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{{Infobox Officeholder
|name = Quaid-e-Azam <br>Muhammad Ali Jinnah <br><small>محمد علی جناح
|image = Jinnah1.jpeg
|imagesize =
|smallimage =
|caption =
|order = 1st [[Governor-General of Pakistan]]
|term_start = August 15, 1947
|term_end = September 11, 1948
|monarch = [[George VI of the United Kingdom|George VI]]
|primeminister = [[Liaquat Ali Khan]]
|predecessor = None; Office created<br><small>[[Louis Mountbatten, 1st Earl Mountbatten of Burma|Earl Mountbatten of Burma]] (as [[Governor-General of India|Viceroy of India]])<small>
|successor = [[Khwaja Nazimuddin|Sir Khwaja Nazimuddin]]
|birth_date = {{birth-date|December 25, 1876}}
|birth_place = [[Karachi]], [[British Raj|British India]]
|death_date = {{death-date|September 11, 1948}} (aged 71)
|death_place = [[Karachi]], [[Dominion of Pakistan]]
|constituency =
|party = [[Indian National Congress]] (1896-1913)<br>[[Muslim League]] (1913-1948)
|spouse = [[Emibai Jinnah]]<br>[[Maryam Jinnah]]
|children = [[Dina Jinnah]]
|profession = [[Lawyer]], [[Statesman]]
|education =
<!-- DONT CHANGE THIS WITHOUT DISCUSSING FIRST ON THE TALK PAGE -->
|religion = [[Shia Islam]]<ref>[http://www.resetdoc.org/EN/Vali-Nasr-Interview.php Interview with Vali Nasr]</ref><ref>http://www.indianexpress.com/news/muslim-law-doesnt-apply-to-jinnah-says-daughter/372877/</ref><ref name=shi3a>[[Vali Nasr]] ''The Shia Revival: How Conflicts Within Islam Will Shape the Future'' (W. W. Norton, 2006), pp. 88-90 ISBN 0-3933-2968-2</ref>
|signature =
|footnotes =
}}

'''Muhammad Ali Jinnah''' [[Urdu language|Urdu]]: {{Audio|Hi-Muhammed_Ali_Jinnah.ogg}} ({{lang-ur|{{Nastaliq|محمد علی جناح}}}}) (December 25, 1876 – September 11, 1948), a 20th century [[politician]] and [[statesman]], is generally regarded as the founder of [[Pakistan]]. He served as leader of [[Muslim League|The Muslim League]] and Pakistan's first [[Governor-General of Pakistan|Governor-General]]. He is officially known in Pakistan as '''Quaid-e-Azam''' ({{lang-ur|{{Nastaliq|قائد اعظم}}}} — "Great Leader") and '''Baba-e-Qaum''' ({{Nastaliq|بابائے قوم}}) ("[[Father of the Nation]]"). His birthday is a [[Holidays in Pakistan|national holiday]] in Pakistan. He has been equally admired by many opponents due to his visionary approach and use of constitutional and legal channels as a lawyer to bring about an end to British rule to India and for the creation of Pakistan.

Jinnah rose to prominence in the [[Indian National Congress]] expounding ideas of [[Hinduism|Hindu]]-[[Islam|Muslim]] unity and helping shape the 1916 [[Lucknow Pact]] between the [[Muslim League]] and the [[Indian National Congress]]; he also became a key leader in the [[All India Home Rule League]]. He proposed a [[Fourteen Points of Jinnah|fourteen-point constitutional reform plan]] to safeguard the political rights of Muslims in a self-governing [[British India|India]].

Jinnah embraced the goal of creating a separate state for Muslims as per the [[Lahore Resolution]]. The League won most Muslim seats in the elections of 1946, and Jinnah launched the ''[[Direct Action Day|Direct Action]]'' campaign movement to achieve independence of Pakistan. The strong reaction of Congress supporters resulted in communal violence from supporters of both groups across South Asia. The failure of the Congress-League coalition to govern the country prompted both parties and the British to agree to independence of Pakistan and India. As the [[Governor-General of Pakistan]], Jinnah led efforts to rehabilitate millions of refugees, and to frame national policies on foreign affairs, security and economic development.

==Early life==
[[Image:Jinnah06.jpg|thumb|right|150px|Jinnah in his youth, in traditional dress.]]
Jinnah was born Mahomedali Jinnahbhai<ref name="early">{{cite web|url=http://www.pakistan.gov.pk/Quaid/life_quaid01.htm|title=Early Days: Birth and Schooling|first=Government of Pakistan|last=Official website|accessdate=2006-04-20}}</ref> in, some believe, [[Wazir Mansion (Karachi)|Wazir Mansion]],<ref name="story"/> [[Karachi District]], of lower Sindh. However, this is disputed as old textbooks mention [[Jhirk]] as his place of birth. Sindh had earlier been conquered by the British and was subsequently grouped with other conquered territories for administrative reasons to form the [[Bombay Presidency]] of [[British India]]. Although his earliest school records state that he was born on October 20, 1875, [[Sarojini Naidu]], the author of Jinnah's first biography, gives the date as ”December 25, 1876”. The latter date is now officially accepted as his birthday.

Jinnah was the eldest of seven children born to Mithibai and Jinnahbhai Poonja. His father, Jinnahbhai (1857&ndash;1901), was a prosperous [[Gujarati people|Gujarati]] merchant who had moved to [[Sindh]] from [[Kathiawar]], [[Gujarat]] before Jinnah's birth.<ref name="story">{{cite web|url=http://www.storyofpakistan.com/person.asp?perid=P009|title=Muhammad Ali Jinnah (1876–1948)|first=Story of Pakistan|last=Timeline: Personalities|accessdate=2006-04-20}}</ref><ref name = ahmed/> His grandfather was Poonja Gokuldas Meghji,<ref>India's Partition: The Story Of Imperialism In Retreat By D. N. Panigrahi, 2004; Routledge, p. 16</ref> a Hindu [[Bhatia (caste)|Bhatia]] from Paneli village in Gondal state in [[Kathiawar]]. Jinnah's ancestors were Hindu [[Rajput]] that converted to [[Islam]].<ref name=ahmed>Ahmed, Akbar S. 1997. ''Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity: The Search for Saladin''. London: Routledge. 320 pages. ISBN 0415149665. page 3.</ref> Jinnah's family belonged to the [[Ismaili]] [[Khoja]] branch of [[Shi'a Islam]], though Jinnah later converted to [[Twelver]] Shi'a Islam.<ref name=shi3a>[[Vali Nasr]] ''How Conflicts Within Islam Will Shape the Future'' (W. W. Norton, 2006), pp. 88-90 ISBN 0-3933-2968-2</ref>

The first born Jinnah was soon joined by six siblings, brothers Ahmad Ali, Bunde Ali, and Rahmat Ali, and sisters Maryam, [[Fatima Jinnah|Fatima]] and Shireen. Their mother tongue was [[Gujarati language|Gujarati]], however, in time they also came to speak [[Kutchi language|Kutchi]], [[Sindhi language|Sindhi]] and [[English language|English]].<ref name="jinnah87">Fatimah Jinnah, ''My Brother'', pp. 48–49</ref> The proper Muslim names of Mr. Jinnah and his siblings, unlike those of his father and grandfather, are the consequence of the family's immigration to the Muslim state of Sindh.

