Proportional representation: Difference between revisions
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Proportional representation''' ('''PR'''), sometimes referred to as '''full representation''', is a class of [[voting system]] aimed at securing a close match between the percentage of votes that groups of candidates obtain in elections, and the percentage of seats they receive (e.g., in [[legislative assembly|legislative assemblies]]). |
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PR is often contrasted to [[plurality voting system]]s, such as those commonly used in the [[United States]] and (much of) the [[United Kingdom]], where disproportional seat distribution results from the division of voters into multiple electoral districts, especially "winner takes all" plurality ("[[first-past-the-post]]" or FPTP) districts. |
PR is often contrasted to [[plurality voting system]]s, such as those commonly used in the [[United States]] and (much of) the [[United Kingdom]], where disproportional seat distribution results from the division of voters into multiple electoral districts, especially "winner takes all" plurality ("[[first-past-the-post]]" or FPTP) districts.Methods of proportional representation |
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== Methods of proportional representation == |
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cite web|url=http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/polit/damy/articles/kolesar.htm |title=Communism, Race, and the Defeat of Proportional Representation in Cold War America |publisher=Mount Holyoke College |location=Massachusetts |date=1996-04-20 |first=Robert J. |last=Kolesar |accessdate=2010-05-12}}</ref> By contrast, the established parties in current US and UK elections can, and most often do, win control of the parliament with support from as little as 20-25% of eligible voters, at the cost of smaller parties.<ref>{{ |
cite web|url=http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/polit/damy/articles/kolesar.htm |title=Communism, Race, and the Defeat of Proportional Representation in Cold War America |publisher=Mount Holyoke College |location=Massachusetts |date=1996-04-20 |first=Robert J. |last=Kolesar |accessdate=2010-05-12}}</ref> By contrast, the established parties in current US and UK elections can, and most often do, win control of the parliament with support from as little as 20-25% of eligible voters, at the cost of smaller parties.<ref>{{ |
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cite web|url=http://elections.gmu.edu/Turnout.html |title=United States Election Project > Voter Turnout |publisher=George Mason University |location=Fairfax, VA |date= |first=Dr. Michael |last=McDonald |accessdate=2010-05-12}}</ref> |
cite web|url=http://elections.gmu.edu/Turnout.html |title=United States Election Project > Voter Turnout |publisher=George Mason University |location=Fairfax, VA |date= |first=Dr. Michael |last=McDonald |accessdate=2010-05-12}}</ref> |
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Different methods of proportional representation achieve either greater proportionality or a more determinate outcome.<ref>{{ |
Different methods of proportional representation achieve either greater proportionality or a more determinate outcome.<ref>{{ |
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cite web|url=http://news.scotsman.com/politics/Polling-systems-across-the-world.6038354.jp |title=Polling systems across the world and how they work - Scotsman.com News |publisher=News.scotsman.com |date= |accessdate=2010-05-08}} |
cite web|url=http://news.scotsman.com/politics/Polling-systems-across-the-world.6038354.jp |title=Polling systems across the world and how they work - Scotsman.com News |publisher=News.scotsman.com |date= |accessdate=2010-05-08}}[[Party-list proportional representation]] is one approach, in which the above-mentioned groups correspond directly with candidate lists from [[political party|political parties]]. The [[open list]] form allows the voter to influence the election of individual candidates within a party list. The [[closed list]] approach does not. Another variation is the [[single transferable vote]] (STV), which does not depend on political parties (and where the "measure of grouping" is entirely left up to the voters.) Elections for the [[Australian Senate]] use what is referred to as [[above-the-line voting]] where candidates for each party are grouped on the ballot, allowing the voter for the group or for a candidate. |
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[[Party-list proportional representation]] is one approach, in which the above-mentioned groups correspond directly with candidate lists from [[political party|political parties]]. The [[open list]] form allows the voter to influence the election of individual candidates within a party list. The [[closed list]] approach does not. Another variation is the [[single transferable vote]] (STV), which does not depend on political parties (and where the "measure of grouping" is entirely left up to the voters.) Elections for the [[Australian Senate]] use what is referred to as [[above-the-line voting]] where candidates for each party are grouped on the ballot, allowing the voter for the group or for a candidate. |
