Feminism in Latin America

Feminism in Latin America runs through Central America, South America, and the Caribbean

Latin American feminism is a collection of movements aimed at defining, establishing, and achieving equal political, economic, cultural, personal, and social rights for Latin American women. This includes seeking to establish equal opportunities for women in education and employment. People who practice feminism by advocating or supporting the rights and equality of women are feminists.

Latin American feminism exists in the context of centuries of colonialism, the transportation and subjugation of slaves from Africa, and the mistreatment of native people. The origins of modern Latin American feminism can be traced back to the 1960s and 1970s social movements, where it encompasses the women's liberation movement, but prior feminist ideas have expanded before there were written records. While feminist movements in the region are often linked to the 1960s and 1970s, when women's liberation organizations started to gain prominence, the historical genealogy of Latin American feminism shows that feminist concepts are much older and more deeply rooted in the colonial past of the region. With various regions in Latin America and the Caribbean, the definition of feminism varies across different groups where there has been cultural, political, and social involvement. The expression of diversity and change from the viewpoint of those who have historically been marginalized, particularly through the experiences of colonialism and patriarchy has consistently been a focus of feminist philosophy in Latin America.

The emergence of the Latin American feminism movement is contributed to five key factors. It has been said that the beginning of the revolution for Latin American feminism started in the 1800s with two women, Manuela Sáenz in Ecuador and Juana Manuela Gorriti in Argentina. Prior to these movements, women had close to no rights after colonialism. However, women who belonged to wealthier, European families had more opportunities in education. Then in the 1920s, feminism was reignited and moved towards political and educational changes for women's rights. In the 1930-50s a Puerto Rican group of women founded what is now considered the current movement for Latin American women. Some of these movements included founding the needle industry such as working as sewists in factories. Then in the 1960s, the movement changed to advocate for bodily and economic rights of women. The 1970s had a downfall in the movement due to a laissez-faire liberalism combined with free market capitalism. After the fall of neoliberalism, the 1980s brought a resurgence of the feminist movement towards political rights. The 1980s also began to shed light on the topic of domestic violence. The 1990s made strides towards the legal equality of women. In today's society, Latin American feminism has been broken down into multiple subcategories by either ethnicity or topic awareness.

Latin American and Latino feminist theory

Since feminist theory often relies on Western literary works rather than personal experiences, Latin American feminist theory is a construct that has appeared only recently in order to give Latina women legitimacy in Eurocentric contexts. Latin American feminist theorists are known to not only get their sources from Western countries, but also from Latin American history, personal accounts, and research in the social sciences. There is a controversy known as “epistemic privilege” (epistemic privilege is known as the privilege a person knows or has first-hand experience on a particular subject. For example, a woman would know what issues impact them more than a man would), regarding how most Latina feminist philosophers enjoy a cultural and economic privilege that distances them from the living conditions of the majority of Latin American women. Feminist philosopher Ofelia Schutte has argued that “feminist philosophy requires a home in a broader Latin American Feminist theory and not in the discipline of philosophy in Latin America.”

Because Latin America is a vast area, the diversity of this feminist theory can make it difficult to characterize. However, several notable Latin feminist theorists include Marcela Rios Tobar, Ofelia Schutte, and Gloria Anzaldúa. Latina feminist philosopher Maria Lugones addressed ethnocentric racism, bilingualism, multiculturalism, and “interlinking registers of address.” Many Latina feminists borrow concepts that Lugones introduced, such as “the role of language, bodies, objects, and places.” Graciela Hierro, born in 1928 in Mexico addressed “feminist ethics and the roles of feminism in public and academic spaces.