Jinnah was a restless student, he studied at several schools: at the [[Sindh-Madrasa-tul-Islam]] in Karachi; briefly at the Gokal Das Tej Primary School in Bombay; and finally at the Christian Missionary Society High School in Karachi,<ref name="early"/> where, at age sixteen, he passed the matriculation examination of the University of Bombay.<ref>Jinnah, Mohammed Ali. (2007). In Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved March 2, 2007, from : [http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9043659 Encyclopædia Britannica Online]</ref>

In 1892, Jinnah was offered an apprenticeship at the [[London]] office of [[Graham's Shipping and Trading Company]], a business that had extensive dealings with Jinnahbhai Poonja's firm in Karachi.<ref name=early/> However, before he left for [[England]], at his mother's urging he married his distant cousin, [[Emibai Jinnah]], who was two years his junior.<ref name = early/> The marriage was not to last long as Emibai died a few months later. During his sojourn in England, his mother too would pass away.<ref name=ahmed/> In London, Jinnah soon left the apprenticeship to study law instead, by joining [[Lincoln's Inn]]. The welcome board of the Lincoln's Inn had the names of the world's all time top ten magistrates. This list was led by the name of Muhammad, which was the sole reason of Jinnah's joining of Lincoln's Inn. In three years, at age 19, he became the youngest South Asian to be [[Call to the Bar|called to the bar]] in England.<ref name=ahmed/>

[[Image:Jinnahhouse (2).jpg|thumb|right|300px|''[[Jinnah House]]'' in Mumbai, [[India]].]]
During his student years in England, Jinnah came under the spell of nineteenth-century British liberalism, much like many other future Indian independence leaders. This education included exposure to the idea of the democratic nation and progressive politics. He admired William Gladstone and John Morley, British Liberal statesmen. An admirer of the Indian political leaders [[Dadabhai Naoroji]] and [[Sir Pherozeshah Mehta]],<ref name="lawyer">{{cite web|url=http://www.pakistan.gov.pk/Quaid/lawyer3.htm|title=The Lawyer: Bombay (1896–1910)|first=Government of Pakistan |last=Official website|accessdate=2006-04-20}}</ref> he worked, with other Indian students, on the former's successful campaign for to become the first Indian to hold a seat in the [[British Parliament]]. By now, Jinnah had developed largely constitutionalist views on Indian self-government, and he condemned both the arrogance of British officials in India and the discrimination practised by them against Indians. This idea of a nation legitimized by democratic principles and cultural commonalities, however, was antithetical to the genuine diversity that had generally characterized the subcontinent. As an important Indian intellectual and political authority, Jinnah would find his commitment to the Western ideal of the nation-state, developed during his English education, and the obstacle that was the reality of heterogeneous Indian society to be difficult to reconcile during his later political career.
The Western world not only inspired Jinnah in his political life. England had greatly influenced his personal preferences, particularly when it came to dress. Jinnah donned Western style clothing and he pursued the fashion with fervor. It is said he owned over 200 hand-tailored suits which he wore with heavily starched shirts with detachable collars. It is also alleged that he never wore the same silk tie twice.<ref>Almeida, Prakash. ''Jinnah: Man of destiny.'' Gyan Books, 2001. 8178350165</ref>

During the final period of his stay in England, Jinnah came under considerable pressure to return home when his father's business was ruined. Settling in [[Bombay]], he became a successful lawyer—gaining particular fame for his skilled handling of the "[[Caucus Case]]".<ref name="lawyer" /> Jinnah built a house in [[Malabar Hill]], later known as [[Jinnah House]]. His reputation as a skilled lawyer prompted Indian leader [[Bal Gangadhar Tilak]] to hire him as defence counsel for his sedition trial in 1905. Jinnah argued that it was not sedition for an Indian to demand freedom and self-government in his own country, but Tilak received a rigorous term of imprisonment test.<ref name="lawyer" />

When he returned to India his faith in liberalism and evolutionary politics was confirmed through his close association with three Indian National Congress stalwarts G. K Gokhale, Pherozeshah Mehta and Surendranath Banerjea. These people had an important influence in his early life in England and they would influence his later involvement in Indian politics.<ref>Encyclopedia of Asian History, Ainslie T. Embree 224</ref>

==Early political career==
[[Image:Quaid6 edited.jpg|thumb|150px|Muhammad Ali Jinnah, as a young lawyer.]]
In 1896, Jinnah joined the [[Indian National Congress]], which was the largest Indian political organisation. Like most of the Congress at the time, Jinnah did not favour outright independence, considering British influences on education, law, culture and industry as beneficial to India. Jinnah became a member on the sixty-member [[Imperial Legislative Council]]. The council had no real power or authority, and included a large number of un-elected pro-Raj loyalists and Europeans. Nevertheless, Jinnah was instrumental in the passing of the ''Child Marriages Restraint Act'', the legitimization of the Muslim [[waqf]] (religious endowments) and was appointed to the Sandhurst committee, which helped establish the [[Indian Military Academy]] at [[Dehra Dun]].<ref name="story" /><ref name="statesman">{{cite web|url=http://www.pakistan.gov.pk/Quaid/politician7.htm|title=The Statesman: Jinnah's differences with the Congress|first=Government of Pakistan|last=Official website|accessdate=2006-04-20}}</ref> During [[World War I]], Jinnah joined other Indian moderates in supporting the British war effort, hoping that Indians would be rewarded with political freedoms.

Jinnah had initially avoided joining the [[All India Muslim League]], founded in 1906, regarding it as too Muslim oriented. However he decided to provide leadership to the Muslim minority. Eventually, he joined the league in 1913 and became the president at the 1916 session in [[Lucknow]]. Jinnah was the architect of the 1916 [[Lucknow Pact]] between the Congress and the League, bringing them together on most issues regarding self-government and presenting a united front to the British. Jinnah also played an important role in the founding of the [[All India Home Rule League]] in 1916. Along with political leaders [[Annie Besant]] and Tilak, Jinnah demanded "[[home rule]]" for India—the status of a self-governing [[dominion]] in the Empire similar to [[Canada]], [[New Zealand]] and [[Australia]]. He headed the League's [[Bombay Presidency]] chapter.

