Jump to content

Sino-African relations

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Africa–China relations
Map indicating locations of Africa and China

AU

China
Africa–Taiwan relations

AU

Taiwan
A map indicating trading routes used around the 1st century CE centred on the Silk Road

Sino–African relations, also referred to as Africa–China relations or Afro–Chinese relations, are the historical, political, economic, military, social, and cultural connections between China and the African continent.

Little is known about ancient relations between China and Africa, though there is some evidence of early trade connections. Highlights of medieval contacts include the 14th-century journey of Moroccan scholar Ibn Battuta,[1] the 14th-century visit of Somali scholar and explorer Sa'id of Mogadishu and the 15th-century Ming dynasty voyages of Chinese admiral Zheng He.

Modern political and economic relations between mainland China and the African continent commenced in the era of Mao Zedong, following the victory of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the Chinese Civil War. At the turn of the 21st century, the modern state of the People's Republic of China (PRC) built increasingly strong economic ties with Africa. In 2013, it was estimated that one million Chinese citizens were residing in Africa.[2][needs update] Additionally, Howard French estimated that two million Africans were working in China in 2017.[3]

In 1971, China received the support from 26 African nations in the UN to take over the seat from Taiwan.[4] Mao Zedong was grateful for the support and said, "It is our African brothers who have carried us into the UN".[5] Today almost all African nations officially recognise the economically larger China (People's Republic of China) over Taiwan in search of economic advantage (aid, trade and FDI).[6] As of 2024, Eswatini and the self-declared Republic of Somaliland are the only two African states to have official relations with Taiwan, although Eswatini is the only African UN member that officially recognizes the Republic of China rather than the People's Republic.[7]

There have increasingly been closer political, security and economic ties between China and African nations.[5] Trade between China and Africa increased by 700% during the 1990s,[8] and China is currently Africa's largest trading partner.[9] In 2000, the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) was established as a forum between African countries and China.

The China Africa Research Initiative estimated that there were over 88,371 Chinese workers in Africa in 2022, down from a high of 263,696 in 2015.[10]

Historical relations

[edit]
Yuan dynasty era Celadon vase from Mogadishu.
A giraffe brought from Somalia in the twelfth year of Yongle (AD 1415).[11]

China and Africa have a history of trade relations, sometimes through third parties, dating back as far as 202 BC and 220 AD.[12] Ptolemy, writing in Roman Egypt in the second century, knew of China by two separate routes: the Silk Road and the Indian Ocean trade. He identified two Chinese peoples: the Seres or silk people and the Sinai of the southern trade, whose name probably derives from the Qin dynasty.[13]

The first mention of Africa in Chinese sources was in the Yu-yang-tsa-tsu by Tuan Ch'eng-shih (died 863), a compendium of general knowledge where he wrote about the land of Po-pa-li (Berbera).

In 1071, an embassy arrived in China from an unidentified East African kingdom. Since it was a formal tribute mission (in the eyes of the Chinese), it is described in the official History of the Song Dynasty. The name of the kingdom was Ts'eng t'an and it was said to lie inland and mint its coin. This name is probably derived from the Persian Zangistan, and the title of its ruler, a-mei-lo a-mei-lan is probably derived from the Persian amir-i-amiran (emir of emirs).[14]

Archaeological excavations at Mogadishu in the Ajuran Empire and Kilwa, Tanzania have recovered many coins from China. The majority of the Chinese coins date back to the Song dynasty, although the Ming dynasty and Qing dynasty are also represented, according to Richard Pankhurst.[15] In 1226, Chao Jukua, the commissioner of foreign trade at Quanzhou in the Fujian province of China, completed his Chu-fan-chih (Description of Barbarous Peoples) which discusses Zanzibar (Ts'ong-pa) and Somalia (Pi-P'a-Lo).[16]

Giraffes, zebras, and incense were exported to the Ming dynasty of China, making Somalis merchants leaders in the commerce between Asia and Africa[17] while influencing the Chinese language in Somalia in the process.

In the 14th century, Moroccan traveler and scholar, Ibn Battuta, made a long journey to Africa and Asia. He reached China in April 1345 after a stay in India before serving as an envoy of Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq of the Indian Tughlaq dynasty to China.[1][18] He wrote:[19]

China is the safest, best regulated of countries for a traveler. A man may go by himself on a nine-month journey, carrying with him a large sum of money, without any fear. Silk is used for clothing even by poor monks and beggars. Its porcelains are the finest of all makes of pottery and its hens are bigger than geese in our country.

The 14th-century visit of Sa'id of Mogadishu, the Somali scholar and explorer was another point of Medieval contact between Africa and China.[20]

The Ming dynasty admiral, Zheng He, and his fleet rounded the coast of Somalia and followed the coast down to the Mozambique Channel. The goal of those expeditions was to spread Chinese culture and display Chinese strength. Zheng brought gifts and granted titles from the Ming emperor to local rulers. In October 1415, Zheng He reached the eastern coast of Africa and sent the first of two giraffes as gifts to the Chinese Yongle Emperor.[21]

Other accounts mention Chinese ships sinking near Lamu Island in Kenya in 1415. Survivors are said to have settled on the island and married local women.[22][23]

Archaeologists have found Chinese porcelains made during the Tang dynasty (618–907) in Kenyan villages; however, these were believed to have been brought over by Zheng He during his fifteenth-century ocean voyages.[24] On Lamu Island off the Kenyan coast, local oral tradition maintains that twenty shipwrecked Chinese sailors, possibly part of Zheng's fleet, washed up on shore there hundreds of years ago. Given permission to settle by local tribes after having killed a dangerous python, they converted to Islam and married local women. Now, they are believed to have just six descendants remaining there. In 2002, DNA tests conducted on one of the women confirmed that she was of Chinese descent. Her daughter, Mwamaka Sharifu, later received a PRC government scholarship to study traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) in China.[25][26]

National Geographic published an article by Frank Viviano in July 2005 about his visit to Pate Island. During his time on Lamu, ceramic fragments had been found which the administrative officer of the local Swahili history museum claimed were of Chinese origin, specifically from Zheng He's voyage to East Africa. The eyes of the Pate people resembled Chinese, and Famao and Wei were among the names, which were speculated to be of Chinese origin. Their ancestors were said to have been indigenous women who intermarried with Chinese Ming sailors when they were shipwrecked. Two places on Pate were called "Old Shanga", and "New Shanga", which the Chinese sailors had named. A local guide, who claimed to be of Chinese descent, showed Viviano a graveyard made out of coral on the island, indicating that they were graves of Chinese sailors, which the author described as "virtually identical", to Chinese Ming dynasty tombs, complete with "half-moon domes" and "terraced entries".[27]

Archaeologists have discovered glass beads and porcelain from China inside Great Zimbabwe, a medieval stone city located in present-day Zimbabwe.[28]

According to Melanie Yap and Daniel Leong Man in their book "Colour, Confusions, and Concessions: the History of Chinese in South Africa", Chu Ssu-pen, a Chinese mapmaker in 1320, had southern Africa drawn on one of his maps. Ceramics found in Zimbabwe and South Africa dated back to the Song dynasty. Some tribes to Cape Town's north claimed descent from Chinese sailors during the thirteenth century. Their physical appearance is similar to Chinese with paler skin and a Mandarin-sounding tonal language. Their name for themselves is "abandoned people", Awatwa in their language.[29]

Contemporary relations

[edit]
In the 1960s, the People's Republic of China established diplomatic relationships with a host of African countries in quick succession. Pictured is Premier Zhou Enlai meeting with Emperor Haile Selassie on a visit to Ethiopia in 1964.

The establishment of modern Sino-African relations began in the late 1950s, when China signed bilateral trade agreements with Algeria, Egypt, Guinea, South Africa, and Sudan. Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai made a ten-country tour of Africa between December 1963 and January 1964.[30]: 27  Zhou Enlai visited Ghana and established close relations with Kwame Nkrumah, who desired a united Africa.[31] Relations at that time often reflected China's foreign policy in general: China "began to cultivate ties and offer...economic, technical and military support to African countries and liberation movements in an effort to encourage wars of national liberation and revolution as part of an international united front against both superpowers".[32]

Mao Zedong viewed Africa (along with Latin America) as the "First Intermediate Zone," in which China's status as a non-white power might enable it to compete with and supersede both United States and Soviet Union influence.[33]: 48 

China works hard to cultivate favorable votes from African countries at the United Nations.[30]: 29  It has often been successful, and the voting pattern of the Africa countries which rotate on the Security Council and African members of the Human Rights Council generally align more frequently with China than with the United States, France, and the United Kingdom.[30]: 29–30  The General Assembly votes of African countries and China have also generally aligned.[30]: 30–31 

From the Chinese perspective, collaboration with the African Union and African subregional bodies (such as ECOWAS, SADC, and COMESA) is attractive because these bodies function largely independent of Western influence.[30]: 63, 330  China and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have a long-standing relationship and China provides the SADC with an annual $100,000 grant to help fund its Secretariat.[30]: 70 

Diplomacy

[edit]
Members of FOCAC
China's permanent seat in the UN in Africa and the diplomatic maneuvers of "two Chinas" in Africa

Early modern bilateral relations were mainly affected by the Cold War and communist ideology. Following the Mao era and continuing as of at least 2023, China seeks relationships with African governments and political parties on the basis of political and security reliability, rather than with regard to ideological ties.[30]: 333 

China originally had close ties with the anti-apartheid and liberation movement, African National Congress (ANC), in South Africa, but as China's relations with the Soviet Union deteriorated and the ANC moved closer to the Soviet Union, China shifted away from the ANC towards the Pan-Africanist Congress.[34] The Soviets supported Joshua Nkomo's Zimbabwe African People's Union, and supplied them with arms; Robert Mugabe's attempts to gain Soviet support for his Zimbabwe African National Union were rebuffed, leading him to enter into relations with China.[35][36][37] China adopted several principles, among them was the support of the independence of African countries while investing in infrastructure projects.[38][39]

In the 1970s, the expulsion of Soviet military advisers from Egypt and Sudan was welcomed with arms supplied by China.[40][41][42] China and Zaire (and Safari Club) shared a common goal in Africa, namely to do everything in their power to halt Soviet gains in the area. Accordingly, both Zaire and China covertly funneled aid to the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA) (and later, UNITA) to prevent the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), which was supported and augmented by Cuba, from coming to power.[43] China and Safari Club sent assistance to support the Mobutu regime during the Shaba I conflict in 1977.[44]

The Somali Democratic Republic established good relations with the Soviet Union throughout the Cold War era. When Somalia sought to create a Greater Somalia, it declared war on Ethiopia and took the Ogaden region in three months with Soviet aid. When the Soviet Union shifted its support from Somalia to Ethiopia, the latter retook the Ogaden. This angered Somalian President, Siad Barre, who expelled all Soviets advisors and citizens from Somalia. China and Safari Club supported Somalia diplomatically and with token military aid.[45][46]

The Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), first officially held in Beijing in 2006, following two major ministerial conferences in Beijing and Addis Ababa in 2000 and 2003, is a triennial high-level forum between China and the African nations.[47] FOCAC is the primary multi-lateral coordination mechanism between African countries and China.[48] At the 2018 FOCAC summit, Xi Jinping emphasized the "Five Nos" which guide its foreign policy in dealing with African countries and other developing countries: (1) non-interference in other countries' pursuit of development paths suitable to their national conditions, (2) non-interference in domestic affairs, (3) not imposing China's will on others, (4) not attaching political conditions to foreign aid, and (5) not seeking political self-interest in investment and financing.[49]: 108–109 

In May 2016, ten African countries signed a declaration during a meeting of the China-Arab States Cooperation Forum (CASCF) which expressed appreciation for China's efforts to resolve its maritime and territorial disputes through dialogue and negotiation.[30]: 40  The declaration also stated that the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea signatories should have the right to choose their own approach to resolving maritime issues.[30]: 40 

Various subregional multilateral groups in Africa, including the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the East African Community (EAC) also engage with China.[30]: 11 

For a permanent UN seat for Africa, Nigeria, the largest African country, relies on Chinese support while Egypt looks to the U.S. for backing.[50]

In 2022, the African Union announced its move to establish a delegation with a resident Ambassador to Beijing, China.[51]

From 1991 until at least 2023, each Chinese foreign minister's first overseas visit of the year has been to an African country.[30]: 329  In its relations with African countries, China has shown a willingness to grant diplomatic audiences at the highest levels to even delegations from the smaller African countries.[52]: 107 

Recognition of Taiwan

[edit]

The question of Taiwan has been a key political issue for the People's Republic of China (PRC). In 1971, the support of African nations was crucial in the PRC's joining the United Nations (UN), taking over the seat of the ROC on Taiwan.[53] Many African countries, such as Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, and Zambia have stressed their support for a "one-China policy". Only one African country, Eswatini, still maintains relations with Taipei.[54]

Human rights in Xinjiang

[edit]

African countries have generally defended China's treatment of its Muslim minorities.[30]: 38  In July 2019, UN ambassadors of 37 countries, including Algeria, Angola, Cameroon, Congo, DRC, Egypt, Eritrea, Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Zimbabwe, and other African states, signed a joint letter to the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) defending China's treatment of Uyghurs and other Muslim minority groups in the Xinjiang.[55][56] Algeria, Burkina Faso, Republic of Congo, Djibouti, Nigeria, Somalia, and Zambia were among the 16 countries that defended China's policies in Xinjiang in 2019 but did not do so in 2020.[57]

In 2021, ambassadors from Burkina Faso, Republic of Congo, and Sudan made statements in support of China's Xinjiang policies.[30]: 39  African countries which are members of the UNHRC had a significant impact in narrowly defeating a proposal in October 2022 by that body to debate human rights in Xinjiang.[58] Somalia was the only African UNHRC member voting in favor of debate.[58]

Hong Kong national security law

[edit]

Several African countries expressed support for the Chinese government during the 2019–2020 Hong Kong protests.[30]: 41  In October 2019, Uganda's Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement that Uganda "firmly supports the one country, two systems policy of the People's Republic of China on the matter of Hong Kong and other areas" and that "Hong Kong's affairs are China's domestic affairs."[30]: 41  Also in October 2019, Tanzania's chief government spokesperson stated that the country supports China's one country, two systems policy, that the Hong Kong government was taking the best approach to the situation, and that other countries should support China.[30]: 41  In January 2020, Namibia's land reform minister stated that Namibia fully supports Chinese territorial integrity and sovereignty, including with respect to Hong Kong.[30]: 41 

In June 2020, 53 countries, mostly in Africa, declared their support for the Hong Kong national security law at the UNHRC.[59]

Party-to-party relations

[edit]

The International Liaison Department of the Chinese Communist Party has served as the principal body coordinating party-to-party relations between African countries and China.[60]

In February 2022, the Mwalimu Julius Nyerere Leadership School opened in Tanzania, with US$40 million in funding by the Central Party School of the Chinese Communist Party.[61][62] The school was jointly established with the support of the six ruling parties of Tanzania, South Africa, Mozambique, Angola, Namibia, and Zimbabwe.[63]

Economic relations

[edit]

China's economic interests in Africa have dramatically increased since the 1990s.[64] In 1980, the total Sino-African trade volume amounted to US$1 billion.[9] In 1999, it was US$6.5 billion[65] and US$10 billion in 2000.[9] By 2005, the total Sino-African trade volume had reached US$39.7 billion before jumping to US$55 billion in 2006, making China the second-largest trading partner of Africa after the United States, which had US$91 billion in trade with African nations. The PRC also passed its traditional African economic partner and former colonial power, France, which had trade worth US$47 billion.[66] In 2010, trade between Africa and China was valued at US$114 billion[9] and US$166.3 billion in 2011.[67] By 2022, total trade grew to US$282 billion.[68] China has been Africa's largest trading partner since 2009 when it surpassed the United States,[69] and continues to be by far its largest trading partner as of 2022.[68] As of 2024, Africa makes up less than 5% of China's global trade.[70]

During the year 2011, trade between Africa and China increased 33% from the previous year to US$166 billion. This included Chinese imports from Africa equaling US$93 billion, consisting largely of mineral ores, petroleum, and agricultural products, and Chinese exports to Africa totaling US$93 billion, consisting largely of manufactured goods.[71] Trade between the regions also increased further by over 22% year-over-year to US$80.5 billion in the first five months of the year 2012.[71] Imports from Africa were up 25.5% to $49.6 billion during these first five months of 2012 and exports of Chinese-made products, such as machinery, electrical and consumer goods and clothing/footwear increased 17.5% to reach $30.9 billion.[71]

Findings from 2017 estimate there are in excess of 10,000 Chinese corporations doing business in Africa, the value of which amounts to more than $2 trillion.[72] The majority of these companies are private multinational corporations investing in China's infrastructure, energy, and banking sectors.[73] Investments from Chinese entrepreneurial migration have culminated in positive (indirect jobs) and negative (displacing local traders) effects in local African societies.[74]

In 2008, one-third of China's oil supplies came from the African continent, mainly from Angola.[75] Investments of Chinese companies in the energy sector reached US$78.1 billion in 2019.[76] In some cases, as in Nigeria and Angola, oil and gas exploration and production deals crossed $2 billion.[77][78][79]

In agriculture, Benin and the Sahel countries of Burkina Faso and Mali supply up to 20% of China's cotton needs. While Côte d'Ivoire supplies China with cocoa, from US$39.7 million in 2001 to $113.5 million in 2005,[80] the most significant African provider of coffee is Ethiopia.[81]

The need to protect China's increased investments in Africa has driven a shift away from China's traditional non-interference in the internal matters of other countries to new diplomatic and military initiatives to try to resolve unrest in South Sudan and Mali.[82]

During the December 2015 FOCAC meeting in Johannesburg, South Africa, China's paramount leader Xi Jinping pledged $60 billion over three years in loans and assistance to the African continent.[83] The stated aim of China's effort was to support factories manufacturing goods for export. Along with roads and ports, Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari showed his desire to finish stalled railway projects along the coastline, specifically a 1,400 km railway from Lagos to Calabar representing approximately 200,000 jobs.[84]

A 2020 report synthesizing close to a hundred studies on Africa–China economic relations finds that economic engagement with China supported Africa's economic transformation.[85] At the same time, criticism against China has been growing from labour unions and civil society groups about the "poor labor conditions, unsustainable environmental practices, and job displacement" caused by Chinese enterprises.[86] According to RAND, China is also thought to be taking advantage of African governments' weaknesses, thereby encouraging corruption and wasteful decision-making.[86]

Communications infrastructure

[edit]

Beginning in the late 1990s, Chinese national champions telecommunications company Huawei built significant amounts of telecommunications infrastructure in sub-Saharan Africa.[87]

To improve commercial relationships and telecommunication services as part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), significant investments in fiber networks have been undertaken. The PEACE Cable (Pakistan & East Africa Connecting Europe) is a 9,300 mile (12,000 km) submarine fiber optic cable owned by a subsidiary of the China-based Hengtong Group and supplied by Huawei Marine. It is expected to reach initial completion in 2021–2022. The Cable's landfall in Pakistan provide for low-latency overland connection to China. The Cable's route is around the Arabian Peninsula, first dividing north into the Red Sea, crossing land in Egypt and then proceeding through the Mediterranean to the Interxion MRS2 Data Center in Marseille, France. The southern fork extends along the east coast of Africa, which in Phase 2 will reach South Africa. Additional landfalls are in Cyprus, Djibouti, Somalia, Kenya, and Seychelles.[88]

In August 2021, China announced more digital projects on the Continent in areas such as the digital economy, smart cities and 5G.[89] These projects are thought to be part of the Digital Africa initiative that was proposed during a trip of Foreign Minister Wang Yi in Africa in 2020.[89]

Aid and loans

[edit]

China began its foreign aid program in with assistance to sub-Saharan and Middle Eastern countries.[90] The first sub-Saharan African country to receive Chinese foreign aid was Guinea; the aid assisted Guinea in building its infrastructure following independence from France.[90]

In the 1960s and 1970s, the Chinese government supported African Independence Movements and gave aid to newly independent African nations. China provided significant amounts of aid at a time when it had relatively little in the way of financial resources itself.[91]: 126  Among the most notable early projects were the 1,860 km TAZARA Railway, linking Zambia and Tanzania, which China helped to finance and build from 1970 to 1975.[92] Some 50,000 Chinese engineers and workers were sent to the continent to complete the project. By 1978, China was giving aid to more African countries than the United States.[93]

China provides aid in the forms of debt forgiveness, aid grants, concessional loans, and interest-free loans, including through the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC).[47] According to Marxist journalist Martin Jacques in his book When China Rules the World, Chinese aid is "far less restrictive and doctrinaire" and comes with fewer strings attached than Western aid.[94] Unconditional and low-rate credit lines (rates at 1.5% over fifteen years to twenty years)[95] have largely taken the place of more restrictive and conditional Western loans.[96] The sole political condition China requires from aid recipients is recognition of the One China principle.[48]

Following her interviews of African scholars and diplomats, U.S. Professor of International Securities Studies Dawn C. Murphy concludes that many African countries genuinely appreciate this moral stance by China against political conditions for foreign aid.[48]

Estimates regarding the amount of African debt cancelled by China varies. Since 2000, over $10bn in debt owed by African nations to the PRC has been cancelled, according to Le Monde diplomatique.[95] According to a 2020 report by the China Africa Research Initiative, "China has only offered debt write-offs for zero-interest loans", which account for at least $3.4 billion of cancelled debt in Africa between 2000 and 2019.[97]

Scott N. Romaniuk, a researcher at the University of Alberta's China Institute, cautioned that Africa should "beware of 'no strings attached'" regarding development financing from China. He said that China's low-interest loans have been used to trade for extraction rights of proven deposits of natural resources, constraining African countries' future use of these resources.[98] Patrick Bond said, "the conditions on Chinese loans and investments become very clear when the recipient countries have a debt crisis".[99]