Causes

There is a fairly solid consensus among academics and activists that women's participation in leftist movements has been one of the central reasons for the development of Latin American feminism. However, some Latin American countries were able to attain legal rights for women in rightist, conservative contexts. Julie Shayne argues that there are five factors which contributed to the emergence of revolutionary feminism:

• experience in revolutionary movements showed challenge to the status-quo perception of gender behavior
• logistical trainings
• a political opening
• unmet basic needs by revolutionary movements
• a collective feminist consciousness

The movement developed in close connection to Anglo-American feminism, especially liberal feminism, which placed a heavy focus on women's economic independence, political and legal equality, and bodily autonomy, including sexual and reproductive rights. However, there has been resistance to including the viewpoints of excluded groups, especially in relation to race, class, and sexuality, inside the mainstream feminist movement. A white, urban, middle-class elite has mainly ruled the feminist debate in Latin America. This elite has an obvious heterosexist bias and has ignored the experiences of lesbians and indigenous women. Indigenous feminists argue for a collective defense of indigenous women's rights as part of larger community and cultural battles, criticizing the individualistic nature of liberal feminism. Lesbian feminists, on the other hand, confront lesbophobia within the feminist movement and fight the hetero-sexualization of society, which they view as a tool for oppressing women. The two groups have brought up major concerns regarding liberal feminism's flaws especially its tendency to overlook racial, class, and colonial issues.

History and the evolution of feminism in Latin America

1800s

Although the term feminist would not be used to describe women's rights advocates until the 1890s, many women of the nineteenth century, mostly elite or middle class, tried to challenge dominant gender norms.

Born in Quito (now Ecuador), in 1797, Manuela Sáenz was a “precursor to feminism and women’s emancipation. History has both vilified and glorified Manuela Sáenz - for her affair with Simon Bolivar, and for accusations that say she only “manipulated gender norms to advance her person and political interests.” As an early supporter of the independence cause, she spied on Spanish royalty and held intellectual gatherings called tertulias.

In addition to Sáenz, there were several other women who actively participated on the frontline of war efforts in support of Latin American independence and women empowerment. Michaela Bastidas, the wife of Tupac Amaru, was given the title of commander of the army for a stint of time where she led in a rebellion against the Spanish. Her contributions in battle and ultimate martyrdom broke the stereotype that women were too weak to go into battle, laying the foundation for continued women empowerment.

Juana Manuela Gorriti, an Argentinian journalist and writer born in 1818, advocated greater rights for women and wrote literary works with women protagonists that were both “romantic and political”. Similar to Sáenz, Gorriti held tertulias for literary men and women, one of whom was Clorinda Matto de Turner, a novelist sympathetic towards Indians and critical of the priesthood in Peru. Gorriti also worked with Teresa González, an avid writer who ran a girls’ school and advocated education for women.

1900s–1920s

In the late half of the 19th century there were three main areas of feminists' discussions: suffrage, protective labour laws, and access to education. In 1910, Argentina held the first meeting of the organization of International Feminist Congresses (topic of equality). The second meeting was in 1916 in Mexico.

The 1910s saw many women, such as Aleida March, gain prominence during the revolutions of Mexico, Cuba, and Nicaragua. Additionally, Amelio Robles, born in 1889, was a notable man in a peasant army and the Confederation of Veterans of the Revolution who by modern United States standards would be considered a trans man.

A prominent international figure born during this time was Gabriela Mistral, who in 1945 won the Nobel prize in literature and became a voice for women in Latin America. She upheld conservative gender norms, even at one point saying, “perfect patriotism in women is perfect motherhood”, and that as a teacher she was “married” to the state. However, feminist theorists contend that her personal experiences contradict her language, because she never married, she had a “mannish” appearance, and her close personal relationships with women suggest that she might have been a closet lesbian.

1930s–1950s

The Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR), the dominant political party in Mexico, declared on February 25, 1937, that it would permit "organized" women which are those who belonged to government-supporting organizations, labor unions, or agrarian leagues, to cast ballots in internal party elections. Under President Lázaro Cárdenas, this action represented a compromise. Although Cárdenas and other PNR leaders were in favor of women's suffrage in theory, they were concerned that granting women full voting rights would lead to  conservative voting trends that could cause the party to lose. The suffragists were not happy with the little progress, but this partial action allowed the PNR to seem in favor of suffrage without running the risk of electoral consequences.