In 1918, Jinnah married his second wife [[Rattanbai Petit]] ("Ruttie"), twenty-four years his junior. She was the fashionable young daughter of his personal friend Sir Dinshaw Petit, of an elite [[Parsi people|Parsi]] family of Mumbai. Unexpectedly there was great opposition to the marriage from Rattanbai's family and Parsi society, as well as orthodox Muslim leaders. Rattanbai defied her family and nominally converted to [[Islam]], adopting (though never using) the name [[Rattanbai Petit|Maryam Jinnah]], resulting in a permanent estrangement from her family and Parsi society. The couple resided in Mumbai, and frequently travelled across India and Europe. In 1919 she bore Jinnah his only child, daughter [[Dina Wadia|Dina Jinnah]].

In 1924 Jinnah reorganized the Muslim League, of which he had been president since 1919, and devoted the next seven years attempting to bring about unity among the disparate ranks of Muslims and to develop a rational formula to effect a Hindu Muslim settlement, which he considered the pre condition for Indian freedom. He attended several unity conferences, wrote the Delhi Muslim Proposals in 1927, pleaded for the incorporation of the basic Muslim demands in the Nehru report, and formulated the “Fourteen Points” <ref>Robinson Francis, The Cambridge Encyclopidia of India, 205</ref>

==Fourteen points==
[[Image:Quaid5.jpeg|thumb|150px|A young Jinnah.]]
Jinnah broke with the Congress in 1920 when the Congress leader, [[Mohandas Gandhi]], launched a law violating Non-Cooperation Movement against the British, which a temperamentally law abiding barrister Jinnah disapproved of. Unlike most Congress leaders, Gandhi did not wear western-style clothes, did his best to use [[Languages of India|an Indian language]] instead of [[English language|English]], and was deeply rooted to Indian culture. Gandhi's local style of leadership gained great popularity with the Indian people. Jinnah criticised Gandhi's support of the [[Khilafat Movement]], which he saw as an endorsement of religious zealotry.<ref name="jalal8">[[Ayesha Jalal]], ''The Sole Spokesman'', pp. 8</ref> By 1920, Jinnah resigned from the Congress, with a prophetic warning that Gandhi's method of mass struggle would lead to divisions between Hindus and Muslims and within the two communities.<ref name="statesman" /> Becoming president of the Muslim League, Jinnah was drawn into a conflict between a pro-Congress faction and a pro-British faction.

In September 1923, Jinnah was elected as Muslim member for [[Mumbai|Bombay]] in the new [[Central Legislative Assembly]]. He showed great gifts as a parliamentarian, organized many Indian members to work with the [[Swaraj Party]], and continued to press demands for full responsible government. He was so active on a wide range of subjects that in 1925 he was offered a [[knighthood]] by [[Rufus Isaacs, 1st Marquess of Reading|Lord Reading]] when he retired as [[Governor General of India|Viceroy and Governor General]]. Jinnah replied: "I prefer to be plain Mr. Jinnah".<ref>Wolpert, S., ''Jinnah of Pakistan'' (1984) p. 87</ref>

In 1927, Jinnah entered negotiations with Muslim and Hindu leaders on the issue of a future constitution, during the struggle against the all-British [[Simon Commission]]. The League wanted separate electorates while the [[Nehru Report]] favoured joint electorates. Jinnah personally opposed separate electorates, but then drafted compromises and put forth demands that he thought would satisfy both. These became known as the [[Fourteen Points of Jinnah|14 points of Mr. Jinnah]].<ref name="14points">{{cite web|url=http://www.pakistan.gov.pk/Quaid/politician11.htm|title=The Statesman: Quaid-i-Azam's Fourteen Points|first=Government of Pakistan|last=Official website|accessdate=2006-04-20}}</ref> However, they were rejected by the Congress and other political parties.

Jinnah's personal life and especially his marriage suffered during this period due to his political work. Although they worked to save their marriage by travelling together to Europe when he was appointed to the Sandhurst committee, the couple separated in 1927. Jinnah was deeply saddened when Rattanbai died in 1929, after a serious illness.

At the [[Round Table Conferences (India)|Round Table Conferences]] in London, Jinnah was disillusioned by the breakdown of talks.<ref name="london">{{cite web|url=http://www.pakistan.gov.pk/Quaid/politician14.htm|title=The Statesman: London 1931|first=Government of Pakistan|last=Official website|accessdate=2006-04-20}}</ref> After the failure of the Round Table Conferences, Jinnah returned to London for a few years. In 1936, he returned to India to re-organize Muslim League and contest the elections held under the provisions of the Act of 1935.<ref>R.J. Moore, “Jinnah and the Pakistan Demand”, Modern Asian Studies 17, no. 4. (1983), <http://www.jstor.org/stable/312235>, 532</ref>

Jinnah would receive personal care and support as he became more ill during this time from his sister [[Fatima Jinnah]]. She lived and travelled with him, as well as becoming a close advisor.<ref>Sachchidananda Battacharya, Dictionary of Indian History 495</ref> She helped raise his daughter, who was educated in England and India. Jinnah later became estranged from his daughter, [[Dina Wadia|Dina Jinnah]], after she decided to marry Parsi-born Christian businessman, [[Neville Wadia]] (even though he had faced the same issues when he married Rattanbai in 1918). Jinnah continued to correspond cordially with his daughter, but their personal relationship was strained. Dina continued to live in India with her family.

==Leader of the Muslim League==
[[Image:10 edited.jpg|thumb|250px|Jinnah with his sister (left) and daughter Dina (right) in Bombay]]

