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Rhetoric of Donald Trump

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The rhetoric of Donald Trump, the 45th and 47th president of the United States, is widely recognized for its unique populist, nationalistic, and confrontational style, which has been the subject of extensive analysis by linguists, political scientists, and communication experts. Known for its direct and unfiltered approach, Trump's rhetoric emphasizes themes of crisis, division, and loyalty, often casting himself as an outsider fighting against a corrupt political establishment. Central to his communication strategy are emotional appeals that resonate with voter insecurity, promises of restoring past national "greatness," and the use of simple, repetitive language that amplifies his message to broad audiences.

Trump's rhetoric often frames complex issues in binary terms, using absolutes like "always" and "never" to express uncompromising stances. This strategy creates a polarized worldview, encouraging audiences to see political opponents and external threats as existential dangers to the nation. His rhetorical style is further characterized by a high volume of falsehoods, sometimes leveraging what analysts describe as the "firehose of falsehood" propaganda technique. This approach to information dissemination—marked by sheer volume and speed—can overwhelm fact-checking mechanisms and further entrench his narratives among his supporters.

Throughout his political career, Trump has been noted for using inflammatory language, including dehumanizing terms and violent metaphors, particularly when discussing immigration, crime, and political adversaries. His rhetoric has been linked by some scholars to an increase in political hostility and even violence, as it often features direct or implied threats against perceived enemies. Additionally, his speeches frequently draw on populist themes, casting blame on specific groups or individuals for societal problems, which scholars argue has contributed to an atmosphere of distrust and division within the U.S.

Critics argue that Trump's communication style borrows from authoritarian playbooks, citing his use of scapegoating, appeals to nationalism, and rhetorical attacks on the media. While supporters view his rhetoric as a refreshing departure from political correctness and establishment politics, detractors contend it erodes democratic norms and fuels divisiveness. This rhetoric remains a defining element of Trump's influence on American politics, with his third consecutive campaign in 2024 being ultimately successful.

Overview

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See also: First presidency of Donald Trump § Leadership style

Trump's rhetoric has its roots in a populist political method that suggests nationalistic answers to political, economic, and social problems.[1] It employs absolutist framings and threat narratives[2] characterized by a rejection of the political establishment.[3] Trump's rhetoric has been identified as using a three-fold rhetorical strategy, that being "it tells audiences what is wrong with the current state of affairs; it identifies the political agents that are responsible for putting individuals and the country in a state of loss and crisis; and it offers an abstract pathway through which people can restore past greatness by opting for a high-risk outsider candidate". Through the creation of a crisis narrative, Trump's rhetoric relies on creating a sense of insecurity among voters that it promises to eradicate for political gain.[4] His absolutist rhetoric emphasizes non-negotiable boundaries and moral outrage at their supposed violation,[5] and heavily favors crowd reaction over veracity, with a large number of falsehoods which Trump presents as facts,[6] which have been described as using the big lie,[7] and firehose of falsehood propaganda technique.[8]

Trump's scenic construction (introduction of characters and setting stage depicting an issue) uses black and white terms like "totally", "absolutely", "every", "complete", and "forever" to describe malevolent forces, or the coming victory. For example, Trump described John Kerry as a "total disaster", and said that Obamacare would "destroy American health care forever". Kenneth Burke referred to this type of "all or none" staging as characteristic of "burlesque" rhetoric.[9] He frequently shifts positions and contradicts himself, sometimes in the same day, in a rhetorical tactic described as presenting him plausible deniability through dueling narratives and allowing the American public the ability to pick and chose what they want to believe about his intentions.[10]

By 2024, The New York Times reported that Trump's speeches had grown "darker, harsher, longer, angrier, less focused, more profane and increasingly fixated on the past" and that experts described it as increasingly rambling, tangential, and featuring behavioral disinhibition as a possible consequence of advancing age and cognitive decline. It highlighted an average rally length of 82 minutes compared with 45 minutes in 2016, and a 13% increase in use of all-or-nothing terms like "always" and "never". It also found 32% more negative words than positive words compared with 21% in 2016, and a 69% increase in swearwords.[11] Trump described his rambling, off-script style of speaking as "the weave" and insisted it was both intentional and oratorical genius.[12]