The 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s were full of Latina feminists that pioneered the current Latin American Feminist movement. It was the beginning of the suffragist movement for many Latin American women. The first elected woman mayor of any major capital city in the Americas, Felisa Rincon de Gautier, was “an active participant in Puerto Rico's women's suffrage movement” that was won in 1932, and her child care programs “inspired the United States' Head Start program." In revolutionary Mexico, politics involved complex power struggles at multiple levels. Marìa del Refugio “Cuca” Garcìa's, had to negotiate state and local power institutions that operated somewhat independently of Mexico City as part of her challenge to national political authority. Historian Alan Knight pointed out that despite the revolutionary government's promotion of "effective suffrage," elections frequently lacked democratic integrity, showing the absence of an identifiable feeling of civic duty in politics during the 1930s. Although the results of elections were rarely determined only by the popular vote, Ben Fallaw and other academics show that elections might still be important.

Most women advocating for equal rights had to cling to femininity to gain respect, but feminist theorist Julia de Burgos used her writings to “openly contest the prevailing notion that womanhood and motherhood are synonymous.” Additionally, Dr. Leila Gonzalez was involved in the “Brazilian Black movement” and helped develop “the practice of Black Feminism in Brazil.”

1960s–1970s

At the end of the 1960s, many Latin American women started forming groups of reflection and activism for defending women's rights. Initially, those women were from the middle class and a significant part came from the various left groups. Unlike their predecessors, however, Latin American feminists of the 1960s focused on social justice rather than suffrage. They emphasized “reproductive rights, equal pay in the job market, and equality of legal rights.” This type of Latin American feminism was a result of the activism of Latina women against their position of subordinance, not a reaction to women gaining more legal rights in the United States and Europe. As Gloria Anzaldúa said, we must put history “through a sieve, winnow out the lies, look at the forces that we as a race, as women, have been part of.”

Such female groups arose amid the sharp radicalization of class struggles in the continent, which resulted in labor and mass rising. The most evident manifestations of these were the Chilean industrial belts Cordón Industrial, the Cordobazo in Argentina (a 1969 civil uprising), student mobilizations in Mexico and others. These facts could be regarded as the sharpest experience and numerous movements of urban and rural guerrilla came to the scene.

For those reasons, Latin American feminist theorist Ros Tobar says that Chilean feminism is closely tied to socialism. Authoritarian regimes reinforced “the traditional family, and the dependent role of women, which is reduced to that of mother.” Because dictatorships institutionalized social inequality, many Latin American feminists tie authoritarian governments with fewer rights for women. Slogans, such as “Women give life, the dictatorships exterminates it,” “In the Day of the National Protest: Let’s make love not the beds,” and “Feminism is Liberty, Socialism, and Much More,” portrayed the demands of many Latin American feminists. Latin American feminist theorist Nelly Richard of Chile explored how feminism and gay culture broke down rigid structures of life in Chile and was essential to the liberation of women in her novel Masculine/Feminine: Practices of Difference.

Feminist meetings continued to occur, initially every two years; later every three years. Topics discussed included recent accomplishments, strategies, possible future conflicts, ways to enhance their strategies and how to establish through such ways varied, rich and immense coordination between the national and transnational levels.

However, the mid-70s saw the decline of such movements due to the policy of neoliberalism in the region. When dictatorial regimes settled over the majority of the continent, these prevented the development of feminist movements. This was due not only to the establishment of a reactionary ideology based on the defense of tradition and family, but also to the political persecution and state terrorism with its consequences such as torture, forced exile, imprisonment, disappearances and murders of political, social and trade union activists. While the right wing of politicians considered feminists to be subversive and rebellious, the left, in contrast, named them the «small bourgeois».

It also was during this time that leftist feminist organizations gained attention for their efforts. This is most prominently seen in the “Women of Young Lords” of Puerto Rico. The Young Lords were at first, Boricuan, Afro-Taino men who fought for basic human rights and “openly challenged machismo, sexism, and patriarchy.” Bianca Canales, Luisa Capetillo, Connie Cruz, and Denise Oliver became leaders in the Young Lords, and facilitated a “Ten-Point Health Program."