Prominent Muslim leaders like the [[The Aga Khan]], [[Choudhary Rahmat Ali]] and [[Allama Iqbal|Sir Muhammad Iqbal]] made efforts to convince Jinnah to return from [[London]] (Where he had moved to in 1931 and planned on permanently relocating in order to practice in the Privy Council Bar.<ref>Mr. K. B. Ganapathy, ''Jinnah in the eye of Advani''. Some stray thoughts [http://www.ourkarnataka.com/Articles/starofmysore/eyeadvani.htm]</ref>) to India and take charge of a now-reunited Muslim League. In 1934 Jinnah returned and began to re-organise the party, being closely assisted by [[Liaquat Ali Khan]], who would act as his right-hand man. In the 1937 elections to the [[Central Legislative Assembly]], the League emerged as a competent party, capturing a significant number of seats under the Muslim electorate, but lost in the Muslim-majority [[Punjab (British India)|Punjab]], [[Sindh]] and the [[Northwest Frontier Province]].<ref name="jalal27">Ayesha Jalal, ''The Sole Spokesman'', pp. 27</ref> Jinnah offered an alliance with the Congress - both bodies would face the British together, but the Congress had to share power, accept separate electorates and the League as the representative of India's Muslims. The latter two terms were unacceptable to the Congress, which had its own national Muslim leaders and membership and adhered to secularism. Even as Jinnah held talks with Congress president [[Rajendra Prasad]],<ref name="jalal14">Ayesha Jalal, ''The Sole Spokesman'', pp. 14</ref> Congress leaders suspected that Jinnah would use his position as a lever for exaggerated demands and obstruct government, and demanded that the League merge with the Congress.<ref name="rgandhi262">[[Rajmohan Gandhi]], ''Patel: A Life'', pp. 262</ref> The talks failed, and while Jinnah declared the resignation of all Congressmen from provincial and central offices in 1938 as a "[[Day of Deliverance (India)|Day of Deliverance]]" from Hindu domination,<ref name="rgandhi289">Rajmohan Gandhi, ''Patel: A Life'', pp. 289</ref> some historians assert that he remained hopeful for an agreement.<ref name="jalal14" />
[[Image:Jinnah12.jpg|thumb|right|250px|Jinnah delivering a political speech.]]
In a speech to the League in 1930, Sir Muhammad Iqbal mooted an independent state for Muslims in "northwest India." Choudhary Rahmat Ali published a [[Now or Never; Are We to Live or Perish Forever?|pamphlet]] in 1933 advocating a state called "Pakistan". Following the failure to work with the Congress, Jinnah, who had embraced separate electorates and the exclusive right of the League to represent Muslims, was converted to the idea that Muslims needed a separate state to protect their rights. Jinnah came to believe that Muslims and Hindus were distinct nations, with unbridgeable differences—a view later known as the ''[[Two Nation Theory]]''.<ref name="rgandhi292">Rajmohan Gandhi, ''Patel: A Life'', pp. 292</ref> Jinnah declared that a united India would lead to the marginalization of Muslims, and eventually civil war between Hindus and Muslims. This change of view may have occurred through his correspondence with Iqbal, who was close to Jinnah.<ref name="iqbal">{{cite web|url=http://www.pakistan.gov.pk/Quaid/politician13.htm|title=The Statesman: Allama Iqbal's Presidential Address at Allahabad 1930|first=Government of Pakistan|last=Official website|accessdate=2006-04-20}}</ref> In the session in [[Lahore]] in 1940, the [[Lahore Resolution|Pakistan resolution]] was adopted as the main goal of the party. The resolution was rejected outright by the Congress, and criticised by many Muslim leaders like [[Maulana Abul Kalam Azad]], [[Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan]], [[Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi|Syed Ab'ul Ala Maududi]] and the [[Jamaat-e-Islami]]. On July 26, 1943, Jinnah was stabbed and wounded by a member of the extremist [[Khaksars]] in an attempted [[assassination]].

Muhammad Ali Jinnah founded ''[[Dawn (newspaper)|Dawn]]'' in 1941, a major newspaper that helped him propagate the League's point of views. During the [[Cripps' mission|mission]] of British minister [[Stafford Cripps]], Jinnah demanded parity between the number of Congress and League ministers, the League's exclusive right to appoint Muslims and a right for Muslim-majority provinces to secede, leading to the breakdown of talks. Jinnah supported the British effort in [[World War II]], and opposed the [[Quit India movement]]. During this period, the League formed provincial governments and entered the central government. The League's influence increased in the Punjab after the death of [[Unionist Muslim League|Unionist]] leader [[Sikander Hyat Khan]] in 1942. Gandhi held talks fourteen times with Jinnah in Bombay in 1944, about a united front—while talks failed, Gandhi's overtures to Jinnah increased the latter's standing with Muslims.<ref name="rgandhi331">Rajmohan Gandhi, ''Patel: A Life'', pp. 331</ref>

==Founding Pakistan==
[[Image:Jinnahletterchurchill.jpg|thumb|200px|right|A letter by Jinnah to [[Winston Churchill]]]]

In the 1946 elections for the [[Constituent Assembly of India]], the Congress won most of the elected seats, while the League won a large majority of Muslim electorate seats. The [[1946 Cabinet Mission to India|1946 British Cabinet Mission to India]] released a plan on May 16, calling for a united Indian state comprising considerably autonomous provinces, and called for "groups" of provinces formed on the basis of religion. A second plan released on June 16, called for the separation of South Asia along religious lines, with [[List of Indian Princely States|princely states]] to choose between accession to the dominion of their choice or independence. The Congress, fearing India's fragmentation, criticised the May 16 proposal and rejected the June 16 plan. Jinnah gave the League's assent to both plans, knowing that power would go only to the party that had supported a plan. After much debate and against Gandhi's advice that both plans were divisive, the Congress accepted the May 16 plan while condemning the grouping principle.{{Fact|date=October 2008}} Jinnah decried this acceptance as "dishonesty", accused the British negotiators of "treachery",<ref name="rgandhi369">Rajmohan Gandhi, ''Patel: A Life'', pp. 369</ref> and withdrew the League's approval of both plans. The League boycotted the assembly, leaving the Congress in charge of the government but denying it legitimacy in the eyes of many Muslims.
<!-- Unsourced image removed: [[Image:MAJinnah.jpg|thumb|130px|left|Jinnah officially known in [[Pakistan]] as '''Quaid-e-Azam''' (The Great Leader)]] -->
Jinnah gave a precise definition of the term '[[Pakistan]]' in 1941 at Lahore in which he stated: <blockquote>Some confusion prevails in the minds of some individuals in regard to the use of the work 'Pakistan'. This word has become synonymous with the Lahore resolution owing to the fact that it is a convenient and compendious method of describing [it].... For this reason the British and Indian newspapers generally have adopted the word 'Pakistan' to describe the Moslem demand as embodied in the Lahore resolution.<ref>Press statement, Statesman, 19 February I941</ref></blockquote>