Analysis

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Research has identified Trump's rhetoric as heavily using vitriol, demeaning language, false equivalency, exclusion,[13] and fearmongering[14][15][16][17] about immigrants, crime, and minorities as essential to his support.[18][19] Trump uses rhetoric that political scientists have deemed to be both dehumanizing and connected to physical violence by his followers.[20] Sociologist Arlie Hochschild states that emotional themes in Trump's rhetoric are fundamental, writing that his "speeches—evoking dominance, bravado, clarity, national pride, and personal uplift—inspire an emotional transformation," deeply resonating with their "emotional self-interest".[21][22] One study suggests that the use of spectacular racist rhetoric aided in the significant environmental deregulation that occurred during the first year of the Trump administration. According to the authors, this served political objectives of dehumanizing its targets, eroding democratic norms, and consolidating power by emotionally connecting with and inflaming resentments among the base of followers, but most importantly served to distract media attention from deregulatory policymaking by igniting intense media coverage of the distractions, precisely due to their radically transgressive nature.[23]

According to civil rights lawyer Burt Neuborne and political theorist William E. Connolly, Trump's rhetoric employs tropes similar to those used by fascists in Germany[24] to persuade citizens (at first a minority) to give up democracy, by using a barrage of falsehoods, half-truths, personal invective, threats, xenophobia, national-security scares, religious bigotry, white racism, exploitation of economic insecurity, and a never-ending search for scapegoats.[25] Connolly presents a similar list in his book Aspirational Fascism (2017), adding comparisons of the integration of theatrics and crowd participation with rhetoric, involving grandiose bodily gestures, grimaces, hysterical charges, dramatic repetitions of alternate reality falsehoods, and totalistic assertions incorporated into signature phrases that audiences are strongly encouraged to join in chanting.[26] Despite the similarities, Connolly stresses that Trump is no Nazi but "is rather, an aspirational fascist who pursues crowd adulation, hyperaggressive nationalism, white triumphalism, and militarism, pursues a law-and-order regime giving unaccountable power to the police, and is a practitioner of a rhetorical style that regularly creates fake news and smears opponents to mobilize support for the Big Lies he advances".[24]

Media ethicist Kelly McBride has commented that it is a difficult task for journalists to convey this rhetoric in a succinct way, which results in criticisms of "sanewashing"; that is, that journalists are "selectively quoting his speeches to make them sound more coherent than they actually are" and "packaging Trump’s ideas into news stories as if they are sensible suggestions".[27]

Trumpisms

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"Trumpisms" redirects here. For the political movement, see Trumpism.
See also: List of United States political catchphrases § 2010s
Trump's "Make America Great Again!" sign used during his 2016 presidential campaign before Trump selected Mike Pence as his vice presidential running mate

Trumpisms or Trump-speak are the mannerisms, rhetoric, and characteristic phrases or statements of Trump.[28][29] They have been described as colorful comments that "only Trump could get away with".[30][31] By 2016, Politico observed that what used to be called Trump's gaffes now had the official designation of "Trumpisms".[32][33] They have become well-known and are the subject of numerous comedic impersonations that imitate Trump's confident exaggerations and general lack of detail.[34][35] An MIT student built a Twitter bot that used artificial intelligence to parody the President with "remarkably Trump-like statements".[36] Artificial intelligence has also been used to analyze Trump-speak.[37] Trump's children have acknowledged his atypical speech patterns, with both Ivanka and Eric Trump stating that they share some of their father's Trumpisms.[38]

Journalist Emily Greenhouse noted in a 2015 Bloomberg article that Trump may be the most quotable man in politics and highlighted the following example:[39]

I'm the most successful person ever to run for the presidency, by far. Nobody's ever been more successful than me. I'm the most successful person ever to run. Ross Perot isn't successful like me. Romney—I have a Gucci store that's worth more than Romney.[40]

Trump is known for his use of apophasis.[41] For example, he said of Kim Jong-un, "I would NEVER call him 'short and fat'".[42]

Trumpisms frequently come in the form of insults directed at his critics, labeling them "dogs", "losers", and "enemies of the people".[43][44]