In 2015, the China Africa Research Initiative identified 17 African countries with loans from China facing potential default.[100] Kenyan economist Anzetse Were has argued that some African nations' narratives of Chinese debt-trap diplomacy stem from a lack of fiscal transparency and a weaker bargaining position vis-à-vis China.[101]

Although several countries express concern that China has been engaging in debt-trap diplomacy to neo-colonise the continent; however, academics including Deborah Bräutigam have disputed those accusations.[102][103][104] Following her review of available data, U.S. Air War College Professor Dawn C. Murphy concluded that calling China's behavior in Africa “neocolonial” is “an exaggeration and misrepresentation.”[105] London School of Economics Professor Keyu Jin writes that the claim that China leads borrowers into a debt trap is misleading.[106]: 280  Jin observes that the majority of BRI countries' debt is owed to international organizations or private Western institutions like hedge funds, rather than to China.[106]: 280–281  Jin also writes that China has written off many of its loans and also provided debt relief to borrowers.[106]: 281 

The China Africa Research Initiative reported that Chinese financiers loaned $153 billion to African public-sector borrowers between 2000 and 2019; at least or over 80 percent of those loans were used for economic and social infrastructure projects in the transport, power, telecom, and water sectors of underdeveloped and developing countries.[107][108] A 2007 report published by International Rivers said that several infrastructure projects funded by Chinese loans, such as the Merowe Dam, had a positive impact on the economies of African countries.[109]

As of 2021, China is estimated to hold at least 21% of all African debt.[110][111] In August 2022, the Chinese foreign ministry announced that it would forgive 23 interest-free loans that matured at the end of 2021 to 17 unspecified African countries.[112]

Health care

[edit]

China has been engaged in a kind of "health diplomacy" towards Africa since the 1960s. Health care development and medical assistance have been among the chief areas of support. Between the early 1960s and 2005, more than 15,000 Chinese doctors travelled to Africa to help treat patients in more than 47 countries.[113]

In 2001, the member nations of G8 formed the United Nations-backed Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria with an initial budget of $10 billion. In 2007, another additional $1.1 billion was approved in Kunming, China, of which 66% was dedicated to Africa.[114] In September of the same year, China promised the Democratic Republic of the Congo to build 31 hospital units and 145 smaller health care centres, a project due to be completed in March 2010.[115][116]

During the 2014 Ebola epidemic, China provided financial donations, medical supplies and personnel to Sierra Leone, Ghana, Liberia, and Guinea.[117]

China provided vaccines to African countries during the COVID-19 pandemic. As of November 2021, it had supplied 200 million vaccine doses to Africa, pledged to donate 600 million more doses, and pledged a further 400 million doses via other means such as joint Chinese-African production.[118] China also sent medical teams to Algeria, Zimbabwe, and Nigeria.[119]

African Centre for Disease Control

[edit]

Under the Belt and Road Initiative, in 2023 the African Union along with the People's Republic of China is slated to open Phase-1 of the African continent's Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (CDCP) complex.[120]

Agriculture

[edit]

Since the mid-1990s, China has encouraged its agricultural enterprises to seek economic opportunities abroad as part of its go out policy.[121]

Agricultural Technology Demonstration Centers are a major component of China's agricultural cooperation with African countries.[122] The function of these centers is to transmit agricultural expertise and technology from China to developing countries in Africa while also creating market opportunities for Chinese companies in the agricultural sector.[122] The Chinese government is motivated to establish these centers out of both an ideological commitment to fostering South-South cooperation with less developed countries and by a desire to increase food security.[123]

China first announced its Agricultural Technology Demonstrations Centers at the 2006 meeting of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation.[90] It launched 19 of these centers between 2006 and 2018, all in sub-Saharan Africa.[122] As of 2023, Agricultural Technology Demonstration Centers exist in 24 African countries.[30]: 173 

Security

[edit]

Military cooperation goes back to the Cold War period when China was keen to help African liberation movements. Eritrea's first president Isaias Afwerki, a leader in the fight for independence, received military training in China. Apart from some traditional allies such as Somalia and Tanzania, China also had military ties with non-aligned countries like Egypt. Military equipment worth $142 million was sold to African countries between 1955 and 1977.[95] In July 2017, China set up its first overseas military base in Djibouti, which is a small town located in the Horn of Africa between the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea,[124] as a logistics facility for peacekeeping missions on the continent.[125][126] Bertil Lintner, as well as various Indian analysts, have described the base in Djibouti as part of China's "String of Pearls" geopolitical and military strategy in the Indian Ocean.[127][128][125]

Among the channels that China has used for security diplomacy with the African countries are the China-Africa Defense and Security Forum (established in 2018) and the China-Africa Peace and Security Forum (which first met in 2019).[30]: 213–214 

The African countries and China also build military-to-military relations through military exchange visits.[30]: 213  China generally prioritizes military-to-military exchanges in the security field, because it perceives military personnel as more effective interlocutors in this area than civilians.[30]: 217 

According to academic Obert Hodzi, African countries often prefer China's approach to security norms and principles such as non-interventionism and respect for state sovereignty, which effectively limit Western influence in many African countries.[30]: 162  David H. Shinn and academic Joshua Eisenman state that the Chinese principle of non-interventionism has long been well received by African countries both because of the historical experience of European colonialism, as well as the fact that many smaller countries often have concerns about outside interference with their sovereignty.[30]: 336 

Peacekeeping missions

[edit]

In 2004, China deployed around 1,500 military personnel between Liberia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.[95] Since 2011, it has sent infantry troops describable (arguably) as 'combat' forces.[129]

In July 2007, China supported the passage of UN Security Council Resolution 1769 and contributed troops to African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID).[130] China also has fourteen attachés in fourteen different African countries as of 2007, while eighteen African countries maintain attachés in Beijing.[131]

Arms sales

[edit]

Since the 1960s, when China provided small amounts of arms often free of charge to African rebels, liberation movements, and left-wing governments, China's transfer of arms has been an important component of its relations with African countries.[30]: 222  Although measures of arms supplies vary, as of 2023 China is often regarded as the third most important source of arms to Africa.[30]: 222–223 

An increasing number of African countries have shifted their source of munitions from traditional providers such as Russia to China due to the competitive prices offered by Chinese suppliers.[132] It is estimated that between 2013 and 2017, Chinese arms imports to Africa totaled 17%, representing a 55% increase compared to the period covering 2009 to 2013.[133] It also sold more arms than any other supplier, with sales to 23 African countries.[133]

Arms sales by China to some African states have troubled critics who point out that some buyers like Sudan are accused of war crimes.[134] Chinese-made drones, especially those made by the Chengdu Aircraft Industry Group, and China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation, have been sold across Africa, and have been utilized in hundreds of attacks in Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and Nigeria.[135]

Former U.S. military contractor Erik Prince's Frontier Services Group has close ties to the Chinese state-owned CITIC Group and provides security training services to Chinese firms operating in Africa.[136][137]

Military training

[edit]

When China trains African military personnel, it typically does so in China.[30]: 239  In conjunction with the Confucius Institutes in Sudan and Democratic Republic of Congo, China has also developed Chinese language training programs for African military personnel.[30]: 239 

Allegations of espionage

[edit]

The African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa was built and fully funded by the Chinese government.[138] Le Monde Afrique wrote that the Chinese government was alleged to have spied on the computer servers at the headquarters from 2012 to 2017.[138][139] Chinese officials and African Union denied the accusation.[140] African Union Chairman Moussa Faki described the allegations as "all lies" and stated that "no maneuvers could distract and divert us from our mission" of strengthening ties between the AU and China.[30]: 323 

In 2018, the African Union replaced its servers.[138]

In June 2019, the African Union Commission and Huawei signed a memorandum of understanding to further increase IT cooperation.[30]: 323  Wang stated that the agreement should end rumors of data leakage and that "AU has totally audited their IT system for the whole organization and nothing corroborates what was said in media reports one year ago."[30]: 323–324 

In 2020, Japan's Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT) reported that a suspected Chinese hacking organization dubbed "Bronze President" had hacked and extracted footage from the AU Headquarters' security cameras.[141]

Space cooperation

[edit]

Africa-China space cooperation occurs through a variety of channels, including through BRICS, the China-Brazil Earth Resource Satellite for Africa Program, the Arab Satellite Communications Organization, the China-Arab States BeiDou Global Satellite Navigation System, and the Disaster Monitoring Constellation, and the Belt and Road Initiative.[30]: 301 

African countries are increasingly cooperating with China on satellite launches and specialized training.[30]: 301  As of 2022, China has launched two satellites for Ethiopia, two for Nigeria, one for Algeria, one for Sudan, and one for Egypt.[30]: 301–302 

The 2022-2024 action plan for FOCAC commits China to using space technology to enhance cooperation with African countries and to create centers for Africa-China cooperation on satellite remote sensing application.[30]: 300 

Culture

[edit]
Foreign students at Huazhong Agricultural University, Wuhan

The first overseas Chinese cultural centre in Africa was opened in Mauritius in 1988. Two others followed in Egypt and Benin.[142][better source needed] The Confucius Institute has at least 54 locations across Africa, in addition to another 27 Confucius Classrooms in various countries (as of 2018).[143][144]

Historically, little is known about early African immigration to China.[145] As economic and political ties have strengthened, many Africans have relocated to China to seek better economic opportunities. Places dubbed 'Little Africa' and 'Chocolate City' are increasingly receiving new immigrants, mostly Nigerians. Most African immigrants, an estimated 20,000 individuals, are concentrated in the area of Guangzhou.[146][147] An estimated 10,000 illegal African immigrants are in China, and police crackdowns have intensified since early 2009.[148]

In contrast, early Chinese immigration to the African continent is slightly better documented. In 1724, a few Chinese convicts were brought as laborers to South Africa from the Dutch East Indies (modern-day Indonesia) by the colonial Dutch Empire. In the early nineteenth century, another wave of immigrants were brought to South Africa by the British to work in agriculture, infrastructure building, and mining.[149] In recent years, there has been an increasing presence of Chinese in Africa with one estimate numbering Chinese nationals at one million.[150]

In 2012, state media broadcaster China Central Television (CCTV) opened its first office in Africa, in Kenya, which is currently called CGTN Africa.[151]

China has also been increasingly involved in sport in Africa. Since 1970, Chinese-owned companies have been building sports stadiums throughout most African countries. Each project costs dozens of millions of dollars, a fee that China gives as a soft loan. The stadiums strengthen China's diplomatic and commercial ties with African countries. African governments accept China's loans because they enable them to promote development projects. On the other hand, concerns have been raised as to the working conditions at these stadiums. Also, some of the stadiums turned out to be white elephants given their meager usage.[152]

Migration

[edit]