Jinnah issued a call for all Muslims to launch "[[Direct Action Day|Direct Action]]" on August 16 to "achieve Pakistan".<ref name="rgandhi372">Rajmohan Gandhi, ''Patel: A Life", pp. 372–73</ref> Strikes and protests were planned, but violence broke out all over South Asia, especially in [[Calcutta]] and the district of [[Noakhali]] in [[Bengal]], and more than 7,000&nbsp;people were killed in [[Bihar]]. Although viceroy [[Lord Wavell]] asserted that there was "no satisfactory evidence to that effect",<ref name="mansergh879">Mansergh, "Transfer of Power Papers Volume IX", pp 879</ref> League politicians were blamed by the Congress and the media for orchestrating the violence.<ref name="rgandhi376">Rajmohan Gandhi, ''Patel: A Life'', pp. 376–78</ref> Interim Government portfolios were announced on October 25, 1946.<ref>"The Assam Tribune", October 26, 1946</ref> Muslim Leaguers were sworn in on October 26, 1946.<ref>Nasim Yousaf (2007), Hidden Facts Behind British India's Freedom: A Scholarly Look into Allama Mashraqi and Quaid-e-Azam's Political Conflict. ISBN 978-0-9760333-8-7</ref> The League entered the interim government, but Jinnah refrained from accepting office for himself. This was credited as a major victory for Jinnah, as the League entered government having rejected both plans, and was allowed to appoint an equal number of ministers despite being the minority party. The coalition was unable to work, resulting in a rising feeling within the Congress that independence of Pakistan was the only way of avoiding political chaos and possible civil war. The Congress agreed to the division of Punjab and Bengal along religious lines in late 1946. The new viceroy [[Lord Mountbatten]] and Indian civil servant [[V. P. Menon]] proposed a plan that would create a Muslim dominion in [[Punjab (Pakistan)|West Punjab]], [[East Bengal]], [[Baluchistan (Chief Commissioners Province)|Baluchistan]] and [[Sindh]]. After heated and emotional debate, the Congress approved the plan.<ref name="plan">{{cite web|url=http://www.pakistan.gov.pk/Quaid/leader17_2.htm|title=The Leader: The Plan of June 3, 1947: page 2|first=Government of Pakistan|last=Official website|accessdate=2006-04-20}}</ref> The [[North-West Frontier Province]] voted to join Pakistan in a referendum in July 1947. Jinnah asserted in a speech in Lahore on October 30, 1947 that the League had accepted independence of Pakistan because "the consequences of any other alternative would have been too disastrous to imagine." <ref>http://www.quaid.gov.pk/speech11.htm</ref>

The independent state of Pakistan, created on August 14, 1947, represented the outcome of a campaign on the part of the Indian Muslim community for a Muslim homeland which had been triggered by the British decision to consider transferring power to the people of India.<ref>Robinson francis, The cambridge Encyclopedia of India. 207</ref>

==Views on statehood ==
{{Citations missing|date=March 2009}}

A controversy has raged in Pakistan about whether Jinnah wanted Pakistan to be a secular state or an Islamic state. His views as expressed in his policy speech on 11 August 1947 said:

<blockquote>There is no other solution. Now what shall we do? Now, if we want to make this great State of Pakistan happy and prosperous, we should wholly and solely concentrate on the well-being of the people, and especially of the masses and the poor. If you will work in co-operation, forgetting the past, burying the hatchet, you are bound to succeed. If you change your past and work together in a spirit that everyone of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no matter what relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is his colour, caste or creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this State with equal rights, privileges, and obligations, there will be no end to the progress you will make.

I cannot emphasize it too much. We should begin to work in that spirit and in course of time all these angularities of the majority and minority communities, the Hindu community and the Muslim community, because even as regards Muslims you have Pathans, Punjabis, Shias, Sunnis and so on, and among the Hindus you have Brahmins, Vashnavas, Khatris, also Bengalis, Madrasis and so on, will vanish. Indeed if you ask me, this has been the biggest hindrance in the way of India to attain the freedom and independence and but for this we would have been free people long long ago. No power can hold another nation, and specially a nation of 400 million souls in subjection; nobody could have conquered you, and even if it had happened, nobody could have continued its hold on you for any length of time, but for this. Therefore, we must learn a lesson from this. You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place or worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed that has nothing to do with the business of the State. As you know, history shows that in England, conditions, some time ago, were much worse than those prevailing in India today. The Roman Catholics and the Protestants persecuted each other. Even now there are some States in existence where there are discriminations made and bars imposed against a particular class. Thank God, we are not starting in those days. We are starting in the days where there is no discrimination, no distinction between one community and another, no discrimination between one caste or creed and another. We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one State. The people of England in course of time had to face the realities of the situation and had to discharge the responsibilities and burdens placed upon them by the government of their country and they went through that fire step by step. Today, you might say with justice that Roman Catholics and Protestants do not exist; what exists now is that every man is a citizen, an equal citizen of Great Britain and they are all members of the Nation.

Now I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State. ''Jinnah, 11th August 1947 - presiding over the constituent assembly.''</blockquote>

While this was a clear indication that Jinnah wanted a [[secular state]], he did on occasion refer to Islam and Islamic principles.

<blockquote>Pakistan not only means freedom and independce but the Muslim Ideology which has to be preserved, which has come to us as a precious gift and treasure and which, we hope other will share with us {{Dubious|date=January 2009}} ''Message to Frontier Muslim Students Federation June 18, 1945.''</blockquote>

Furthermore he also pointed out on various occasions that the counties constitution and its financial setup must be based on Islamic principles.

<blockquote>The constitution of Pakistan has yet to be framed by the Pakistan Constituent Assembly. I do not know what the ultimate shape of this constitution is going to be, but I am sure that it will be of a democratic type, embodying the essential principle of Islam. Today, they are as applicable in actual life as they were 1,300 years ago. Islam and its idealism have taught us democracy. It has taught equality of man, justice and fairplay to everybody. We are the inheritors of these glorious traditions and are fully alive to our responsibilities and obligations as framers of the future constitution of Pakistan. In any case Pakistan is not going to be a theocratic State to be ruled by priests with a divine mission. We have many non-Muslims --Hindus, Christians, and Parsis --but they are all Pakistanis. They will enjoy the same rights and privileges as any other citizens and will play their rightful part in the affairs of Pakistan. '' Broadcast talk to the people of the United States of America on Pakistan recorded February, 1948.''</blockquote>

It has been argued by many people that in this speech Jinnah wanted to point out that Pakistan would be a secular state as mostly people think that an Islamic state is a theocratic state, this perception is however wrong and is miss interpreted, the reason is because a true Islamic state is not a theocratic state ,as rightly stated by Jinnah in his speech. Because in a theocratic state the civil leader is believed to have a direct personal connection with god, which is contrary to the principles of an Islamic state.{{Dubious|date=April 2009}}

On the opening ceremony of the state bank of Pakistan Jinnah pointed out that the financial setup of the state should be based on Islamic economic system.