Violence and dehumanization

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See also: Demagogue

Trump has been identified as a key figure in increasing political violence in America both for and against him.[45][20][46] Trump has embraced extremism, conspiracy theories such as Q-Anon, and far-right militia movements to a greater extent than any modern American president.[47][48] Trump has espoused dehumanizing, combative, and violent rhetoric and promised retribution against his political enemies.[55] Trump's normalization and revisionist history of the January 6 Capitol attack and grant of clemency to all January 6 rioters including the Proud Boys and Oath Keepers was described by counterterrorism researchers as encouraging future political violence,[56][57] and Trump later suggested the two groups may have a place in the political conversation.[58][59]

In 2023, Reuters released a series of reports examining the highest levels of politically motivated violence since the 1970s that started in 2016 when Trump first ran for president which has seen relatively more violence directed at people instead of property. Reuters notes a few theories for this increase, including the 'coarsening' political rhetoric of the Trump era.[60] They also found that the people who murdered others for political reasons since January 6, 2021 have mostly been associated with the extreme right.[61]

Trump's rhetoric has been described as using "Argumentum ad baculum", or an appeal to force and intimidation to coerce behavior.[62] Trump has been noted to use either direct or veiled comments with plausible deniability suggesting the possibility of violence by his supporters.[63][64][65][66][67] He has been described as using stochastic terrorism.[68][69] In Politico, Michael Schaffer wrote, "In the 45th and possibly 47th president, America has a leading political figure of unprecedented rhetorical violence".[70]

2016 presidential campaign

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See also: Donald Trump 2016 presidential campaign

Donald Trump's 2016 presidential campaign announcement has been criticized for its dehumanizing rhetoric about Mexican immigrants with his comments that "When Mexico sends its people, they're not sending their best ... They're sending people that have lots of problems, and they're bringing those problems with [them]. They're bringing drugs. They're bringing crime. They're rapists. And some, I assume, are good people".[71][72]

On February 1, 2016, in response to an individual throwing two tomatoes at Trump, he told his rally at Cedar Rapids, Iowa that should a similar incident happen, the audience should, "knock the crap out of 'em, would you?"[73][74]

On February 23, 2016, after a heckler was removed from one of his rallies at Las Vegas, Nevada, Trump told the audience that, "I'd like to punch him in the face, I tell you,"[75]

As of 2016, stochastic terrorism was an "obscure" academic term according to professor David S. Cohen.[76] During an August 9, 2016 campaign rally, then-candidate Donald Trump remarked "If [Hillary Clinton] gets to pick her judges, nothing you can do, folks. Although the Second Amendment people, maybe there is. I don't know". These comments were widely condemned as instigating violence, and described by Cohen as "stochastic terrorism", further popularizing the term.[77][76][78]

First presidency

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See also: First presidency of Donald Trump

On July 28, 2017, while giving a speech to police officers, Trump said "don't be too nice" when arresting suspects.[79] His remarks were criticized by NYPD commissioner James O'Neill.[80]

On February 5, 2018, Trump implied that Democrats that did not applaud him during his State of The Union may have committed "treason".[81] His comment was criticized by Senator Dick Durbin.[82]

In May 2019, during a Trump campaign rally, an audience member suggested shooting illegal migrants crossing the border, to which Trump responded with a joke, saying, "only in the Panhandle you can get away with that".[83][84][85][86]

2020 presidential campaign and aftermath

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See also: Donald Trump 2020 presidential campaign

During the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, Trump routinely used the phrases "China virus" and "Kung flu" which were scrutinized due to their perceived insensitivity to the rising hate crimes against Asian Americans.[87][88] Trump frequently criticized Antifa and BLM protestors in language that some found concerning.[89][90] Trump also repeatedly criticized election methods (especially mail-in voting) in certain states which led to election workers being harassed.[91] Assaults and threats against election workers by supporters of Trump increased significantly after the election inspired by his false claims that the election was stolen, which Reuters called "a campaign of intimidation that is stressing the foundation of American democracy".[92] Reuters explicitly labeled some of the death threats as inspired by Donald Trump.[93] The Justice Department has reviewed over 2000 threats made to election workers, various jurisdictions have brought charges against some of those threatening election workers and 12 states have strengthened laws protecting election workers.[94][95]

On May 30, 2020, ABC News published a story that found 54 instances of violence, alleged assaults and threats where Trump was explicitly invoked in court records or other documents, with 41 echoing Trump and 13 in defiance to Trump.[96] On January 9, 2021, Vox published "a comprehensive timeline of Trump encouraging hate groups and political violence".[97]