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Other variations include [[single non-transferable vote]] (SNTV), [[cumulative voting]] and limited bloc voting (LBV), all of which offer a form of [[semi-proportional representation]] (SPR). |
Other variations include [[single non-transferable vote]] (SNTV), [[cumulative voting]] and limited bloc voting (LBV), all of which offer a form of [[semi-proportional representation]] (SPR). |
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The emphasis on political parties may reduce PR's effectiveness. [[Political parties in the United States|Political parties' influence is declining in countries such as the U.S.]], which in 2004 saw 24% of voters declaring themselves to be independent. In such polities, an alternative such as [[#loser delegation]] can achieve full representation in a different way. |
The emphasis on political parties may reduce PR's effectiveness. [[Political parties in the United States|Political parties' influence is declining in countries such as the U.S.]], which in 2004 saw 24% of voters declaring themselves to be independent. In such polities, an alternative such as [[#loser delegation]] can achieve full representation in a different way. |
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⚫ | Party list system in a multi-member constituency{{Main|Party-list proportional representation}}The parties each list their candidates according to that party's determination of priorities. In '''closed list''' systems, voters vote for a list, not a candidate. Each party is allocated seats in proportion to the number of votes it receives, using the party-determined ranking order. In an '''open list''', voters may vote, depending on the model, for one person, or for two, or indicate their order of preference within the list. |
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⚫ | This system is used in many countries, including [[Finland]] (open list), [[Sweden]] (open list), [[Israel]] (where the whole country is one closed list constituency), [[Brazil]] (open list), the [[Netherlands]] (open list), [[South Africa]] (closed list), [[Democratic Republic of the Congo]] (open list) and for elections to the [[European Parliament]] in most European Union countries (mostly open lists, with the exception of [[Republic of Ireland|Ireland]] and [[Northern Ireland]] using [[Single transferable vote]] and the remainder of the [[United Kingdom]] using closed lists). |
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=== Party list system in a multi-member constituency === |
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{{Main|Party-list proportional representation}} |
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⚫ | The parties each list their candidates according to that party's determination of priorities. In '''closed list''' systems, voters vote for a list, not a candidate. Each party is allocated seats in proportion to the number of votes it receives, using the party-determined ranking order. In an '''open list''', voters may vote, depending on the model, for one person, or for two, or indicate their order of preference within the list. |
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:''Main articles: [[Additional Member System]]s - [[mixed member proportional representation]] and [[parallel voting]]; [[alternative vote]] and [[alternative vote top-up]] |
:''Main articles: [[Additional Member System]]s - [[mixed member proportional representation]] and [[parallel voting]]; [[alternative vote]] and [[alternative vote top-up]] |
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Revision as of 03:44, 19 July 2010
Electoral systems reqmap Proportional representation (PR), sometimes referred to as full representation, is a class of voting system aimed at securing a close match between the percentage of votes that groups of candidates obtain in elections, and the percentage of seats they receive (e.g., in legislative assemblies).
PR is often contrasted to plurality voting systems, such as those commonly used in the United States and (much of) the United Kingdom, where disproportional seat distribution results from the division of voters into multiple electoral districts, especially "winner takes all" plurality ("first-past-the-post" or FPTP) districts.Methods of proportional representation
Proportional representation allows all voters a degree of influence on the political process. Proportional systems typically use political parties as the measure of representation. For example, a party that receives 15% of the votes under such a system receives 15% of the seats.
cite web|url=http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/polit/damy/articles/kolesar.htm |title=Communism, Race, and the Defeat of Proportional Representation in Cold War America |publisher=Mount Holyoke College |location=Massachusetts |date=1996-04-20 |first=Robert J. |last=Kolesar |accessdate=2010-05-12}}</ref> By contrast, the established parties in current US and UK elections can, and most often do, win control of the parliament with support from as little as 20-25% of eligible voters, at the cost of smaller parties.[1]
Different methods of proportional representation achieve either greater proportionality or a more determinate outcome.Cite error: A <ref>
tag is missing the closing </ref>
(see the help page).