<blockquote>We must work our destiny in our own way and present to the world an economic system based on true Islamic concept of equality of manhood and social justice. We will thereby be fulfilling our mission as Muslims and giving to humanity the message of peace which alone can save it and secure the welfare, happiness and prosperity of mankind. ''Speech at the opening ceremony of State Bank of Pakistan, Karachi July 1, 1948''</blockquote>

It appears that Jinnah felt the state of Pakistan should stand upon Islamic tradition in culture, civilization and national identity rather than on the principles of Islam as a theocratic state.<ref>Lewis, B, Ch Pellat, and J Schacht. “Djinah.” The Encyclopedia of Islam. Vol. II. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1983: 546.</ref>

In 1937, Jinnah further defended his ideology of equality in his speech to the [[All-India Muslim League]] in [[Lucknow]] where he stated, "Settlement can only be achieved between equals."<ref>The Tasks Ahead - Speech at a Rally at the University Stadium, Lahore: October 30, 1947 [http://www.pakavenue.com/webdigest/history/quaid_ss_002.htm]</ref> He also had a rebuttal to [[Nehru]]'s statement which argued that the only two parties that mattered in India were the British Raj and INC. Jinnah stated that the [[Muslim League]] was the third and "equal partner" within Indian politics.<ref>Bolitho, ''Jinnah'', 113-114.[[ISBN 019547323X]]</ref>

==Governor-General==
[[Image:Jinnah Gandhi.jpg|thumb|230px|Jinnah with [[Gandhi]], 1944.]]
Along with [[Liaquat Ali Khan]] and [[Abdur Rab Nishtar]], Muhammad Ali Jinnah represented the League in the Division Council to appropriately divide public assets between India and Pakistan.<ref name="rgandhi416">Rajmohan Gandhi, ''Patel: A Life'', pp. 416</ref> The assembly members from the provinces that would comprise Pakistan formed the new state's constituent assembly, and the [[:Category:Military of British India|Military of British India]] was divided between Muslim and non-Muslim units and officers. Indian leaders were angered at Jinnah's courting the princes of [[Jodhpur]], [[Bhopal]] and [[Indore]] to accede to Pakistan - these princely states were not geographically aligned with Pakistan, and each had a Hindu-majority population.<ref name="rgandhi407">Rajmohan Gandhi, ''Patel: A Life'', pp. 407–08</ref>

Jinnah became the first [[Governor-General of Pakistan]] and president of its constituent assembly. Inaugurating the assembly on August 11, 1947, Jinnah spoke of an inclusive and pluralist democracy promising equal rights for all citizens regardless of religion, [[caste]] or creed. This address is a cause of much debate in Pakistan as, on its basis, many claim that Jinnah wanted a secular state while supporters of Islamic Pakistan assert that this speech is being taken out of context when compared to other speeches by him.

On October 11, 1947, in an address to Civil, Naval, Military and Air Force Officers of Pakistan Government, Karachi, he said:
:''We should have a State in which we could live and breathe as free men and which we could develop according to our own lights and culture and where principles of Islamic social justice could find free play.''<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.pakistan.gov.pk/Quaid/speech09.htm|title=A call to duty|first=Government of Pakistan|last=Official website|accessdate=2007-01-07}}</ref>

On February 21, 1948, in an address to the officers and men of the 5th Heavy Ack Ack and 6th Light Ack Ack Regiments in Malir, Karachi, he said:
:''You have to stand guard over the development and maintenance of Islamic democracy, Islamic social justice and the equality of manhood in your own native soil. With faith, discipline and selfless devotion to duty, there is nothing worthwhile that you cannot achieve.''<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.pakistan.gov.pk/Quaid/speech24.htm|title=Selfless devotion to duty|first=Government of Pakistan|last=Official website|accessdate=2007-01-07}}</ref>

The office of Governor-General was ceremonial, but Jinnah also assumed the lead of government. The first months of Pakistan's independence were absorbed in ending the intense violence that had arisen in the wake of acrimony between Hindus and Muslims. Jinnah agreed with Indian leaders to organise a swift and secure exchange of populations in the Punjab and Bengal. He visited the border regions with Indian leaders to calm people and encourage peace, and organised large-scale refugee camps. Despite these efforts, estimates on the death toll vary from around two hundred thousand, to over a million people.{{Fact|date=April 2008}} The estimated number of refugees in both countries exceeds 15 million.<ref name="consequences">{{cite web|url=http://www.english.emory.edu/Bahri/Part.html|title=The Partition of India|first=Department of English, Emory University|last="Postcolonial Studies" project|accessdate=2006-04-20}}</ref> The then capital city of Karachi saw an explosive increase in its population owing to the large encampments of refugees. Jinnah was personally affected and depressed by the intense violence of the period.{{Fact|date=April 2008}}

Jinnah authorised force to achieve the annexation of the princely state of [[Kalat (princely state)|Kalat]] and suppress the insurgency in [[Baluchistan (Chief Commissioners Province)|Baluchistan]]. He controversially accepted the accession of [[Junagadh]]—a Hindu-majority state with a Muslim ruler located in the [[Saurashtra (region)|Saurashtra]] peninsula, some 400 kilometres (250&nbsp;mi) southeast of Pakistan—but this was annulled by Indian intervention. It is unclear if Jinnah planned or knew of the [[Indo-Pakistani War of 1947|tribal invasion]] from Pakistan into the kingdom of [[Jammu and Kashmir]] in October 1947, but he did send his private secretary [[Khurshid Ahmed]] to observe developments in Kashmir. When informed of Kashmir's accession to India, Jinnah deemed the accession illegitimate and ordered the Pakistani army to enter Kashmir.<ref name="rgandhi444">Rajmohan Gandhi, ''Patel: A Life'', pp. 444</ref> However, [[Sir Claude Auchinleck|Gen. Auchinleck]], the supreme commander of all British officers informed Jinnah that while India had the right to send troops to Kashmir, which had acceded to it, Pakistan did not. If Jinnah persisted, Auchinleck would remove all British officers from both sides. As Pakistan had a greater proportion of Britons holding senior command, Jinnah cancelled his order, but protested to the [[United Nations]] to intercede.<ref name="rgandhi444" />

Owing to his role in the state's creation, Jinnah was the most popular and influential politician. He played a pivotal role in protecting the rights of minorities,{{Fact|date=April 2008}} establishing colleges, military institutions and Pakistan's financial policy.<ref name="lastyear">{{cite web|url=http://www.pakistan.gov.pk/Quaid/governor_g2_2.htm|title=The Governor General: The Last Year: page 2|first=Government of Pakistan|last=Official website|accessdate=2006-04-20}}</ref> In his first visit to [[East Pakistan]], under the advice of local party leaders, Jinnah stressed that [[Urdu]] alone should be the national language; a policy that was strongly opposed by the [[Bengali people]] of East Pakistan (now [[Bangladesh]]). This opposition grew after he controversially described Bengali as the language of Hindus.<ref name="SA9">{{cite web|title=De-Pakistanisation of Bangladesh|url=http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/%5Cpapers22%5Cpaper2199.html|author=R. Upadhyay|publisher=Bangladesh Monitor, South Asia Analysis Group}}</ref><ref name="SX">{{cite book |title=Constructing Bangladesh: Religion, Ethnicity, and Language in an Islamic Nation |author=Sufia M. Uddin |pages=3–16, 120–24 |publisher=UNC Press |year=2006 |isbn=0807830216}}</ref> He also worked for an agreement with India settling disputes regarding the division of assets.{{Fact|date=April 2008}}

==Death==
[[Image:Tomb Jinnah.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Tomb of M.A. Jinnah in [[Karachi]], Pakistan]]
[[Image:Jinnah funeral2.jpg|thumb|right|200px|The funeral of Jinnah in 1948.]]