2024 presidential campaign

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Further information: Donald Trump 2024 presidential campaign § Rhetoric

Trump's 2024 campaign has been noted for using increasingly dehumanizing and violent rhetoric against his political enemies.[20][98][99][100] Trump has attacked the witnesses, judges, juries, and families of individuals involved in his criminal trials.[101][102][103] As with his previous presidential campaigns,[104][105][106] Trump's 2024 campaign has regularly espoused anti-immigrant nativist[107] fearmongering,[a] racial stereotypes,[107] and dehumanized immigrants.[117][118][119][20][98][99] Trump's anti-immigration tone has grown harsher compared to his previous time as president.[120] Several of Trump's statements and actions have been accused of echoing Nazi rhetoric, far-right ideology, antisemitism, and white supremacy.[121][122] According to The New York Times in 2023, scholars are undecided about whether Trump's "rhetorical turn into more fascist-sounding territory is just his latest public provocation of the left, an evolution in his beliefs, or the dropping of a veil". It also reported that some experts concluded that Trump "exhibits traits similar to current strongmen like Viktor Orbán of Hungary or Recep Tayyip Erdoğan of Turkey".[123] Trump's harsher rhetoric against his political enemies has been described by historians and scholars as populist, authoritarian, fascist,[b] and unlike anything a political candidate has ever said in American history.[124][120] In the 20 rallies since Trump's debate with Kamala Harris, Politico found his rhetoric, especially around immigrants, getting darker, citing experts who found it strongly echoed authoritarian and Nazi ideology.[132]

Political practice and rhetoric

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Further information: Trumpism and Political positions of Donald Trump

Beginning with his 2016 campaign, Trump's politics and rhetoric led to the creation of a political movement known as Trumpism.[133] His political positions are populist,[134][135] more specifically described as right-wing populist.[136][137] He helped bring far-right fringe ideas and organizations into the mainstream.[138] Many of his actions and rhetoric have been described as authoritarian and contributing to democratic backsliding.[139][140] Trump pushed for an expansion of presidential power under a maximalist interpretation of the unitary executive theory.[141][142] His political base has been compared to a cult of personality.[c]

Trump's rhetoric and actions inflame anger and exacerbate distrust through an "us" versus "them" narrative.[150] He explicitly and routinely disparages racial, religious, and ethnic minorities,[151] and scholars consistently find that racial animus regarding blacks, immigrants, and Muslims are the best predictors of support for Trump.[152] His rhetoric has been described as using fearmongering and demagogy.[153] The alt-right movement coalesced around and supported his candidacy, due in part to its opposition to multiculturalism and immigration.[154][155][156] He has a strong appeal to evangelical Christian voters and Christian nationalists,[157] and his rallies take on the symbols, rhetoric, and agenda of Christian nationalism.[158]

Racial and gender views

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Many of Trump's comments and actions have been characterized as racist.[159] In a 2018 national poll, about half of respondents said he is racist; a greater proportion believed that he emboldened racists.[160] Several studies and surveys found that racist attitudes fueled his political ascent and were more important than economic factors in determining the allegiance of Trump voters.[161] Racist and Islamophobic attitudes are strong indicators of support for Trump.[162] He has also been accused of racism for insisting a group of five black and Latino teenagers were guilty of raping a white woman in the 1989 Central Park jogger case, even after they were exonerated in 2002 when the actual rapist confessed and his DNA matched the evidence. In 2024, the men sued Trump for defamation after he said in a televised debate that they had committed the crime and killed the woman.[163]

Trump answering questions about the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville

In 2011, Trump became the leading proponent of the racist "birther" conspiracy theory that Barack Obama, the first black U.S. president, was not born in the United States.[164] He claimed credit for pressuring the government to publish Obama's birth certificate, which he considered fraudulent.[165] He acknowledged that Obama was born in the U.S. in September 2016,[166] though reportedly expressed birther views privately in 2017.[167] During the 2024 presidential campaign, he made false attacks against the racial identity of his opponent, Kamala Harris, that were described as reminiscent of the birther conspiracy theory.[168]