Partial proportionality
Some nations with proportional elections, like Israel and the Netherlands, have one electoral district only: the entire nation, and the entire pie is cut up according to the entire outcome. Most nations have district systems in place where more than one person is elected per district. The constituency or district magnitude (DM) of a system is therefore measured by the number of seats per constituency. The greater the number of seats in a constituency, the more proportional the outcome will be. PR applied to a single-member district (SMD) is by necessity majoritarian. If the constituency is in a jurisdiction using list PR in its multimember districts (MMDs) the winning candidate simply needs a plurality, otherwise called a simple or relative majority, of the vote to win, so that the election in the SMD is by first-past-the-post. If the constituency is in a jurisdiction using PR-STV in its MMDs, an absolute majority of 50% plus 1 will likely be the minimum required for victory (depending on which quota is used) so that the election in the SMD is by the alternative vote. Four elected officials per district delivers a threshold of 20% (1/M+1) to gain a single seat. However, constituency borders can still be gerrymandered to reduce proportionality. This may be achieved by creating "majority-minority" constituencies - constituencies in which the majority is formed by a group of voters that are in the minority at a higher level. Proportional representation with the entire nation electing the single body cannot be gerrymandered.
Multimember districts do not necessarily ensure that an electoral system will be proportional. The bloc vote can result in "super-majoritarian" results in which geographical variations can create majority-minority districts that become subsumed into the larger districts. Also, a party that does not run enough people to fill all the seats it wins may be given those unfilled seats. This is termed an underhang.
Some nations, with either exclusively proportional representation or—as is the case with Germany—additional member systems, require a party list to achieve an election threshold—a set minimum percentage of votes to receive any seats. Typically, this lower limit is between two and five percent of the number of votes cast. Parties who do not reach that support are not represented in parliament, making majorities, coalitions and thus governments easier to achieve. Proponents of election thresholds argue that they discourage fragmentation, disproportionate power, or extremist parties. Opponents of thresholds argue that they unfairly redirect support from minor parties, giving parties which cross the threshold disproportionate numbers of seats and creating the possibility that a party or coalition will assume control of the legislature without gaining a majority of votes.
The most common way of measuring proportionality is the Gallagher Index.
Center based proportional and multi-party systems
Election systems based on proportional representation tend to favor a multi-party result which demands a coalition to form a government supported by a majority of the voters or elected candidates. If the election system as well as the mechanisms for forming a governing coalition also tend to support the existence of a centrist party, the resulting over-all system is often defined as a "center-based proportional representation multi-party system". Election systems which tend to result in so-called two-block (many parties forming coalitions, blocks, but with no party, or "block", in the "center") systems are not seen as "center-based" but multi-party variations of two-party (two-block) systems.
The undesirable "extreme" of a "Center Based" system (like in Condorcet method) might be seen as a party system where the "center" has an unproportional and undesirable strong position in the formation of any governing coalition.[clarification needed]
List of countries using proportional representation
This is a list of countries using proportional representation at national level.