Most feminisms in Latin America arose out of the context of military dictatorships and masculine domination. However, a lot of marginalized women began questioning hegemonic feminism in the 1970s. These women, whether they were Afro-descendant, lesbians, Indigenous, transgender, sex workers, domestic workers, etc., began to look at different, interlocking types of oppression. Gloria Anzaldúa, of Indigenous descent, described her experience with intersectionality as a “racial, ideological, cultural, and biological crosspollination” and called it a “new mestiza consciousness.”

Various critiques of “internal colonialism of Latin American states toward their own indigenous populations” and “Eurocentrism in the social sciences” emerged, giving rise to Latin American Feminist Theory.

1980s

The feminist movement returned to be an important protagonist in the early 1980s after the fall of dictatorships and the establishment of new democratic regimes throughout the region, with the dictatorship managing to interrupt the continuity with the previous stage. Feminists of the 1980s, e.g. Nancy Fraser, referring to violence against women, questioned the established limits of discussion and politicized problems which before had not ever been politicized, expanded their audiences, created new spaces and institutions in which the opposing interpretations could be developed and from where they could reach wider audiences.

During the repressive period and particularly during the early years of democracy, human rights groups played a major role in the continent. These movements organized to denounce the torture, disappearances, and crimes of the dictatorship, were headed mainly by women (mothers, grandmothers and widows). In order to understand the change in the language of feminist movements, it is necessary to bear in mind two things: the first is that it was women that headed revelations and subsequent struggle for the punishment of those who were responsible for the state terrorism, and the second is the policy-especially of the United States- to prioritize human rights in the international agenda.

Feminists were able to achieve goals because of political parties, international organizations and local labour groups. Latin American feminist movements had two forms: as centers of feminist work, and as part of the broad, informal, mobilized, volunteer, street feminist movement. At the IV meeting in Mexico in 1987 there was signed a document on the myths of the feminist movement impeding its development. This document has a great impact; it states that feminism has a long way to go because, it is a radical transformation of society, politics and culture. The myths listed are:

• Feminists are not interested in power
• Feminists do politics in a different way
• All feminists are the same
• There is a natural unity for the mere fact of being women
• Feminism exists only as a policy of women towards women
• The movement is a small group
• The women's spaces ensure for themselves a positive space
• Personal is automatically political
• The consensus is democracy. This is important because each country in Latin America was able to push feminism in different ways – for example, through democracy, socialism, and even under authoritarian regimes (although this was less common).

These myths were commonly disputed at Latin American and Caribbean meetings in the 1980s called Encuentros, a space created to “strengthen feminist networks,” exchange analysis, and confront “conditions of oppression.” Though the Encuentros constructed a common space, the people there made sure it was a place of political dialogue, not of a sisterhood. One of the few points of unity found during these Encuentros was the effect colonialism and globalization had on their respective countries.

1990s

The neoliberal policies that began in the late 1980s and reached their peak in the continent during the decade of the 1990s, made the feminist movement fragmented and privatized. Many women began to work in multilateral organizations, finance agencies etc. and became bridges between financing bodies and female movements. It was around this time that many feminists, feeling discomfort with the current hegemonic feminism, began to create their own, autonomous organizations. In 1994, the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) became “a catalyst for indigenous women's organization in Mexico” and created “The Women's Revolutionary Law." Their example of indigenous feminism led the way for other indigenous tribes, such as the Mayans, Quechuas, and Quiches. Zapatista women were made public in 1994. They are used as inspiration and symbolic tools to feminists throughout the world, and are often referred to in scholarly essays and articles. In 1993, many feminists tried to bring together these autonomous organizations in Latin America and the Caribbean, which led to the Beijing Global Conference on Women of 1995.