Many Chinese men who engaged in gold mining in Ghana married local Black African Ghanaian women and had children with them and then the Ghana government deported illegal miners, leaving the mixed race Chinese fathered children stranded in Ghana while their fathers were sent back to China.[153][154]

Many Ugandan women have been marrying Chinese businessmen who moved to Uganda.[155]

New interest in Kenya's natural resources has attracted over $1 billion of investment from Chinese firms. This has propelled new development in Kenya's infrastructure with Chinese firms bringing in their own male workers to build roads.[156]

In Kenya, there is a trend of the following influx of Chinese male workers in Kenya with a growing number of abandoned babies of Chinese men who fathered children with local women, causing concern.[157][158]

Racism

[edit]

Human rights and advocacy groups for Africans in China have criticized the use of blackface performances on Chinese television, particularly on the CCTV New Year's Gala.[159][160]

The expansion of Chinese companies and their investments in Africa has raised issues of Chinese racism against the local population.[161][162][163] For example, after a video shot by a Kenyan worker whose Chinese boss referred to Kenyans as "monkeys" went viral in 2018, more examples of discrimination by Chinese nationals in the country, such as separated bathrooms, have emerged.[162]

International observers have highlighted the generalised view in China of Africans as "backward or primitive and blackness as unattractive", with racist attitudes specifically on social media going untouched by censorship.[164][165]

Around April 2020, African nationals in Guangzhou were being evicted from their homes by local police and told to leave, with no place to sleep, amidst some recent Chinese news articles negatively reporting on Nigerians in the city.[166][167] The reports of discrimination created controversy in Africa damaging Sino-African relations,[168][169][170] and sparked a diplomatic crisis, with African governments and diplomats speaking out against the incidents in Guangzhou.[171] The Nigerian legislator Oloye Akin Alabi posted a video of his confronting the PRC's ambassador Zhou Pingjian over the alleged mistreatment of Nigerians in the city. The governments of Ghana, Kenya, and Uganda have also asked for explanations from the PRC government, and the African Union Commission invited the PRC ambassador to the African Union to discuss the mistreatment allegations.[172] The African ambassadors summarized the complaints in an official protest letter demanding the cessation of reported ejection from hotels or apartments, forced testing and quarantine, the seizure of passports, and threats of visa revocation, arrest or deportation of Africans particularly in the Guangdong province.[173]

In response, authorities in Guangdong encouraged foreigners to report instances of discrimination to a 24-hour support hotline and told businesses and rental houses to treat Chinese and foreigners equally. The COVID-19 targeting of Africans had reportedly eased by June 2020.[174][175]

In August 2023, Human Rights Watch reported that racist content is widespread on the internet in China.[176][177] Interracial relationships and mixed-race Chinese-Africans are especially vilified on social media.[178][177][179]

Criticism

[edit]

There are a variety of critical perspectives scrutinizing the balance of power relationship between China and Africa, and China's role concerning human rights in Africa.[180][181] Increasingly, concerns have been raised by Africans and Western observers that China's relationship with Africa is neocolonialist in nature.[182][183] As a response to such criticism, China issued the Nine Principles to Encourage and Standardise Enterprises' Overseas Investment, a charter and conduct guide for Chinese companies operating abroad.[184]

Environmental degradation

[edit]

Chinese infrastructure projects have been criticized for contributing to destructive levels of pollution and wildlife loss in Africa.[185][186] Chinese demand for donkey hides for traditional Chinese medicine has been blamed for fueling illegal slaughter of donkeys across the continent, adversely affecting women in rural African communities and contributing to poverty.[187]

Illegal fishing in Africa

[edit]

In Africa, the Chinese commercial fishing fleet is responsible for more illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing (IUU) fishing than that of any other nation.[188][189][190][191]

Kenya

[edit]

Kenya's relations with China figured prominently in the 2022 Kenyan general election, in which both candidates criticized the country's existing relations with China.[192][193]

Zimbabwe

[edit]

The China-Zimbabwe relationship drew the attention of critics.[which?] China was accused of supplying Zimbabwe with jet fighters, vehicles, and other military equipment.[194] China declared in 2007 that it was limiting assistance to humanitarian aid.[195] In July 2008, Chinese diplomatic channels asked Mugabe "to behave", though critics see that as a way for China to protect its interests in this country should a regime change.[196]

War in Darfur

[edit]

Another high-profile event of concern for critics of China in Africa was in the run-up to the 2008 Summer Olympics. Human rights groups criticized China for its supportive relationship with the government of Sudan, which had been accused of mass killings in Darfur.[197][198] China is Sudan's largest economic partner, with a 40% share in its oil,[199] and also sells Sudan small arms.[200] China has threatened to veto UN Security Council actions to combat the war in Darfur.[201] In response, a 2008 editorial in the CCP-owned daily tabloid Global Times stated that "As the Darfur issue is not an internal affair of China, nor was it caused by China, to link the two together is utterly unreasonable, irresponsible and unfair."[202]

Following pressure and criticism from the international community, China appointed a Special Envoy for Africa Issues, Liu Guijin.[48] To facilitate resolution of the Darfur issue, Liu coordinated with the AU, EU, United States, and UN.[48]

African students in China

[edit]

China has received African students since 1958 as part of its Mao era foreign policy of Afro-Asian solidarity.[203] By the early 1960s, African students reported of difficulties living in China, some of which were reportedly caused by racial discrimination by the Chinese.[204] Incidents of racism against African students in China have later resurfaced, notably in the 1980s in the form of campus protests.[205]

As of 2016, most African students in China were from the English-speaking African countries.[30]: 136 

In 2018, the Chinese government announced at the triennial Forum on China-Africa Cooperation that China would increase its scholarship offerings to African students from 30,000 in 2015 to 50,000. According to the Ministry of Education of the People's Republic of China, 81,562 African students studied in China in 2018, a 770% increase compared to 1996. China is now the second largest African student-hosting country behind France.[206]

In 2020, according to UNESCO's Global Annual Education Report, China offered 12,000 university scholarships to African students for the next academic year, to support their studies at Chinese universities.[207]

Public perception

[edit]

In 2013, BB World Public Opinion polls (PIPA) showed positive views towards China in Nigeria (78%), Ghana (68%), however noted a decline in positive views in Kenya to 58%. But 2014 survey later showed an increase in positive public opinion in Kenya (65%), as well as 67% positive opinions in Ghana and an increase to 85% in Nigeria.[208]

A 2015 Pew Global Attitudes survey found majority positive views of China, ranging from 52% to 80% favorable, in Ghana, Ethiopia, Burkina Faso, Tanzania, Senegal, Nigeria, Kenya, Uganda, and South Africa.[91]: 129 

Younger Africans report particularly positive views of China.[91]: 129  In 2022, Bloomberg reported that the past two decades of China's investments into African infrastructure and its supplying of the continent with affordable consumer goods, has made young Africans feel more positive towards China. A survey conducted by the Ichikowitz Family Foundation in June 2022 and which involves lengthy face-to-face interviews, shown that 76% of 4,507 young Africans across 15 African countries had named China as a foreign power with having the biggest positive influence on their lives, surpassing the US and Europe. The positive views toward China was strongest in Rwanda, Malawi and Nigeria. However, 56 percent of those surveyed also believed in an unsubstantiated theory that COVID-19 was created and intentionally spread by China.[209][210]

According to academic Rhys Jenkins, public opinion polls in Africa show that a majority of respondents in Africa view China favorably due to the positive impacts of Chinese investment and infrastructure-building.[91]: 129 