Through the 1940s, Jinnah suffered from [[tuberculosis]]; only his sister and a few others close to him were aware of his condition. In 1948, Jinnah's health began to falter, hindered further by the heavy workload that had fallen upon him following Pakistan's independence from [[British Raj|British Rule]]. Attempting to recuperate, he spent many months at his official retreat in [[Ziarat]], but died on September 11, 1948 (just over a year after independence) from a combination of tuberculosis and [[lung cancer]]. His funeral was followed by the construction of a massive [[mausoleum]]—[[Mazar-e-Quaid]]—in Karachi to honour him; official and military ceremonies are hosted there on special occasions.

Funeral prayers were led by Allamah [[Shabbir Ahmad Usmani]] a renowned mainstream Muslim (Sunni) scholar and attended by masses from all over Pakistan, although this funeral was well on record and supported by pictures as well, yet the Shia minority sources claim in their books that "at Jinnah's request. Jinnah did have a private Namaz-e-Janaza at Kharadar which was attended by close relatives and people from the Shia community.<ref>JinnahShia=KharadarMosque</ref>

[[Dina Wadia]] remained in India after independence, before ultimately settling in [[New York City]]. Jinnah's grandson, [[Nusli Wadia]], is a prominent industrialist residing in Mumbai. In the 1963–1964 elections, Jinnah's sister [[Fatima Jinnah]], known as ''Madar-e-Millat'' ("Mother of the Nation"), became the presidential candidate of a coalition of political parties that opposed the rule of President [[Ayub Khan]], but lost the election.

The [[Jinnah House]] in [[Malabar Hill]], Bombay, is in the possession of the [[Government of India]] but the issue of its ownership has been disputed by the Government of Pakistan.<ref name="Dawn">[http://www.dawn.com/2005/05/25/top14.htm Dina seeks Jinnah House�s possession]</ref> Jinnah had personally requested Indian Prime Minister [[Jawaharlal Nehru]] to preserve the house and that one day he could return to Mumbai. There are proposals for the house be offered to the Government of Pakistan to establish a consulate in the city, as a goodwill gesture, but [[Dina Wadia]] has also laid claim to the property.<ref name="Dawn"/>

==Legacy and criticism==
<blockquote>‘Few individuals significantly alter the course of history. Fewer still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone can be credited with creating a nation-state. Mohammad Ali Jinnah did all three.’ - Stanley Wolpert<ref>Wolpert, Stanley, ''Jinnah of Pakistan''</ref></blockquote>

[[Image:Mohammad Ali Jenah Iran stamp.jpg|frame|An Iranian stamp commemorating the centenary of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, printed in 1976.]]

In Pakistan, Jinnah is honoured with the official title Quaid-e-Azam , and he is depicted on all [[Pakistani rupee]] notes of denominations five and higher, and is the [[namesake]] of many Pakistani public institutions. The former ''Quaid-e-Azam International Airport'', now called the [[Jinnah International Airport]], in Karachi is Pakistan's busiest. One of the largest streets in the [[Turkey|Turkish]] capital [[Ankara]] — [[Cinnah Caddesi]] —is named after him. In [[Iran]], one of the capital [[Tehran]]'s most important new highways is also named after him, while the government released a stamp commemorating the centennial of Jinnah's birthday. In [[Chicago]], a portion of [[Devon Avenue]] was named as "Mohammed Ali Jinnah Way". The [[Mazar-e-Quaid]], Jinnah's [[mausoleum]], is among Karachi's most imposing buildings.{{Fact|date=September 2008}} In media, Jinnah was portrayed by British actors [[Richard Lintern]] (as the young Jinnah) and [[Christopher Lee]] (as the elder Jinnah) in the 1998 film ''[[Jinnah (film)|Jinnah]]''.<ref name="jinnahfilm">{{cite web|url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/wiltshire/entertainment/films_and_tv/christopherlee.shtml|title=Interview with Christopher Lee|first=BBC website|last="Wiltshire - Films & TV"|accessdate=2006-04-20}}</ref> In [[Richard Attenborough]]'s film ''[[Gandhi (film)|Gandhi]]'', Jinnah was portrayed by [[Alyque Padamsee]]. In the 1986 televised mini-series ''Lord Mountbatten: the Last Viceroy'', Jinnah was played by [[Poland|Polish]] actor [[Vladek Sheybal]].

Some historians like [[H M Seervai]] and [[Ayesha Jalal]] assert that Jinnah never wanted partition of India —it was the outcome of the Congress leaders being unwilling to share power with the Muslim League. It is asserted that Jinnah only used the Pakistan demand as a method to mobilise support to obtain significant political rights for Muslims.{{Fact|date=September 2008}} Jinnah has gained the admiration of major Indian nationalist politicians like [[Lal Krishna Advani]]—his comments praising Jinnah caused an uproar in his own [[Bharatiya Janata Party]].<ref name="advani">{{cite web|url=http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/181_1391007,001300270001.htm|archiveurl=http://web.archive.org/web/20050609004505/http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/181_1391007,001300270001.htm|archivedate=2005-06-09|title=Pakistan expresses shock over Advani's resignation as BJP chief|first=Hindustan Times|last=Online edition|accessdate=2006-04-20}}</ref>

Some critics allege that Jinnah's courting the princes of Hindu states and his gambit with [[Junagadh]] is proof of ill intentions towards India, as he was the proponent of the theory that Hindus and Muslims could not live together, yet being interested in Hindu-majority states.<ref name=rgandhi435_a>Rajmohan Gandhi, ''Patel: A Life'', pp. 435</ref> In his book ''Patel: A Life'', [[Rajmohan Gandhi]] asserts that Jinnah sought to engage the question of [[Junagadh]] with an eye on [[Kashmir]]—he wanted India to ask for a [[plebiscite]] in [[Junagadh]], knowing thus that the principle then would have to be applied to [[Kashmir]], where the Muslim-majority would, he believed, vote for Pakistan.<ref name="rgandhi435_b">Rajmohan Gandhi, ''Patel: A Life'', pp. 435–36</ref>