Scholars argue that there is a strong correlation between the improvement of legal rights for Latin American women and the country's struggle for democracy. For example, because of women's active protests against President Abdala Bucaram's government, Ecuador's Constitution of 1998 saw many new legal rights for women. MUDE, or Women for Democracy, have stated that “what is not good for democracy is not good for women." However, this is not always the case. Peru had an authoritarian regime, but they had a quota for at least thirty percent of candidates in a race to be women. It is important to note though, that the advance of Latin American women's legal equality does not get rid of the social and economic inequality present.

21st century

Protest on International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women 2019 in Mexico City

The emergence of economic neoliberal models at the beginning of the 21st century led to a revival of the movement in the world, which was accompanied by an attempt at feminist dialogue with other social movements. A new feature is the feminist participation in global mobilization at different government meetings and in multinational organizations where there is a discussion of humanity's future.

With the rise of globalization and international policies, many feminist political and academic organizations have been institutionalized. The more professional tactics of NGOs and political lobbying have given Latina feminists more influence on public policy, but at the cost of giving up “bolder, more innovative proposals from community initiatives."

In addition, the Colectivo Feminista Sexualidade Saude (CFSS ) of Brazil currently “provides health education for women and professionals,” where they encourage self-help and focus on “women's mental health, violence against women, and child mortality.”

Today, there are also feminist groups that have spread to the United States. For example, The Latina Feminist Group formed in the 1990s is composed of women from all places in Latin America. Although groups like these are local, they are all-inclusive groups that accept members from all parts of Latin America. Members of the organizations are predominantly from European – Native American backgrounds with some members being completely descendants of Native American people.

Today there is a weak relationship between lesbianism and feminism in Latin America. Since the 1960s, lesbians have become a viable group in Latin America. They have established groups to fight misogynist oppression against lesbians, fight AIDS in the LGBT community, and support one another. However, because of many military coups and dictatorships in Latin America, feminist lesbian groups have had to break up, reinvent, and reconstruct their work. Dictatorships in the 1970s and 1980s in Chile and Argentina were examples of the resistance to these feminist lesbians groups in Latin America.

In the 2000s, Latin American feminist groups have set goals for their communities. Such goals call for the consolidation of a more organized LGBT community across Latin America. Other goals overall look to change smaller domestic policies that in any way discriminate against members of the LGBT community. They also aim to have more people in office, to network better with the broader Latin people. They have set goals to advocate for LGBT rights in the political world, from organizations and political groups to acknowledge their rights, and encourage other countries to protect feminists and other members of the LGBT community in Latin America. Leaders such as Rafael de la Dehesa have contributed to describing early LGBT relations in parts of Latin America through his writings and advocacy. De la Dehesa, a Harvard alumnus, has published books such as, “Queering the Public Sphere in Mexico and Brazil: Sexual Rights Movements in Emerging Democracies” that advocate for a shift in popular culture that accepts queer Latinos. His work, "Global Communities and Hybrid Cultures: Early Gay and Lesbian Electoral Activism in Brazil and Mexico" explains the gay communities and puts them in context to coincide with the history of those countries. Rafael has also introduced the idea of normalizing LGBT issues in patriarchal conservative societies such as Mexico and Brazil to suggest that being gay should no longer be considered taboo in the early 2000s.

The first female mayor of Mexico City, one of the largest cities in the Western Hemisphere, was Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo, who took office in December 2018. Nearly a century after women in Latin America were granted the right to vote, this is significant in a continent that continues to struggle with gender inequality. Because in large part to gender quotas, nations including Bolivia, Argentina, Costa Rica, and Mexico have achieved or are on the verge of achieving gender parity in national legislatures, showing an increase in women's political engagement throughout the region over the past 20 years. Along with Sheinbaum Pardo's election, Epsy Campbell Barr became the first female Afro-descendant vice president of Costa Rica in May 2018.

Legalizing abortion and preventing violence against women are two issues that are at the heart of the current Latin American feminist movement. As a powerful response to gender-based violence, the Ni Una Menos campaign has grown to represent a larger fight for women's rights across the area.This is a social movement that emerged as a response to violence against women in Latin America. It has evolved to encompass and incorporate the fight for other rights as well.