Country | Type |
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Algeria | Party list |
Angola | Party list |
Australia | For Senate only, Single Transferable Vote |
Austria | Party list |
Argentina | Party list |
Aruba | Party list |
Belgium | Party list |
Bolivia | Mixed Member Majoritarian |
Brazil | Party list |
Bulgaria | Party list |
Burkina Faso | Party list |
Burundi | Party list |
Cambodia | Party list |
Cape Verde | Party list |
Colombia | Party list |
Costa Rica | Party list |
Croatia | Party list |
Cyprus | Party list |
Czech Republic | Party list |
Democratic Republic of the Congo | Mixed member proportional |
Denmark | Party list |
Dominican Republic | Party list |
Equatorial Guinea | Party list |
Estonia | Party list |
Finland | Party list |
Germany | Mixed member proportional |
Greece | Party list (with plurality bonus) |
Guinea-Bissau | Party list |
Guyana | Party list |
Hungary | Mixed Member Majoritarian |
Iceland | Party list |
India | For Upper House (Rajya Sabha) only, Single Transferable Vote by State Legislatures |
Indonesia | Party list |
Iraq | Party list |
Ireland | Single Transferable Vote |
Israel | Party list |
Italy | Party list (with plurality bonus for coalitions) |
Japan | Mixed Member Majoritarian |
Latvia | Party list |
Lesotho | Mixed Member Majoritarian |
Liberia | Party list |
Liechtenstein | Party list |
Luxembourg | Party list |
Malta | Single Transferable Vote |
Mexico | Mixed Member Majoritarian |
Moldova | Party list |
New Zealand | Mixed Member Proportional |
Namibia | Party list |
Netherlands | Party list |
Netherlands Antilles | Party list |
New Caledonia | Party list |
Nicaragua | Party list |
Northern Ireland | Single Transferable Vote (for regional assembly only) |
Norway | Party list |
Paraguay | Party list |
Peru | Party list |
Poland | Party list |
Portugal | Party list |
Romania | Party list |
Russia | Party list |
San Marino | Party list |
Sao Tome and Principe | Party list |
Scotland | Additional Member System (for national assembly only) |
Slovakia | Party list |
Slovenia | Party list |
South Africa | Party list |
South Korea | Party list |
Spain | Party list |
Sri Lanka | Party list |
Suriname | Party list |
Sweden | Party list |
Switzerland | Party list |
Taiwan | Mixed Member Majoritarian |
Thailand | Mixed Member Majoritarian |
Turkey | Party list |
Ukraine | Party list |
Uruguay | Party list |
Venezuela | Party list |
Wales | Additional Member System (for national assembly only) |
Wallis and Futuna | Party list |
Further reading
Books
- Amy, Douglas J. (1993). Real Choices/New Voices: The Case for Proportional Representation Elections in the United States". Columbia University Press.
- Denis Pilon (2007). The Politics of Voting. Edmond Montgomery Publications.
- Colomer, Josep M. (2003). Political Institutions. Oxford University Press.
- Colomer, Josep M., ed. (2004). Handbook of Electoral System Choice. Palgrave Macmillan.
- Martin Linton; Mary Southcott (1998). Making Votes Count: The Case for Electoral Reform. London: Profile Books.
Journals
- John Hickman and Chris Little. "Seat/Vote Proportionality in Romanian and Spanish Parliamentary Elections" Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans Vol. 2, No. 2, November 2000
News
- Roland Nicholson, Jr., "Proportional Representation Elections in Hong Kong", New York Times, September, 1992
See also
- Apportionment (politics)
- D'Hondt method
- List of politics-related topics
- Plurality voting system
- Sainte-Laguë method
Notes
- ^ McDonald, Dr. Michael. "United States Election Project > Voter Turnout". Fairfax, VA: George Mason University. Retrieved 2010-05-12.
- New York Times, May 29, 1993, "Proportional Representation Suits School Elections" by Roland Nicholson, Jr.
External links
- Proportional Representation Library
- "Proportional representation" Center for Voting and Democracy
- Handbook of Electoral System Choice
- "Electoral Systems", World Policy Institute
- Quantifying Representativity Article by Philip Kestelman
- The De Borda Institute A Northern Ireland-based organisation promoting inclusive voting procedures
- Electoral Reform Society founded in England in 1884, the longest running PR organization. Contains good information about Single Transferable Vote -the Society's preferred form of PR
- Electoral Reform Australia
- Proportional Representation Society of Australia
- Fair Vote Canada
- Voting methods survey Describes 19 multi-winner systems
- Why Not Proportional Representation?
- Vote Dilution means Voters have Less Voice Law is Cool site
- Proportional Representation and British Democracy Debate on British electoral system reform