According to a 2022 survey funded by the European Regional Development Fund and run by Palacky University Olomouc in collaboration with the Central European Institute of Asian Studies, a slightly larger share of Chinese respondents viewed Africans positively rather than negatively and most respondents favoured friendly rather than tough government policies towards Africa.[211]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ a b Gin Ooi, Keat (2004) [2004]. Southeast Asia: a historical encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East Timor. ABC-CLIO. p. 626. ISBN 978-1-57607-770-2.
  2. ^ "Africa and China: More than minerals". The Economist. 23 March 2013. Archived from the original on 15 February 2018. Retrieved 29 March 2013.
  3. ^ Zhou, Youyou (10 September 2019). "Why Chinese are traveling to Africa, and why Africans are traveling to China". Quartz. Archived from the original on 16 March 2021. Retrieved 9 April 2021.
  4. ^ MacLeod, Andrew. "When people say the West should support Taiwan, what exactly do they mean?". The Conversation. Archived from the original on 3 August 2022. Retrieved 5 August 2022.
  5. ^ a b "The Chinese-African relationship is important to both sides, but also unbalanced". The Economist. ISSN 0013-0613. Archived from the original on 5 August 2022. Retrieved 5 August 2022.
  6. ^ Ndzendze, Bhaso (May 2021). "Domestic Audiences and Economic Opportunity Cost: African Democratisation as a Determinant in the Recognition of China over Taiwan, 2001–2018". Journal of Asian and African Studies. 56 (3): 434–454. doi:10.1177/0021909620926531. ISSN 0021-9096. S2CID 225703426.
  7. ^ "Taiwan-China Diplomatic Competition Comes to Somaliland". Archived from the original on 10 July 2020. Retrieved 7 July 2020.
  8. ^ Servant, Jean-Christophe (1 May 2005). "China's trade safari in Africa". Le Monde diplomatique. Archived from the original on 7 August 2022. Retrieved 7 August 2022.
  9. ^ a b c d Wonacott, Peter (2 September 2011). "In Africa, U.S. Watches China's Rise". The Wall Street Journal. ISSN 0099-9660. Archived from the original on 3 September 2013. Retrieved 27 February 2021.
  10. ^ Barlett, Kate (16 March 2024). "Number of Chinese Workers in Africa Drops Substantially". Voice of America. Archived from the original on 16 March 2024. Retrieved 16 March 2024.
  11. ^ ’’Love and War in Ancient China Voices from the Shijing’’ By William S-Y. Wang. P.121
  12. ^ Snow 1988, p 2
  13. ^ J. Lennart Berggren and Alexander Jones (eds.), Ptolemy's Geography: An Annotated Translation of the Theoretical Chapters (Princeton University Press, 2000), p. 176.
  14. ^ Paul Wheatley (1964), "The Land of Zanj: Exegetical Notes on Chinese Knowledge of East Africa prior to AD 1500", in R. W. Steel and R. M. Prothero (eds.), Geographers and the Tropics: Liverpool Essays (London: Longmans, Green, and Co.), pp. 139–188, at 156–157.
  15. ^ Pankhurst, Richard (1961). An Introduction to the Economic History of Ethiopia. London: Lalibela House. ASIN B000J1GFHC., p. 268
  16. ^ Freeman-Grenville 1975
  17. ^ East Africa and its Invaders pg.37
  18. ^ "Ibn Battuta's Trip: Part Nine - Malaysia and China (1345–1346)". Archived from the original on 18 April 2009. Retrieved 19 March 2009.
  19. ^ "Ibn Battuta and Zheng He, the tourist and the admiral". Archived from the original on 28 January 2003. Retrieved 19 March 2009.
  20. ^ Between the Middle Ages and modernity: individual and community in the early By Charles H. Parker, Jerry H. Bentley pg 160
  21. ^ Snow 1998, p. 23
  22. ^ Eliot, Charles (1966). The East African Protectorate. Routledge. p. 11. ISBN 978-0-7146-1661-2.
  23. ^ "Kenyan girl with Chinese blood steals limelight". Chinese Embassy in Kenya. Archived from the original on 8 May 2013. Retrieved 3 April 2009.
  24. ^ "Children of the master voyager?", People's Daily, 3 November 2006, archived from the original on 26 July 2020, retrieved 30 March 2009
  25. ^ York, Geoffrey (18 July 2005), "Revisiting the history of the high seas", The Globe and Mail, retrieved 30 March 2009[dead link]
  26. ^ Brautigam, Deborah (7 April 2011). The Dragon's Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa. OUP Oxford. p. 28. ISBN 978-0-19-161976-2.
  27. ^ Frank Viviano (July 2005). "China's Great Armada, Admiral Zheng He". NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC. p. 6. Archived from the original on 25 July 2020. Retrieved 29 September 2011.
  28. ^ "Great Zimbabwe National Monument". Archived from the original on 29 August 2022. Retrieved 7 March 2021.
  29. ^ Alex Perry (1 August 2008). "A Chinese Color War". TIME. Archived from the original on 26 August 2013. Retrieved 29 September 2011.
  30. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai Shinn, David H.; Eisenman, Joshua (2023). China's Relations with Africa: a New Era of Strategic Engagement. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-21001-0.
  31. ^ Joel Savage (19 August 2018). "The Confused Moments of Nkrumah in China After The Coup". ModernGhana. Archived from the original on 27 April 2019. Retrieved 19 August 2018.
  32. ^ Muekalia 2004, p.6
  33. ^ Crean, Jeffrey (2024). The Fear of Chinese Power: an International History. New Approaches to International History series. London, UK: Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-1-350-23394-2.
  34. ^ Taylor 2000, p.93
  35. ^ Blair, David (2002). Degrees in Violence: Robert Mugabe and the Struggle for Power in Zimbabwe. Internet Archive. Continuum. p. 23. ISBN 978-0-8264-5974-9. OCLC 1148792737. OL 8168551M.
  36. ^ Meredith, Martin (20 February 2002). Our Votes, Our Guns: Robert Mugabe and the Tragedy of Zimbabwe. PublicAffairs. pp. 36–37. ISBN 978-1-58648-128-5. Archived from the original on 21 August 2024. Retrieved 1 March 2021.
  37. ^ Alao, Abiodun (2012). Mugabe and the Politics of Security in Zimbabwe. McGill-Queen's University Press. p. 20. ISBN 978-0-7735-4043-9. JSTOR j.ctt1pq18v.
  38. ^ "China offers Africa billions, 'no strings attached'". Deutsche Welle. 3 September 2018. Archived from the original on 1 May 2019. Retrieved 1 May 2019.
  39. ^ Genin, Aaron (30 April 2019). "FRANCE RESETS AFRICAN RELATIONS: A POTENTIAL LESSON FOR PRESIDENT TRUMP". The California Review. Archived from the original on 1 May 2019. Retrieved 1 May 2019.
  40. ^ O’Ballance, Edgar (2000). Sudan, Civil War and Terrorism, 1956–99. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK. p. 111. doi:10.1057/9780230597327. ISBN 978-1-349-42112-1.
  41. ^ "EGYPT AND CHINA SIGN ARMS PACT, HAIL CLOSER TIES". The New York Times. 22 April 1976. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on 11 July 2019. Retrieved 27 February 2021.
  42. ^ "China Will Sell Arms to Egypt, Sadat Announces". The Washington Post. 6 June 1979. Archived from the original on 10 July 2019. Retrieved 26 December 2019.
  43. ^ The Oxford Handbook of the Cold War. Front Cover. Richard H. Immerman, Petra Goedde. Oxford University Press, 2013 p.276
  44. ^ A Little Help from His Friends Time, 25 April 1977, Vol. 109 Issue 17, p.57.
  45. ^ "Russians in Somalia: Foothold in Africa Suddenly Shaky". The New York Times. 16 September 1977. Archived from the original on 15 December 2019. Retrieved 5 January 2020.
  46. ^ "the ogaden situation" (PDF). Central Intelligence Agency. Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 March 2020. Retrieved 5 January 2020.
  47. ^ a b Thomas, David (29 November 2021). "What did FOCAC 2021 deliver for Africa?". African Business. Archived from the original on 3 January 2023. Retrieved 3 January 2023.
  48. ^ a b c d e Murphy, Dawn C. (2022). China's Rise in the Global South: The Middle East, Africa, and Beijing's Alternative World Order. Stanford, California. p. 84. ISBN 978-1-5036-3060-4. OCLC 1249712936.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  49. ^ Meng, Wenting (2024). Developmental Piece: Theorizing China's Approach to International Peacebuilding. Ibidem. Columbia University Press. ISBN 9783838219073.
  50. ^ "Africa and the UN Security Council Permanent Seats". pambazuka.org. Archived from the original on 8 May 2013. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  51. ^ Gençtürk, Ahmet (10 February 2022). "African Union to open permanent mission in Beijing". Anadolu Agency. Archived from the original on 15 October 2022. Retrieved 29 July 2022.
  52. ^ Brown, Kerry (2023). China Incorporated: The Politics of a World Where China is Number One. London: Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-1-350-26724-4.
  53. ^ "From "brothers" to "partners": China, Africa building strategic ties". Embassy of the People's Republic of China in the Arab Republic of Egypt. Archived from the original on 8 May 2013. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  54. ^ "China woos Taiwan's African friends". Afrol. Archived from the original on 14 March 2012. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  55. ^ "Which Countries Are For or Against China's Xinjiang Policies?". The Diplomat. 15 July 2019. Archived from the original on 11 October 2019. Retrieved 19 July 2019.
  56. ^ "Saudi Arabia and Russia among 37 states backing China's Xinjiang policy". Reuters. 12 July 2019. Archived from the original on 10 December 2019. Retrieved 13 July 2019.
  57. ^ Basu, Zachary (8 October 2020). "Mapped: More countries sign UN statement condemning China's mass detentions in Xinjiang". Axios. Archived from the original on 1 November 2020. Retrieved 18 December 2020.
  58. ^ a b "UN rights body rejects Western bid to debate Xinjiang abuses". The Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved 7 October 2022.
  59. ^ Lawler, Dave (2 July 2020). "The 53 countries supporting China's crackdown on Hong Kong". Axios. Archived from the original on 25 July 2020. Retrieved 20 January 2021.
  60. ^ Cabestan, Jean-Pierre (1 June 2022). "Party-to-Party Relations and Political Training" (PDF). National Bureau of Asian Research. pp. 25–38. Archived (PDF) from the original on 5 December 2022. Retrieved 7 September 2023.
  61. ^ Allen-Ebrahimian, Bethany (20 August 2023). "In Tanzania, Beijing is running a training school for authoritarianism". Axios. Archived from the original on 20 August 2023. Retrieved 20 August 2023.
  62. ^ Nyabiage, Jevans (26 February 2022). "China opens party school in Africa to teach its model to continent's officials". South China Morning Post. Archived from the original on 20 August 2023. Retrieved 20 August 2023.
  63. ^ Chan, Raphael (29 August 2022). "Political Training Under the Belt and Road Initiative: A Look at the Chinese Communist Party's First Party School in Africa". Foreign Policy Research Institute. Archived from the original on 20 August 2023. Retrieved 20 August 2023.
  64. ^ Murphy, Dawn C. (2022). China's rise in the Global South : the Middle East, Africa, and Beijing's alternative world order. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. p. 244. ISBN 978-1-5036-3060-4. OCLC 1249712936.
  65. ^ "Sino-African Relations". www.chinaembassy.org.zw. Archived from the original on 16 June 2013. Retrieved 19 June 2012.
  66. ^ "China boosts African economies, offering a 'second opportunity'". Christian Science Monitor. Archived from the original on 24 June 2009. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  67. ^ "Mozambique-China Trade Continues to Grow". allafrica.com. 9 December 2012. Archived from the original on 18 January 2013. Retrieved 9 December 2012.
  68. ^ a b Nyabiage, Jevans (19 January 2023). "China-Africa trade hits record US$282 billion with boost from Beijing and soaring commodity prices". South China Morning Post. Archived from the original on 16 May 2023. Retrieved 16 May 2023.
  69. ^ "China in the heart of Africa". Africa Renewal. 15 January 2013. Archived from the original on 4 September 2021. Retrieved 31 August 2021.
  70. ^ "China's relationship with Africa is growing murkier". The Economist. 4 September 2024. ISSN 0013-0613. Retrieved 5 September 2024.
  71. ^ a b c "China-Africa Trade Booms | JOC.com". www.joc.com. Archived from the original on 26 December 2019. Retrieved 26 December 2019.
  72. ^ "China Regional Snapshot: Sub-Saharan Africa". Committee on Foreign Affairs. Archived from the original on 31 May 2024. Retrieved 31 May 2024.
  73. ^ "The closest look yet at Chinese economic engagement in Africa | McKinsey". www.mckinsey.com. Archived from the original on 13 August 2021. Retrieved 19 August 2021.
  74. ^ Dankwah, Kwaku Opoku; Valenta, Marko (5 March 2019). "Chinese entrepreneurial migrants in Ghana: socioeconomic impacts and Ghanaian trader attitudes". The Journal of Modern African Studies. 57 (1): 1–29. doi:10.1017/S0022278X18000678. hdl:11250/2608582. ISSN 0022-278X. S2CID 159241142.
  75. ^ Stephanie Hanson (6 June 2008). "China, Africa, and Oil". Council on Foreign Relations. Archived from the original on 8 February 2009. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  76. ^ Lema, Rasmus; Bhamidipati, Padmasai Lakshmi; Gregersen, Cecilia; Hansen, Ulrich Elmer; Kirchherr, Julian (1 May 2021). "China's investments in renewable energy in Africa: Creating co-benefits or just cashing-in?". World Development. 141: 105365. doi:10.1016/j.worlddev.2020.105365. ISSN 0305-750X – via Elsevier Science Direct.
  77. ^ Taylor, Ian (2006). "China's Oil Diplomacy in Africa". International Affairs. 82 (5): 937–959. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2346.2006.00579.x. ISSN 0020-5850. JSTOR 3874208. Archived from the original on 2 June 2021. Retrieved 9 April 2021.
  78. ^ Linebaugh, Kate; Oster, Shai (10 January 2006). "Cnooc Pays $2.27 Billion For Nigerian Oil, Gas Stake". Wall Street Journal. Archived from the original on 4 December 2019. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  79. ^ Lee, Don (14 November 2004). "China Barrels Ahead in Oil Market". Los Angeles Times. Archived from the original on 20 October 2010. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  80. ^ "ITC - Trade Impact for Good". intracen.org. Archived from the original on 19 January 2023. Retrieved 22 January 2023.