Indigenous feminism in Latin America

Indigenous Latin American feminists face a myriad of struggles, including little to no political representation across all of Latin America. It was not until the 2000s that indigenous feminist leaders were able to gain any political power. In 2006, Bolivia elected Evo Morales for president, who spearheaded a new Bolivian movement called the Movement for Socialism. This movement allowed Indigenous working-class women to become members of parliament as well as serve in other branches of the government. Though this important transition of power was more peaceful and much more inclusive than in any other country in Latin America, in other countries, obstacles still remain for indigenous women to have any representation or political identity. The Mayan women that live in Guatemala and parts of southern Mexico, for example, have struggled to gain any political mobility over the last few years due to immigration crises, and economic and educational disadvantages.

Revolutionary/feminist mobilization

Men and Women both participated in revolutions that presented Revolutionary Feminism. These soldiers are fighting in the civil war in El Salvador.

Some experts, such as Julie Shayne, believe that in Latin America the phenomenon of female, feminism movements should be called revolutionary feminism. Julie Shayne argues that a revolutionary feminism is one born of revolutionary mobilization.

As Shayne was researching this phenomenon in El Salvador during the 1980s, she came across Lety Mendez, a former member and head of the women's secretariat of the Frente Farabundo Marti para la Liberacion Nacional, one of the major political parties of El Salvador. Mendez was at the forefront of the Salvadoran Civil War, and she knew from direct experience how necessary women are to any revolution, though she also believed their role is often forgotten. Mendez explained that women were one of the sole reasons the left had support and were able to move through El Salvador.

In the late 1990s, Shayne traveled to Cuba and interviewed Maria Antonia Figuero: she and her mother had worked alongside Castro during the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista. Figueroa also described an experience of women essentially carrying a revolution on their backs, but being undermined in the role they played in the revolution or not being to progress past the machismo and sexism, both of which were still rampant after their respective revolutions.

Both of these women's feminist ideologies were born out of the need for equality they saw was either not being met or being disregarded after their countries’ successful or attempted revolutions. This feminism born out of the fight against oppressive regimes has given way to a new look of feminism that can be found throughout Latin America.

Feminist mobilization or gathering can be seen in Shaye's research of Chilean women and their nation's government-organized mothers’ center. She witnessed that the gathering of these women and the sharing of their stories of oppression and domestic violence led the way to “Strategic (feminist) mobilization”. These gatherings were not only unique to Chile, but were found throughout Latin America - Bogota, Colombia (1981), Lima, Perú (1983), Bertioga, Brazil (1985), Taxco, Mexico (1987), and San Bernardo, Argentina (1990) - through the 1980s known as Encuentros. These biannual meetings brought together grassroot and professional feminists and allowed these women to discuss their experiences and the progression of their countries.

Issues on agenda

Post-suffrage feminism in Latin America covers mainly three big streams: the feminist stream, the stream in political parties and the stream of women from political parties. Some issues of great concern include: voluntary maternity/responsible paternity, divorce law reform, equal pay, personal autonomy, challenging the consistently negative and sexist portrayal of women in the media, access to formal political representation. Women of the popular classes tend to focus their agendas on issues of economic survival and racial and ethnic justice.

In recent years, Latin American feminists have also challenged Eurocentric feminist frameworks, promoted literature and art by women of color, and establish their own social groups. They have also sought to challenge traditional nationalists who oppress women and use their political influence to subjugate non-heterosexuals, women, and people of color.

Latina suffragists

Understanding Latin America's journey toward gender equality and its contributions to the global feminist movement requires an understanding of the history of Latina suffragists and their involvement in the fight for women's rights in the region. Throughout the early to mid-20th century, Latin American women addressed both local and global issues while building transnational coalitions in their fight for the right to vote and other political rights. This act, which often touched on the political realities of American imperialism and colonial legacies, was not only about getting the right to vote but also about broader social and economic rights.