Trump has a history of belittling women when speaking to the media and on social media.[169][170] He made lewd comments, disparaged women's physical appearances, and referred to them using derogatory epithets.[170] At least 25 women publicly accused him of sexual misconduct, including rape, kissing without consent, groping, looking under women's skirts, and walking in on naked teenage pageant contestants. He has denied the allegations.[171] In October 2016, a 2005 "hot mic" recording surfaced in which he bragged about kissing and groping women without their consent, saying that, "when you're a star, they let you do it. You can do anything. ... Grab 'em by the pussy."[172] He characterized the comments as "locker-room talk".[173][174] The incident's widespread media exposure led to his first public apology, videotaped during his 2016 presidential campaign.[175]

[edit]
Further information: Rhetoric of Donald Trump § Violence and dehumanization
Trump's refusal to condemn the white supremacist Proud Boys during a 2020 presidential debate[176] and his comment, "Proud Boys, stand back and stand by", were attributed to increased recruitment for the pro-Trump group.[177]

Trump has been identified as a key figure in increasing political violence in the U.S., both for and against him.[178][179][180] He is described as embracing extremism, conspiracy theories such as Q-Anon, and far-right militia movements to a greater extent than any modern American president,[181][182] and engaging in stochastic terrorism.[183][184]

Research suggests Trump's rhetoric is associated with an increased incidence of hate crimes,[185][186] and that he has an emboldening effect on expressing prejudicial attitudes due to his normalization of explicit racial rhetoric.[187] During his 2016 campaign, he urged or praised physical attacks against protesters or reporters.[188][189] Numerous defendants investigated or prosecuted for violent acts and hate crimes cited his rhetoric in arguing that they were not culpable or should receive leniency.[190][191] A nationwide review by ABC News in May 2020 identified at least 54 criminal cases, from August 2015 to April 2020, in which he was invoked in direct connection with violence or threats of violence mostly by white men and primarily against minorities.[192] Trump's normalization and revisionist history of the January 6 Capitol attack, and grant of clemency to all January 6 rioters, were described by counterterrorism researchers as encouraging future political violence.[193][194]

Conspiracy theories

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Main article: List of conspiracy theories promoted by Donald Trump

Since before his first presidency, Trump has promoted numerous conspiracy theories, including Obama "birtherism", global warming being a hoax, and alleged Ukrainian interference in U.S. elections.[195][196][197] After the 2020 presidential election, he promoted conspiracy theories for his defeat that were characterized as "the big lie".[198][199]

False or misleading statements

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Main article: False or misleading statements by Donald Trump
Chart depicting false or misleading claims made by Trump
Fact-checkers from The Washington Post,[200] the Toronto Star,[201] and CNN[202] compiled data on "false or misleading claims" (orange background), and "false claims" (violet foreground), respectively.

Trump frequently makes false statements in public remarks[203][204] to an extent unprecedented in American politics.[203][205][206] His falsehoods are a distinctive part of his political identity[205] and have been described as firehosing.[207] His false and misleading statements were documented by fact-checkers, including at The Washington Post, which tallied 30,573 false or misleading statements made by him during his first presidency,[200] increasing in frequency over time.[208]

Some of Trump's falsehoods were inconsequential,[209][210] while others had more far-reaching effects, such as his unproven promotion of antimalarial drugs as a treatment for COVID-19,[211][212] causing a U.S. shortage of these drugs and panic-buying in Africa and South Asia.[213][214] Other misinformation, such as misattributing a rise in crime in England and Wales to the "spread of radical Islamic terror", served his domestic political purposes.[215] His attacks on mail-in ballots and other election practices weakened public faith in the integrity of the 2020 presidential election,[216][217] while his disinformation about the pandemic delayed and weakened the national response to it.[218][219][220] He habitually does not apologize for his falsehoods.[221] Until 2018, the media rarely referred to his falsehoods as lies, including when he repeated demonstrably false statements.[222][223][224]

Social media

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Main articles: Social media use by Donald Trump and Twitter use by Donald Trump

Trump's social media presence attracted worldwide attention after he joined Twitter in 2009. He posted frequently during his 2016 campaign and as president until Twitter banned him after the January 6 attack.[225] He often used Twitter to communicate directly with the public and sideline the press;[226] in 2017, his press secretary said that his tweets constituted official presidential statements.[227]