  81. ^ "The coffee sector in China | ITC". intracen.org. 9 March 2011. Archived from the original on 22 January 2023. Retrieved 22 January 2023.
  82. ^ Johnson, Keith (24 April 2014). "China's African Adventure". www.foreignpolicy.com. Graham Holdings Company. Archived from the original on 20 September 2014. Retrieved 25 April 2014.
  83. ^ "China's Xi cheers African leaders with pledge of $60 billion for development". Reuters. 4 December 2015. Archived from the original on 13 March 2020. Retrieved 5 December 2015.
  84. ^ "Buhari Meets With Chinese President Xi Jinping in South Africa". Sahara Reporters. 4 December 2015. Archived from the original on 26 October 2019. Retrieved 5 December 2015.
  85. ^ Calabrese, Linda and Tang, Xiaoyang (2020). Africa's economic transformation: The role of Chinese investment (Report). DEGRP. Archived from the original on 1 November 2020. Retrieved 6 November 2020.{{cite report}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  86. ^ a b Hanauer, Larry; Morris, Lyle J. (12 March 2014). "China in Africa: Implications of a Deepening Relationship". RAND Corporation. Archived from the original on 27 August 2021. Retrieved 27 August 2021. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  87. ^ Murphy, Dawn C. (2022). China's rise in the Global South : the Middle East, Africa, and Beijing's alternative world order. Stanford, California. p. 158. ISBN 978-1-5036-3060-4. OCLC 1249712936.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  88. ^ Qui, Winston (15 February 2021). "PEACE". www.submarinenetworks.com. Archived from the original on 9 March 2021. Retrieved 23 March 2021.
  89. ^ a b "China seeks to expand influence in Africa with more digital projects". South China Morning Post. 25 August 2021. Archived from the original on 15 September 2021. Retrieved 15 September 2021.
  90. ^ a b c Murphy, Dawn C. (2022). China's rise in the Global South : the Middle East, Africa, and Beijing's alternative world order. Stanford, California. p. 168. ISBN 978-1-5036-3060-4. OCLC 1249712936.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  91. ^ a b c d Garlick, Jeremy (2024). Advantage China: Agent of Change in an Era of Global Disruption. Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-1-350-25231-8.
  92. ^ Brautigam 2010: 40–41
  93. ^ Brautigam 2010: 42
  94. ^ Jacques, Martin (2009). When China Rules the World. Penguin Books. p. 426. OCLC 883334381.
  95. ^ a b c d Jean-Christophe Servant (May 2005). "China's trade safari in Africa". Le Monde Diplomatique. Archived from the original on 26 January 2013. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  96. ^ "Africa, China Trade" (PDF). Financial Times. Archived from the original (PDF) on 11 March 2009. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  97. ^ "Debt Relief with Chinese Characteristics" (PDF). June 2020. Archived (PDF) from the original on 26 February 2021.
  98. ^ Romaniuk, Scott N. (28 January 2019). "Africa's Appetite for Chinese Aid: Beware of "No Strings Attached"". China Institute. University of Alberta. Archived from the original on 29 April 2020. Retrieved 25 February 2021.
  99. ^ Wan, Fang (15 May 2018). "How 'unconditional' is China's foreign aid?". Deutsche Welle. Archived from the original on 12 February 2021. Retrieved 22 February 2021.
  100. ^ Mahmood, Basit (21 October 2020). "Many Countries at Risk of Defaulting on Debt to China". Newsweek. Archived from the original on 27 February 2021. Retrieved 27 February 2021.
  101. ^ Dahir, Abdi Latif (5 February 2019). "The "debt-trap" narrative around Chinese loans shows Africa's weak economic diplomacy". Quartz. Archived from the original on 14 February 2021. Retrieved 27 February 2021.
  102. ^ Moore, W. Gyude (17 September 2018). "The language of "debt-trap diplomacy" reflects Western anxieties, not African realities". Quartz. Archived from the original on 17 September 2018. Retrieved 29 July 2022.
  103. ^ Robin Fall (17 March 2022). "The Myth of the Chinese 'Debt Trap' in Africa". Bloomberg. Archived from the original on 8 May 2022. Retrieved 29 July 2022.
  104. ^ Rithmire, Deborah Brautigam, Meg (6 February 2021). "The Chinese 'Debt Trap' Is a Myth". The Atlantic. Archived from the original on 6 February 2021. Retrieved 31 July 2022.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  105. ^ Murphy, Dawn C. (2022). China's rise in the Global South : the Middle East, Africa, and Beijing's alternative world order. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. p. 15. ISBN 978-1-5036-3060-4. OCLC 1249712936. Archived from the original on 7 May 2023. Retrieved 4 January 2023.
  106. ^ a b c Jin, Keyu (2023). The New China Playbook: Beyond Socialism and Capitalism. New York: Viking. ISBN 978-1-9848-7828-1.
  107. ^ "Twenty Years of Data on China's Africa Lending" (PDF). China Africa Research Initiative. Archived (PDF) from the original on 21 August 2024. Retrieved 29 July 2021.
  108. ^ Kuo, Lily; Kommenda, Niko. "What is China's Belt and Road Initiative?". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 4 January 2020. Retrieved 13 May 2019.
  109. ^ Bosshard, P. "China's role in financing African infrastructure. International Rivers Network, 14" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 28 April 2019. Retrieved 28 April 2019.
  110. ^ "International Debt Statistics | The World Bank". datatopics.worldbank.org. Archived from the original on 26 March 2021. Retrieved 31 August 2021.
  111. ^ "The pandemic has worsened Africa's debt crisis. China and other countries are stepping in". The Washington Post. 26 February 2021.
  112. ^ Backhouse, Andrew (22 August 2022). "China forgives debt for 17 African nations amid accusations of debt trap diplomacy". news.com.au. Archived from the original on 22 August 2022. Retrieved 22 August 2022.
  113. ^ Thompson, Drew. "China's soft power in Africa: From the "Beijing Consensus" to health diplomacy". jamestown.org. Archived from the original on 26 December 2010. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  114. ^ "China, U.S. and Africa: Competition or Cooperation?" (PDF). The Defense Technical Information Center p.17. Archived from the original (PDF) on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  115. ^ "The Chinese and Congo take a giant leap of faith". Iht.com. Archived from the original on 2 February 2009. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  116. ^ "Copper Colony in Congo". Le Monde diplomatique. Archived from the original on 19 May 2009. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  117. ^ Lee, Seow Ting (6 July 2021). "Vaccine diplomacy: nation branding and China's COVID-19 soft power play". Place Branding and Public Diplomacy. 19 (1). University of Colorado at Boulder: 64–78. doi:10.1057/s41254-021-00224-4. ISSN 1751-8040. PMC 8259554.
  118. ^ Mcallister, Edward; Daly, Tom (30 November 2021). "China's Xi pledges another 1 bln COVID-19 vaccine doses for Africa". Reuters. Archived from the original on 25 December 2021. Retrieved 2 August 2022.
  119. ^ Murphy, Dawn C. (2022). China's rise in the Global South : the Middle East, Africa, and Beijing's alternative world order. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. p. 273. ISBN 978-1-5036-3060-4. OCLC 1249712936.
  120. ^ "China, AU vow to build China-Africa community with a shared future in new era". Pakistan Today. 11 January 2023. Archived from the original on 11 January 2023. Retrieved 11 January 2023.
  121. ^ Murphy, Dawn C. (2022). China's rise in the Global South : the Middle East, Africa, and Beijing's alternative world order. Stanford, California. p. 188. ISBN 978-1-5036-3060-4. OCLC 1249712936.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  122. ^ a b c Murphy, Dawn C. (2022). China's rise in the Global South : the Middle East, Africa, and Beijing's alternative world order. Stanford, California. p. 184. ISBN 978-1-5036-3060-4. OCLC 1249712936.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  123. ^ Murphy, Dawn C. (2022). China's rise in the Global South : the Middle East, Africa, and Beijing's alternative world order. Stanford, California. pp. 182–188. ISBN 978-1-5036-3060-4. OCLC 1249712936.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  124. ^ Ehizuelen, Michael Mitchell Omoruyi; Abdi, Hodan Osman (1 December 2018). "Sustaining China-Africa relations: Slotting Africa into China's One Belt, One Road initiative makes economic sense". Asian Journal of Comparative Politics. 3 (4): 285–310. doi:10.1177/2057891117727901. ISSN 2057-8911. S2CID 135022716. Archived from the original on 16 March 2024. Retrieved 9 November 2021.
  125. ^ a b "China formally opens first overseas military base in Djibouti". Reuters. 1 August 2017. Archived from the original on 25 May 2019. Retrieved 27 February 2021.
  126. ^ Jacobs, Andrew; Perlez, Jane (25 February 2017). "U.S. Wary of Its New Neighbor in Djibouti: A Chinese Naval Base (Published 2017)". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on 14 May 2017. Retrieved 26 February 2021.
  127. ^ Lintner, Bertil (15 April 2019). The Costliest Pearl: China's Struggle for India's Ocean. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-1-78738-240-4. Archived from the original on 16 March 2024. Retrieved 28 February 2021.
  128. ^ Brewster, David (25 January 2018). India and China at Sea: Competition for Naval Dominance in the Indian Ocean. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-909168-3. Archived from the original on 16 March 2024. Retrieved 28 February 2021.
  129. ^ Reed, John (15 July 2013). "China's Combat Troops in Africa". The Complex. Archived from the original on 27 August 2014. Retrieved 31 August 2014.
  130. ^ "WHAT EXPLAINS CHINA'S DEPLOYMENT TO UN PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS?". Columbia University. 3 December 2015. Archived from the original on 27 December 2019. Retrieved 27 December 2019.
  131. ^ Puska, Susan (8 June 2007). "Military backs China's Africa adventure". Asia Times. Archived from the original on 21 July 2012. Retrieved 14 March 2009.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: unfit URL (link)
  132. ^ "Russian, Chinese weapons compete in Africa". United Press International. Archived from the original on 13 May 2013. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  133. ^ a b Encarnation, Luke (20 April 2021). "Assessing the Impact of Chinese Arms in Africa". Georgetown Security Studies Review. Georgetown University. Archived from the original on 31 August 2021. Retrieved 31 August 2021.
  134. ^ "China 'is fuelling war in Darfur'". BBC. 13 July 2008. Archived from the original on 5 March 2016. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  135. ^ Roblin, Sebastien (29 September 2019). "Chinese Drones Are Going to War All Over the Middle East and Africa". National Interest. Archived from the original on 21 September 2020. Retrieved 27 December 2019.
  136. ^ "Is Blackwater founder's lucrative security-training deal with Chinese insiders against US interests?". Stars and Stripes. 4 May 2008. Archived from the original on 27 December 2019. Retrieved 27 December 2019.
  137. ^ Holland, Hereward (9 March 2020). "Blackwater founder Prince's company enters Congo insurance industry". Reuters. Archived from the original on 27 July 2021. Retrieved 27 July 2021.
  138. ^ a b c Dahir, Abdi Latif (30 January 2018). "China "gifted" the African Union a headquarters building and then allegedly had it bugged". Quartz. Archived from the original on 8 February 2021. Retrieved 6 February 2021.
  139. ^ "African Union Bugged by China: Cyber Espionage as Evidence of Strategic Shifts". Council on Foreign Relations. Archived from the original on 5 September 2021. Retrieved 15 September 2021.
  140. ^ "China rejects claim it bugged headquarters it built for African Union". The Guardian. 30 January 2018. Archived from the original on 1 February 2018. Retrieved 30 July 2021.
  141. ^ Satter, Raphael (16 December 2020). "Suspected Chinese hackers stole camera footage from African Union - memo". Reuters. Archived from the original on 19 December 2020.
  142. ^ "Cultural Exchange Between China and Africa". China Internet Information Center. Archived from the original on 10 December 2021. Retrieved 9 April 2021.
  143. ^ Ismail Einashe (16 May 2018). "How Mandarin is conquering Africa via Confucius Institutes and giving China a soft-power advantage". South China Morning Post. Archived from the original on 31 August 2021. Retrieved 31 August 2021.
  144. ^ Eric Fredua-Kwarteng. "What is China's higher education agenda in Africa?". University World News. Archived from the original on 31 August 2021. Retrieved 31 August 2021.
  145. ^ Amoah, Padmore Adusei; Hodzi, Obert; Castillo, Roberto (1 October 2020). "Africans in China and Chinese in Africa: inequalities, social identities, and wellbeing". Asian Ethnicity. 21 (4): 457–463. doi:10.1080/14631369.2020.1784706. ISSN 1463-1369.
  146. ^ Evan Osnos (9 February 2009). "The Promised Land". The New Yorker. Archived from the original on 30 March 2013. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  147. ^ Mathews, Gordon; Lin, Linessa Dan; Yang, Yang (2017). The World in Guangzhou: Africans and Other Foreigners in South China's Global Marketplace. University of Chicago Press. doi:10.7208/chicago/9780226506241.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-226-50610-4.
  148. ^ Tom Mackenzie and Mitch Moxley. "China's 'Little Africa' is under pressure". GlobalPost. Archived from the original on 28 February 2009. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  149. ^ "China and Africa: Stronger Economic Ties Mean More Migration". Migration Policy Institute. Archived from the original on 29 January 2014. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  150. ^ Idris, Abubakar (27 January 2021). "How many Chinese workers are there in Africa now?". Quartz. Archived from the original on 15 April 2021. Retrieved 9 April 2021.