Many Latin American nations had allowed women to vote by the middle of the 20th century, but this came about after long and hard battles. Organizing for the right to vote took decades for activists in nations like Argentina and Mexico. For example, nationalist President Lázaro Cárdenas of Mexico supported women's suffrage on the grounds of equality, and it was almost accomplished in 1939. But suffrage was not granted until 1953 due to resistance from wealthy organizations and concerns about Catholic women's conservative voting habits. In an attempt to appear more modern, the government of President Juan Perón of Argentina gave women the right to vote in 1947. This was in line with similar actions taken in Brazil and Chile, where women were granted the right to vote later in the 1940s.

Latina suffragists were innovative women who established the foundation for the diverse, intersectional activism that Latin American feminists continue to take part in today. Following their success in gaining the right to vote, Latina activists widened their focus to include a greater variety of social and economic inequalities, such as opposing U.S. interventionism and promoting the rights of marginalized women, Indigenous peoples, and LGBTQ+ people. Through campaigns like #niunamas and #niunamenos, that have inspired Latin American feminists at both local and international levels, their impact set the groundwork for ongoing  feminist movements that today address pressing issues like feminicide and violence against women.

Latina suffragists refer to suffrage activists of Latin American origin who advocated for women's right to vote.

One of the most notable Latina suffragists is Adelina Otero-Warren from the state of New Mexico. Ortero-Warren was a prominent local organizer for the Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage organized by Alice Paul. She was chosen by Paul to organize suffragists on behalf of the Congressional Union in 1917.

Other prominent Latina Suffragists include:

• Josefina Fierro de Bright was an activist in the Latin American Community. In 1972 she was a vital part of the Citizens Committee for the defense of Mexican American Youth which later was known as Sleepy Lagoon Defense committee. The committee was formed after the murder at Sleepy Lagoon with the intention that the Mexican American defendants on trial would receive justice under the Constitutions and without Josefina Fierro de Bright it would not have been possible. She owned and invested in several businesses that lead into a vast network of powerful prominent people including bankers and financial institutions. When funding was needed to defend the Mexican American defendants during the Sleepy Lagoon trial Josefina Fierro de Bright would use her various connections to obtain the funds. Josefina Fierro de Bright was also an activist for labor rights and for was a secretary for National Congress of Spanish Speaking Peoples. The committee examined minority labor groups that endured unfair conditions and were prohibited from joining labor unions during the Great depression. She was the executive secretary for El Congreso for a short period of time and was known for the protests that she held for discrimination. These protests help develop awareness of the multiple types of discrimination that Latina women were experiencing within the labor force.
• Luisa Moreno was a social activist that fought for equality for women. She was from Guatemala and was previously known as Blanca Rosa Rodriguez Lopez, however, to disguise her wealthy upbringing she changed her name when she immigrated to the United States. Luisa Moreno first began her activism in America as a trade union organizer. She was able to obtain contract coverings for 13,000 cigar workers. This ability aided Luisa Moreno's journey to being the first female vice presidents of the United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers of America (UCAPAWA). Luisa Moreno was able to advocate for feminism in the workplace which led to maternity leave, child care and equal pay. Luisa Moreno was the first person to initiate the first U.S. pan-Latino civil rights conference and was pivotal in El Congreso as an accomplished union organizer where her leadership helped network a national assembly. Luisa Moreno was additionally recognized for her advocacy of education across class. She felt education was the way to emancipate women form ignorance and feminism would aid women in being mindful of their surroundings.
• Maria Amparo Ruiz de Burton
• Maria Guadalupe Evangelina de Lopez, President of the College Equal Suffrage League.

Maria G.E. de Lopez was president of this league when women won the right to vote in California in 1911. Maria G.E. de Lopez, a high school teacher, was the first person in the state of California to give speeches in support of women's suffrage in Spanish.

See also

• Feminism in Argentina
• Feminism in Brazil
• Feminism in Chile
• Feminism in Haiti
• Feminism in Honduras
• Feminism in Mexico
• Feminism in Paraguay
• Feminism in Trinidad and Tobago