saw an escalation of violence, with ethnic conflicts emerging as political rivalries intensified. Sindhi student leaders, adept at both facing violence and using it defensively, incorporated violence into their nationalist agenda. On September 30, 1988, a group of armed men on motorbikes drove through Urdu-speaking neighborhoods in Hyderabad, indiscriminately shooting at people and killing over 250. This attack triggered a series of retaliatory killings against Sindhis, further intensifying ethnic violence in the region.[13]

Many believe that Qadir Magsi, leader of the “Taraqqi Pasand” faction of the Jeay Sindh Student Federation (JSSF), orchestrated this move in collaboration with the bandit Janu Arain. On April 17, 2012, Jeay Sindh Tehrik (JST) Chairman Safdar Sarki publicly threatened Muhajirs with severe consequences in a press statement. Additionally, on September 26, 2018, during a speech in the Sindh Assembly, PPP MPA Sohail Anwar Siyal expressed intense hostility towards Muhajir MPAs. He criticized their demand for a separate province based on evacuee lands by asserting, “The people of Sindh opened their homes to you; what is this Mohajir business? Whoever is born in Sindh is a Sindhi. Sindh supports all Sindhis and provides water to everyone living in this province.”[14][15]

In Sindh, a tribal society with a strong emphasis on the concept of "son of the soil," nationalist rhetoric and political activism have heightened tensions. This environment has compelled political parties representing Muhajirs to assert their claims as rightful inhabitants of the evacuee lands, known as Matruka Sindh. Leaders of the Highjacked Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQMP), Real Founder Of MQM is Altaf Hussain, including Dr. Khalid Maqbool Siddiqui [16][17] and Syed Mustafa Kamal,[18] have prominently featured Matruka Sindh in their political rallies. On various occasions, Dr Saleem Haider of Muhajir Ittehad Tehreek (MIT) has advocated for the creation of a separate province for Muhajirs based on these evacuee lands.[19][20] Renowned journalist Javed Siddiqui wrote a detail article on MatrukaSindh in BBC urdu TV.[21]

References

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  1. ^ https://migrationaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/3-llyas-chattha-article-migration-affairs-sept-2021.pdf
  2. ^ https://bor9.pitb.gov.pk/system/files/The%20Displaced%20Persons%20%28Land%20Settlement%29%20Act%2C%201958.pdf
  3. ^ Life after Partition: Migration, Community and Strife in Sindh: 1947 - 1962
  4. ^ Chattha, Ilyas (2012). "Competitions for Resources: Partition's Evacuee Property and the Sustenance of Corruption in Pakistan". Modern Asian Studies. 46 (5): 1182–1211. doi:10.1017/S0026749X12000170.
  5. ^ https://www.mea.gov.in/Portal/LegalTreatiesDoc/PA50B1228.pdf
  6. ^ https://migrationaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/3-llyas-chattha-article-migration-affairs-sept-2021.pdf
  7. ^ "Princely States in India List, Background, Integration". 26 March 2024.
  8. ^ Chattha, Ilyas (2012). "Competitions for Resources: Partition's Evacuee Property and the Sustenance of Corruption in Pakistan". Modern Asian Studies. 46 (5): 1182–1211. doi:10.1017/S0026749X12000170.
  9. ^ Life after Partition: Migration, Community and Strife in Sindh: 1947 - 1962
  10. ^ "10 mega corruption cases of Sindh depts closed". 19 April 2018.
  11. ^ Documents on Separation of Sindh from The Bombay Presidency VOLUME no 1 by Dr. Hamida Khuhro
  12. ^ https://www.amazon.com/Documents-Separation-Bombay-Presidency-Hamida/dp/B09S6JPGCQ
  13. ^ Levesque, Julien (2021). "Beyond Success or Failure: Sindhi Nationalism and the Social Construction of the "Idea of Sindh"". Journal of Sindhi Studies. 1: 1–33. doi:10.1163/26670925-bja10001.
  14. ^ "Qadir Magsi for nationalists' unity against conspiracy". 17 April 2012.
  15. ^ "PPP's Suhail Anwar Siyal's 'incendiary' speech condemned by MQM, PSP leadership". 27 September 2018.
  16. ^ "متروکہ سندھ ہمارا ہے اس کے لئے جدوجہد جاری رکھیں گے ڈاکٹر خالد مقبول". 19 March 2018.
  17. ^ "متروکہ سندھ کی زمین ہماری ہے جس پر صوبہ بنانے کا حق رکھتے ہیں: خالد مقبول". 2 September 2018.
  18. ^ "مہاجر پناہ گزین نہیں' معاہدے کے تحت پاکستان آئے: مصطفی کمال". 19 May 2022.
  19. ^ "اسمبلی میں مہاجر حقوق پر خاموشی شرمناک ہے: ڈاکٹرسلیم حیدر". 17 August 2018.
  20. ^ https://www.express.pk/story/1191116/464/
  21. ^ "عنوان: متروکہ سندھ اور ھم".