  151. ^ Lim, Louisa; Bergin, Julia (7 December 2018). "Inside China's audacious global propaganda campaign". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Archived from the original on 10 March 2020. Retrieved 1 March 2021.
  152. ^ Dubinsky, Itamar (4 March 2021). "China's Stadium Diplomacy in Africa". Journal of Global Sport Management: 1–19. doi:10.1080/24704067.2021.1885101. ISSN 2470-4067. S2CID 233772728. Archived from the original on 16 March 2024. Retrieved 25 April 2021.
  153. ^ Kenney, Tanasia (14 April 2018). "Chinese Miners Are Leaving Their Mixed Children Behind In Ghana". Atlanta Black Star. Archived from the original on 14 November 2023. Retrieved 17 November 2023.
  154. ^ "Meet Ghana's Galamsey pikins wey demma Chinese fathers lef behind". BBC news Pidgin. 12 April 2018. Archived from the original on 16 March 2024. Retrieved 17 November 2023.
  155. ^ Kuo, Lily (7 December 2016). "Uganda is worried about the number of Chinese men marrying their women". Quartz. Archived from the original on 14 November 2023. Retrieved 17 November 2023.
  156. ^ Patton, Dominique. "Chinese companies eye Kenya's roads". Responding to a reporter’s question earlier this week about Chinese firms bringing many of their own workers to Africa, he said: “We seek common development for both China and African countries. We try to pursue common prosperity of both sides.” He added that China’s strong ties with Africa have provided many countries with “high quality projects, reduced construction costs” and faster construction times. The trend for growing investment on the continent certainly looks set to increase. Mr Chen said that “the Chinese business community has bucked the trend” this year, investing $875 million in Africa in the first nine months, an increase of 77.5 per cent over the same period of 2008. In total, China had invested $7.8 billion in the continent by the end of 2008. Business Daily. Archived from the original on 27 January 2013. Retrieved 13 May 2012.
  157. ^ AKWEI, ISMAIL (28 May 2018). "Babies: Unwanted seeds sown in African women by fleeting Chinese workers". Face2Face Africa. Archived from the original on 23 November 2023. Retrieved 23 November 2023.
  158. ^ 20yr Old Girl Looking for Her Chinese Baby Daddy (television video). Kenya: Citizen TV Kenya. 5 March 2011. Archived from the original on 26 December 2021. Retrieved 23 November 2023.
  159. ^ Daly, Tom; Lee, Se Young (12 February 2021). "China New Year gala show sparks new racism controversy with blackface performance". Reuters. Archived from the original on 5 September 2021. Retrieved 26 February 2021.
  160. ^ McDonald, Joe (12 February 2021). "Chinese TV features blackface performers in New Year's gala". Associated Press. Archived from the original on 25 February 2021. Retrieved 26 February 2021.
  161. ^ "From Covid to Blackface on TV, China's Racism Problem Runs Deep". Human Rights Watch. 18 February 2021. Archived from the original on 23 August 2021. Retrieved 23 August 2021.
  162. ^ a b Goldstein, Joseph (15 October 2018). "Kenyans Say Chinese Investment Brings Racism and Discrimination". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on 8 June 2019. Retrieved 23 August 2021.
  163. ^ Ssuuna, Ignatius (20 April 2022). "Chinese man gets 20 years in Rwanda for whipping a local man". AP News. Archived from the original on 1 May 2022. Retrieved 1 May 2022.
  164. ^ Li, Hangwei (17 April 2020). "Mistreatment of Africans in Guangzhou threatens China's coronavirus diplomacy". The Conversation. SOAS, University of London. Archived from the original on 3 January 2023. Retrieved 3 January 2023.
  165. ^ Sui, Celine. "China's Racism Is Wrecking Its Success in Africa". Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on 16 April 2020. Retrieved 23 August 2021.
  166. ^ Orecchio-Egresitz, Haven (13 April 2020). "McDonald's apologized after a restaurant in Guangzhou, China, refused to service black customers". Business Insider. Archived from the original on 14 April 2020. Retrieved 14 April 2020.
  167. ^ Asiedu, Kwasi Gyamfi (11 April 2020). "After enduring months of lockdown, Africans in China are being targeted and evicted from apartments". Quartz Africa. Archived from the original on 12 April 2020. Retrieved 13 April 2020.
  168. ^ Qobo, Mills Soko and Mzukisi (14 April 2020). "Op-Ed: Victimisation of Africans in China threatens Afro-Sino relations". Daily Maverick. Archived from the original on 17 April 2020. Retrieved 14 April 2020.
  169. ^ Pilling, David; Wong, Sue-Lin (13 April 2020). "China-Africa relations rocked by alleged racism over Covid-19". Financial Times. Archived from the original on 16 April 2020. Retrieved 14 April 2020.
  170. ^ "China denies city discriminating against 'African brothers'". Reuters. 13 April 2020. Archived from the original on 14 April 2020. Retrieved 14 April 2020.
  171. ^ Marsh, Jenni. "Beijing faces a diplomatic crisis after reports of mistreatment of Africans in China causes outrage". CNN. Archived from the original on 11 May 2020. Retrieved 14 April 2020.
  172. ^ Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury (13 April 2020). "China faces backlash for treatment of African nationals over Covid-19". The Economic Times. Archived from the original on 18 July 2020. Retrieved 14 April 2020.
  173. ^ "African Ambassadors Complain to China Over 'Discrimination' in Guangzhou". The New York Times. Reuters. 12 April 2020. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on 15 April 2020. Retrieved 16 April 2020.
  174. ^ Kirton, David (26 June 2020). "In China's 'Little Africa,' a struggle to get back to business after lockdown". Reuters. Archived from the original on 27 May 2021. Retrieved 27 May 2021.
  175. ^ "China province launches anti-racism push after outrage". The Hindu, Agence France-Presse. 4 May 2020. ISSN 0971-751X. Archived from the original on 23 June 2020. Retrieved 19 November 2020.
  176. ^ Yang, William (16 August 2023). "Chinese Social Media Platforms Fail to Control Racism Against Black People: Report". Voice of America. Archived from the original on 17 August 2023. Retrieved 16 August 2023. HRW analyzed hundreds of videos and posts on popular Chinese social media platforms, including Bilibili, Douyin, Kuaishou, Weibo and Xiaohongshu, since late 2021. It found that content portraying Black people based on offensive racial stereotypes has become rampant.
  177. ^ a b "China: Combat Anti-Black Racism on Social Media". Human Rights Watch. 16 August 2023. Archived from the original on 20 August 2023. Retrieved 20 August 2023. Another common type of racist content reviewed denigrates interracial relationships. Black people married to Chinese people are accused of "contaminating" and threatening the Chinese race. Perceived relationships between Black men and Chinese women are particularly vilified.
  178. ^ Zhou, Zhiqiu Benson (28 March 2023). "Patriarchal racism: the convergence of anti-blackness and gender tension on Chinese social media". Information, Communication & Society. 27 (2): 223–239. doi:10.1080/1369118X.2023.2193252. ISSN 1369-118X.
  179. ^ Huang, Kun (29 June 2020). ""Anti-Blackness" in Chinese Racial-Nationalism: Sex/Gender, Reproduction, and Metaphors of Pathology". Praxis. Archived from the original on 19 August 2023. Retrieved 19 August 2023.
  180. ^ John M. Friend; Bradley A. Thayer (1 November 2018). How China Sees the World: Han-Centrism and the Balance of Power in International Politics. University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-1-64012-137-9. Archived from the original on 3 March 2020. Retrieved 7 June 2019.
  181. ^ Osondu-Oti, Adaora (2016). "China and Africa:: Human Rights Perspective". Africa Development / Afrique et Développement. 41 (1): 49–80. ISSN 0850-3907. JSTOR 90001834.
  182. ^ Blair, David (31 August 2007). "Why China is trying to colonise Africa". The Daily Telegraph. London. Archived from the original on 15 April 2018. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  183. ^ Zhou, Scott (3 November 2006). "China as Africa's 'angel in white'". Asia Times. Archived from the original on 9 May 2013. Retrieved 14 March 2009.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: unfit URL (link)
  184. ^ Sautman, Barry; Hairong, Yan (2008). "The Forest for the Trees: Trade, Investment and the China-in-Africa Discourse". Pacific Affairs. 81 (1): 9–29. doi:10.5509/20088119. hdl:10397/5416. ISSN 0030-851X. JSTOR 40377480.
  185. ^ Cheng, Kang-Chun (9 September 2021). "Chinese businesses are at the forefront of environmental change in Africa". Quartz. Archived from the original on 2 June 2023. Retrieved 16 April 2024.
  186. ^ Tawiah, Vincent Konadu; Zakari, Abdulrasheed; Khan, Irfan (20 February 2021). "The environmental footprint of China-Africa engagement: An analysis of the effect of China – Africa partnership on carbon emissions". Science of the Total Environment. 756: 143603. Bibcode:2021ScTEn.75643603T. doi:10.1016/j.scitotenv.2020.143603. PMID 33248792.
  187. ^ Arranz, Adolfo; Huang, Han; Master, Farah (16 April 2024). "How China's e-jiao trade spells doom for Africa's donkeys". Reuters. Archived from the original on 16 April 2024. Retrieved 16 April 2024.
  188. ^ "China's fishing fleet is causing havoc off Africa's coasts". The Economist. 11 April 2024. ISSN 0013-0613. Archived from the original on 12 April 2024. Retrieved 12 April 2024.
  189. ^ Yap, Chuin-Wei (21 April 2021). "China's Fishing Fleet, the World's Largest, Drives Beijing's Global Ambitions". The Wall Street Journal. Archived from the original on 8 November 2023. Retrieved 12 April 2024.
  190. ^ Yeung, Peter (1 February 2022). "Illegal overfishing by Chinese trawlers leaves Sierra Leone locals 'starving'". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Archived from the original on 14 December 2023. Retrieved 12 April 2024. China is consistently ranked as the worst offender for IUU fishing in a global index of 152 countries.
  191. ^ "Ghana fishing: Abuse, corruption and death on Chinese vessels". BBC News. 4 January 2023. Archived from the original on 15 October 2023. Retrieved 12 April 2024.
  192. ^ Schipani, Andres (3 August 2022). "China's role at the heart of Kenya's election campaign". Financial Times. Archived from the original on 7 August 2022. Retrieved 7 August 2022.
  193. ^ Dahir, Abdi Latif (7 August 2022). "'Jewel in the Crown of Corruption': The Troubles of Kenya's China-Funded Train". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on 7 August 2022. Retrieved 7 August 2022.
  194. ^ Beresford, David (18 April 2008). "Chinese ship carries arms cargo to Mugabe regime". The Guardian. London. Archived from the original on 5 March 2017. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  195. ^ Spencer, Richard (31 August 2007). "China is to withdraw backing for Mugabe". The Daily Telegraph. London. Archived from the original on 15 April 2018. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  196. ^ Evans, Ian (26 July 2008). "Robert Mugabe forced into talks with opposition after China told him 'to behave'". The Daily Telegraph. London. Archived from the original on 15 April 2018. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  197. ^ Abramowitz, Morton; Kolieb, Jonathan (5 June 2007). "Why China Won't Save Darfur". Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on 13 April 2021. Retrieved 27 February 2021.
  198. ^ "Beyond Darfur - Sudan's Slide Toward Civil War". Foreign Affairs. Archived from the original on 18 December 2008. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  199. ^ "The "Big 4" – How oil revenues are connected to Khartoum". Amnesty International USA. Archived from the original on 3 October 2008. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  200. ^ Herbst, Moira (14 March 2008). "Oil for China, Guns for Darfur". Bloomberg Businessweek. Archived from the original on 12 November 2020. Retrieved 27 February 2021.
  201. ^ "The United Nations and Darfur". Human Rights Watch. Archived from the original on 26 November 2010. Retrieved 14 March 2009.
  202. ^ "China: Darfur-Olympic link 'unfair'". Aljazeera.com. 14 February 2008. Archived from the original on 17 June 2021. Retrieved 26 February 2021.
  203. ^ Frazier, Robeson Taj (2015). The East Is Black: Cold War China in the Black Radical Imagination. Durham and London: Duke University Press. pp. 100–101. ISBN 978-0822357681.
  204. ^ Hevi, Emmanuel John (1963). An African Student in China. Frederick A. Praeger.
  205. ^ Sullivan, Michael J. (June 1994). "The 1988–89 Nanjing Anti-African Protests: Racial Nationalism or National Racism?". The China Quarterly. 138: 438–457. doi:10.1017/S0305741000035839. ISSN 0305-7410. Archived from the original on 24 August 2020. Retrieved 27 March 2024.
  206. ^ "Recruiting in Africa: US faces a stiff competitor in China". University World News. Archived from the original on 8 April 2023. Retrieved 8 April 2023.
  207. ^ Coelho, Rute (24 June 2020). "China wins the West in offering scholarships to African students". Plataforma Media. Archived from the original on 8 April 2023. Retrieved 8 April 2023.
  208. ^ "China in Africa: The Real Story". Archived from the original on 27 June 2022. Retrieved 20 June 2022.
  209. ^ Sguazzin, Antony (12 June 2022). "China Surpasses US in the Eyes of Young Africans, Survey Shows". Bloomberg.com. Archived from the original on 25 December 2022. Retrieved 26 July 2022.
  210. ^ Bloomberg (13 June 2022). "Young Africans say China has biggest positive influence, not US". The Straits Times. Archived from the original on 28 July 2022. Retrieved 28 July 2022.
  211. ^ Kironská, Kristína; Turcsányi, Richard Q.; Chen, Rong; Chen, Yiju; Chubb, Andrew; Iocovozzi, James; Šimalčík, Matej (November 2022). "Destined for conflict? Taiwanese and Chinese public opinions on Cross-Strait relations" (PDF). Central European Institute of Asian Studies. pages 18 and 20. Archived (PDF) from the original on 26 March 2023. Retrieved 3 January 2023.