Apart from cultural legacies, it seems that Mohammad Ali Jinnah left a legacy as one of the most controversially portrayed figures in contemporary Asian history. From a Hindu nationalist perspective, Jinnah tends to be depicted as a cunning and relentless force that compromised the unity of India to create Pakistan, for a range of religious, cultural, political, and personal motives. Pakistanis tend to view Jinnah as a revered founding father, a man that was dedicated to safeguarding Muslim interests during independence movements in India, whatever the cost.<ref>Z.H. Zaidi, Edit. Jinnah Papers: Prelude to Pakistan. 1 (Pakistan: Oxford University Press, 1993), xxv.</ref> Despite any of a range of biases, it almost impossible to argue that, despite motive and manner, there is any figure during the first half of the twentieth century that had more of an influence on the formation of modern day Pakistan than Jinnah.<ref>R.J. Moore, “Jinnah and the Pakistan Demand”, Modern Asian Studies 17, no. 4. (1983), <http://www.jstor.org/stable/312235>, 529</ref>

According to Akbar S. Ahmed, nearly every book about Jinnah outside Pakistan mentions the fact that he drank alcohol. Several sources indicate he gave up alcohol near the end of his life.<ref>Ahmed, Akbar S., ''Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity'', p.200.</ref>

==See also==
{{Pakistan Movement}}
{{Jinnah}}

==Notes==
{{sisterlinks|Muhammad Ali Jinnah}}
{{Reflist}}

==References==
* Ahmed, Akbar S. ''Jinnah, Pakistan, and Islamic Identity: The Search for Saladin'' (1997). ISBN 0-415-14966-5
* Ajeet, Javed ''[[Secular and Nationalist Jinnah]]'' JNU Press Delhi
* Asiananda, ''Jinnah: A Corrective Reading of Indian History'', ISBN 81-8305-002-6
* Gandhi, Rajmohan, ''Patel: A Life'' (1990), [[Ahmedabad]], Navajivan, [http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/B0006EYQ0A ASIN: B0006EYQ0A])
* French, Patrick. ''Liberty or Death: India's Journey to Independence and Division''. Harper Collins, (1997). ISBN 0-00-255771-1
* Hardiman, David ''Peasant Nationalists of Gujarat'', ISBN 0-19-561255-8
* Jalal, Ayesha (1994). ''The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan''. Cambridge: CUP. ISBN 0-521-45850-1
* Jinnah, Fatima (1987). Quaid-i-Azam Academy My Brother. ISBN 969-413-036-0
* [[Mansergh, Nicholas]]. ''Transfer of Power Papers (Volume IX)''
* Wolpert, Stanley (2002). ''Jinnah of Pakistan''. Oxford: OUP.
* ^ Dr Allama Daudpota

== External links ==
{{col-begin}}
{{col-2}}
* {{cite web
|title=Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah
|work=Government of Pakistan Website
|url=http://www.quaid.gov.pk
}}
* {{cite web
|title=Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah
|work=The Jinnah Society
|url=http://www.majinnah.com.pk
}}
* {{cite web
|title=Jinnah: South Asia's greatest ever leader
|work=BBC's Poll for South Asia's greatest ever leader
|url=http://newsvote.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4100961.stm
}}
* {{cite web
|title=The Father of Pakistan
|work=The Most Influential Asians of the Century by TIME
|url=http://www.time.com/time/asia/asia/magazine/1999/990823/jinnah.html
}}
* {{cite web
|title=Muhammad Ali Jinnah (1876–1948)
|work=Story of Pakistan
|url=http://www.storyofpakistan.com/person.asp?perid=P009
}}
* {{cite web
|title=Jinnah's speech to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan
|date=August 11, 1947
|url=http://www.pakistani.org/pakistan/legislation/constituent_address_11aug1947.html
|work=pakistani.org
}}
* {{cite web
|title=Jinnah's Thought at a Glance
|work=YesPakistan.com
|url=http://www.yespakistan.com/jinnah/
}}
* {{cite web
|title=Mohammed Ali Jinnah (1876–1948)
|work=Harappa.com
|url=http://harappa.com/sounds/jinnah.html
}}
* {{cite web
|title=Pictures of Quaid (Album)
|work=Urdu Point
|url=http://www.urdupoint.com/jinnah/album/
}}
* {{cite web
|title=South Asia's Clarence Darrow
|work=Chowk
|url=http://www.chowk.com/articles/9441
}}
* {{cite web
|title=1947 - August
|work=Chronicles Of Pakistan
|url=http://therepublicofrumi.com/47.htm
}}

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{{s-gov}}
{{s-bef | before=[[Louis Mountbatten, 1st Earl Mountbatten of Burma|The Viscount Mountbatten of Burma]] | as=[[Governor-General of India]]}}
{{s-ttl |title=[[Governor-General of Pakistan]] | years=1947–1948}}
{{s-aft | after=[[Khwaja Nazimuddin|Sir Khwaja Nazimuddin]]}}
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{{s-ttl |title=[[Speaker of National Assembly]] | years=1947–1948}}
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{{Muhammad Ali Jinnah}}
{{Pakistan Movement}}
{{Speaker National Assembly Pakistan}}

{{Persondata
|NAME=Jinnah, Muhammad Ali
|ALTERNATIVE NAMES=Jinnah, Mohammad Ali; Jinnah, Mahomed Ali; Mahomedali Jinnahbhai
|SHORT DESCRIPTION=Founder of [[Pakistan]]
|DATE OF BIRTH=December 25, 1876
|PLACE OF BIRTH=Wazir Mansion, [[Karachi]]
|DATE OF DEATH=September 11, 1948
|PLACE OF DEATH=[[Karachi]]
}}
{{DEFAULTSORT:Jinnah, Muhammad Ali}}
[[Category:Muhammad Ali Jinnah| ]]
[[Category:Jinnah family| ]]
[[Category:1876 births]]
[[Category:1948 deaths]]
[[Category:Pakistani Shi'a Muslims]]
[[Category:Shi'a politicians]]
[[Category:British rule in India]]
[[Category:People of British India]]
[[Category:National symbols of Pakistan]]
[[Category:Members of Lincoln's Inn]]
[[Category:Alumni of the Inns of Court School of Law]]
[[Category:People from Karachi District]]
[[Category:History of Pakistan]]
[[Category:Pakistani lawyers]]
[[Category:Deaths from tuberculosis]]
[[Category:Deaths from lung cancer]]
[[Category:Cancer deaths in Pakistan]]
[[Category:Infectious disease deaths in Pakistan]]
[[Category:Pakistani people]]
[[Category:Gujarati people]]

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Revision as of 11:17, 18 June 2009

No Memories of a Murderer

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