Twitter began attaching fact-checks to tweets in which Trump made false claims in May 2020.[228] In response, he said social media platforms "totally silence" conservatives and he would "strongly regulate, or close them down".[229] After the January 6 attack, he was banned from Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and other platforms.[230] The loss of his social media presence diminished his ability to shape events[231][232] and correlated with a dramatic decrease in the volume of misinformation on Twitter.[233] In February 2022, he launched social media platform Truth Social where he only attracted a fraction of his Twitter following.[234] Elon Musk, after acquiring Twitter, reinstated his Twitter account in November 2022.[235][236] Meta Platforms' two-year ban lapsed in January 2023, allowing him to return to Facebook and Instagram,[237] although in 2024, he continued to call the company an "enemy of the people".[238] In January 2025, Meta agreed to pay $25 million to settle a 2021 lawsuit filed by Trump over his suspension.[239]

Relationship with the press

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Further information: First presidency of Donald Trump § Relationship with the news media, and Personal and business legal affairs of Donald Trump
Trump, seated at the Resolute Desk in the White House, speaking to a crowd of reporters with boom microphones in front of him and public officials behind him
Trump talking to the press, March 2017

Trump sought media attention throughout his career, sustaining a "love-hate" relationship with the press.[240] In the 2016 campaign, he benefited from a record amount of free media coverage.[241] As a candidate and as president, he frequently accused the press of bias, calling it the "fake news media" and "the enemy of the people".[242] The first Trump presidency reduced formal press briefings from about one hundred in 2017 to about half that in 2018 and to two in 2019; they also revoked the press passes of two White House reporters, which were restored by the courts.[243] Trump's 2020 presidential campaign sued The New York Times, The Washington Post, and CNN for defamation in opinion pieces about his stance on Russian election interference. All the suits were dismissed.[244][245] By 2024, Trump repeatedly voiced support for outlawing political dissent and criticism,[246] and said that reporters should be prosecuted for not divulging confidential sources and media companies should possibly lose their broadcast licenses for unfavorable coverage of him.[247]

Falsehoods

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Main article: False or misleading statements by Donald Trump
Fact-checkers from The Washington Post[248] (top, monthly), the Toronto Star[249] and CNN[250][251] (bottom, weekly) compiled data on "false or misleading claims" (orange), and "false claims" (blue), respectively. The peaks corresponded in late 2018 to the midterm elections, in late 2019 to his impeachment inquiry, and in late 2020 to the presidential election. The Post reported 30,573 false or misleading claims in four years,[248] an average of more than 20.9 per day.
Trump escalated use of "rigged election" and "election interference" statements in advance of the 2024 election compared to the previous two elections—the statements described as part of a "heads I win; tails you cheated" rhetorical strategy.[252]

During and after his term as President of the United States, Trump made tens of thousands of false or misleading claims. The Washington Post's fact-checkers documented 30,573 false or misleading claims during his presidential term, an average of about 21 per day.[248][253][254][255] The Toronto Star tallied 5,276 false claims from January 2017 to June 2019, an average of 6.1 per day.[249] Commentators and fact-checkers have described the scale of Trump's mendacity as "unprecedented" in American politics,[261] and the consistency of falsehoods a distinctive part of his business and political identities.[262] Scholarly analysis of Trump's tweets found "significant evidence" of an intent to deceive.

By June 2019, after initially resisting, many news organizations began to describe some of his falsehoods as "lies".[263] The Washington Post said his frequent repetition of claims he knew to be false amounted to a campaign based on disinformation.[264] Trump campaign CEO and presidency chief strategist Steve Bannon said that the press, rather than Democrats, was Trump's primary adversary and "the way to deal with them is to flood the zone with shit".[265][266]

As part of their attempts to overturn the 2020 U.S. presidential election, Trump and his allies repeatedly falsely claimed there had been massive election fraud and that Trump had won the election.[255] Their effort has been characterized as an implementation of the big lie propaganda technique,[7] and has been described as a "firehose of falsehood".[8]

On June 8, 2023, a grand jury indicted Trump on one count of making "false statements and representations", specifically by hiding subpoenaed classified documents from his own attorney who was trying to find and return them to the government.[267] In August 2023, 21 of Trump's falsehoods about the 2020 election were listed in his Washington, D.C. indictment,[268] while 27 were listed in his Georgia indictment.[269]