Further reading

[edit]
  • Alden, Chris (2007). China in Africa: Partner, Competitor or Hegemon?. Zed. ISBN 978-1-84277-864-7.
  • Brautigam, Deborah (2010). The Dragon's Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-955022-7.
  • Breslin, Shaun; Taylor, Ian (2008). "Explaining the Rise of 'Human Rights' in Analyses of Sino-African Relations" (PDF). Review of African Political Economy. 35 (115): 59–71. doi:10.1080/03056240802011469. S2CID 144597487.
  • Calabrese, Linda and Tang, Xiaoyang (2020). Africa's economic transformation: the role of Chinese investment (Report). DEGRP.{{cite report}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  • Calabrese, Linda (ed.) (2016). China-Africa: a maturing relationship? Growth, change and resilience London: DFID-ESRC Growth Research Programme.
  • Caniglia, Laura (2011). "Western ostracism and China's presence in Africa". China Information. 25 (2): 165–184. doi:10.1177/0920203X11406339. S2CID 144485159. Retrieved 28 August 2012.
  • Cornelissen, Scarlett; Taylor, Ian (2000). "The Political Economy of China and Japan's Relationship with Africa: a Comparative Perspective". Pacific Review. 13 (4): 615–633. doi:10.1080/095127400455350. S2CID 154734964.
  • Dankwah Kwaku Opoku & Valenta Marko (2019). "Chinese entrepreneurial migrants in Ghana: socioeconomic impacts and Ghanaian trader attitudes". Journal of Modern African Studies. Vol. 57, no. 1. pp. 1–29. doi:10.1017/S0022278X18000678.
  • Donou-Adonsou, Ficawoyi, and Sokchea Lim. "On the importance of Chinese investment in Africa." Review of development finance 8.1 (2018): 63–73. Online
  • Fasan, Rotimi. "African Studies and Sino-Africa Collaborations: Towards Our “Common Interest”." Journal of African Cultural Studies 33.2 (2021): 194-200.
  • Fasan, Olu. "Like the West, Africa must be guarded in its relations with China." Africa at LSE (2017). online
  • Freeman-Grenville, G.P.S., ed. (1975). The East African Coast. Select Documents form the first to the earlier nineteenth century. London: Rex Collings.
  • French, Howard W. (2015). China's Second Continent: How a Million Migrants Are Building a New Empire in Africa. Vintage. ISBN 978-0307946652.
  • Gunessee, Saileshsingh, and Shuang Hu. "Chinese cross‐border mergers and acquisitions in the developing world: Is Africa unique?." Thunderbird International Business Review 63.1 (2021): 27–41. Online
  • Hellström, Jerker (2009). China's Emerging Role in Africa: a Strategic Overview. Swedish Defence Research Agency (FOI). ISBN 978-1-84277-864-7.
  • Isaksson, Ann-Sofie, and Andreas Kotsadam. "Chinese Aid to Africa: Distinguishing Features and Local Effects." (2020). Online
  • Isaksson, Ann-Sofie, and Andreas Kotsadam. "Racing to the bottom? Chinese development projects and trade union involvement in Africa." World Development 106 (2018): 284–298. Online on lower wages
  • Jedlowski, Alessandro. "Chinese Television in Africa." Theory, Culture & Society (2021): 02632764211012033.
  • de Moraes, Isaías Albertin, and Mônica Heinzelmann Portella de Aguiar. "China-Africa Relations in Political Economy of the World-System: in between excluding-insertion and including-insertion." Relações Internacionais no Mundo Atual 4.29 (2021): 119–146. online
  • Muekalia, D.J. (2004). "Africa and China's strategic partnership". African Security Review. Vol. 13, no. 1. pp. 5–11.
  • Ofosu, George, and David Sarpong. "The evolving perspectives on the Chinese labour regime in Africa." Economic and Industrial Democracy (2021): 0143831X211029382. online
  • Otele, Oscar M. "Introduction. China-Africa Relations: Interdisciplinary Question and Theoretical Perspectives." The African Review 47.2 (2020): 267–284. online
  • Snow, Philip (1988). The Star Raft: China's encounter with Africa. New York: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN 978-1-55584-184-3.
  • Taylor, I. (1998). "China's foreign policy towards Africa in the 1990s". Journal of Modern African Studies. Vol. 36, no. 3. pp. 443–460. doi:10.1017/S0022278X98002857.
  • Tan-Mullins, May, Frauke Urban, and Grace Mang. "Evaluating the behaviour of Chinese stakeholders engaged in large hydropower projects in Asia and Africa." The China Quarterly 230 (2017): 464–488. Online
  • Taylor, Ian (2006). China and Africa: Engagement and Compromise. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-39740-7.
  • Taylor, Ian (2009). China's New Role in Africa. Boulder: Zed Books. ISBN 978-1-58826-636-1.
  • Wyatt, Don J. (2009). The Blacks of Premodern China. Encounters with Asia. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-4193-8.
  • Taylor, Ian (2011). The Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC). London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0415628518.
  • Taylor, Ian (2017). China's Aid to Africa: Does Friendship Really Matter?. London: Routledge. ISBN 9781138630390.\
  • Wasserman, Herman, and Dani Madrid-Morales. "How influential are Chinese media in Africa? An audience analysis in Kenya and South Africa." International Journal of Communication 12 (2018): 20+ online.