In what Philip Rucker describes as "an apparent nod" to Trump, former FBI Director James Comey reflects on "the psychology of liars". Comey recalls being a prosecutor against the Mafia, his time in the Trump administration, and the loyalty pledge he was asked to make but refused:

The silent circle of assent. The boss in complete control. The loyalty oaths. The us-versus-them worldview. The lying about all things, large and small, in service to some code of loyalty that put the organization above morality and above the truth.... [Liars] lose the ability to distinguish between what's true and what's not," Comey writes. "They surround themselves with other liars.... Perks and access are given to those willing to lie and tolerate lies. This creates a culture, which becomes an entire way of life".[270]

A 2024 New Republic article examined the relationship between lies Trump tells and his approval among voters, suggesting it has a significant impact on his support.[271]

At the beginning of early voting, NPR described Trump as using darker rhetoric including escalating insults, threats and lies.[272]

Notes

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  1. ^ Sources that describe Trump's 2024 campaign as using "fearmongering" and "fear" include:[108][109][110][111][112][113][114][107][115][116]
  2. ^ Attributed to multiple references:[124][125][126][127][128][129][130][131]
  3. ^ Attributed to several sources:[143][144][145][146][147][148][149]

References

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  1. ^ Rowland, Robert C. (2019). "The Populist and Nationalist Roots of Trump's Rhetoric". Rhetoric and Public Affairs. 22 (3): 343–388. doi:10.14321/rhetpublaffa.22.3.0343. ISSN 1094-8392. JSTOR 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.22.3.0343. S2CID 211443408. Archived from the original on December 8, 2023. Retrieved December 16, 2023.
  2. ^ Marietta, Morgan; Farley, Tyler; Cote, Tyler; Murphy, Paul (July 26, 2017). "The Rhetorical Psychology of Trumpism: Threat, Absolutism, and the Absolutist Threat". The Forum. 15 (2): 330. doi:10.1515/for-2017-0019. ISSN 1540-8884. Archived from the original on October 21, 2022. Retrieved December 16, 2023.
  3. ^ Tarnoff, Ben (November 9, 2016). "The triumph of Trumpism: the new politics that is here to stay". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Archived from the original on November 11, 2020. Retrieved December 16, 2023.
  4. ^ Homolar, Alexandra; Scholz, Ronny (March 20, 2019). "The power of Trump-speak: populist crisis narratives and ontological security". Cambridge Review of International Affairs. 32 (3): 344–364. doi:10.1080/09557571.2019.1575796. ISSN 0955-7571. Archived from the original on July 5, 2023. Retrieved September 15, 2024.
  5. ^ Marietta, Morgan; Farley, Tyler; Cote, Tyler; Murphy, Paul (July 26, 2017). "The Rhetorical Psychology of Trumpism: Threat, Absolutism, and the Absolutist Threat". The Forum. 15 (2): 313, 317. doi:10.1515/for-2017-0019. ISSN 1540-8884. Archived from the original on October 21, 2022. Retrieved December 16, 2023.
  6. ^ Kessler, Glenn; Kelly, Meg (December 7, 2021). "Analysis | President Trump has made more than 2,000 false or misleading claims over 355 days". Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Archived from the original on January 25, 2021. Retrieved December 16, 2023.
  7. ^ a b Multiple sources:
  8. ^ a b Multiple sources:
  9. ^ Appel, Edward C. (March 15, 2018). "Burlesque, Tragedy, and a (Potentially) "Yuuuge" "Breaking of a Frame": Donald Trump's Rhetoric as "Early Warning"?". Communication Quarterly. 66 (2): 157–175. doi:10.1080/01463373.2018.1439515. ISSN 0146-3373.
  10. ^ Green, Erica L. (March 8, 2025). "'You Can't Pin Him Down': Trump's Contradictions Are His Ultimate Cover". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on March 8, 2025. Retrieved March 8, 2025.
  11. ^ Baker, Peter; Freedman, Dylan (October 6, 2024). "Trump's Speeches, Increasingly Angry and Rambling, Reignite the Question of Age". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on October 8, 2024. Retrieved October 8, 2024.
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Sources

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Further reading

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