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A-Hmao language

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(Redirected from Large Flowery Miao language)
A-Hmao
Large Flowery Miao
ad Hmaob lul, A-hmaos
Native toChina
RegionGuizhou, Yunnan
EthnicityA-Hmao
Native speakers
(300,000 cited 1995)[1]
Latin, Pollard
Language codes
ISO 639-3hmd
Glottologlarg1235

The A-Hmao (or Ahmao) language, also known as Large Flowery Miao (pinyin: Dà Huā Miáo), Hua Miao, or Northeast Yunnan Miao (Chinese: 苗语滇东北方言; pinyin: Miáoyǔ Diàndōngběi fāngyán), is a Hmongic language spoken in China. It is the language the Pollard script was designed for,[2][3] and displays extensive tone sandhi.[4] There is a high degree of literacy in Pollard among the older generation.

The standard written language, both in Pollard and in Latin script, is that of Shíménkǎn (石门坎) village in Weining County.

Classification

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The A-Hmao language is a branch of the West Hmongic languages, also known as Chuanqiandian Miao (Chinese: 川黔滇苗; lit. 'Sichuan–Guizhou–Yunnan Miao') and Western Miao, which is a major branch of the Hmongic languages of China and Southeast Asia.

Wang Fushi (1985) grouped the Western Miao languages into eight primary divisions:[5]

  1. Chuanqiandian Miao
  2. Northeast Yunnan Miao (A-Hmao language)
  3. Guiyang Miao
  4. Huishui Miao
  5. Mashan Miao
  6. Luobohe Miao
  7. Chong'anjiang Miao
  8. Pingtang Miao

Geographic distribution

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The A-Hmao language is distributed in Zhaotong, Kunming, Qujing and Chuxiong Yi autonomous prefecture in the Northeast of Yunnan Province. And also Weining Yi, Hui, and Miao autonomous county, Hezhang county, Liupanshui, and Ziyun Miao and Buyi autonomous county in the West of Guizhou Province. There are 300,000 native speakers.[6] The standard dialect is that of Shimenkan (石门坎), Weining County (威宁县).

Phonology

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Consonants

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Labial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal
plain sibilant lateral plain sibilant lateral
Plosive /
Affricate
plain plain b /p/ d /t/ z /ts/ dl /tl̥/ dr /ʈ/ zh /ʈʂ/ j // g /k/ gh /q/ /ʔ/
prenasal nb /ᵐp/ nd /ⁿt/ nz /ⁿts/ ndl /ⁿtl̥/ ndr /ᶯʈ/ nzh /ᶯʈʂ/ nj /ⁿtɕ/ ng /ᵑk/ ngh /ᶰq/
aspirated plain p // t // c /tsʰ/ tl /tl̥ʰ/ tr /ʈʰ/ ch /ʈʂʰ/ q /tɕʰ/ k // kh //
prenasal np /ᵐpʰ/ nt /ⁿtʰ/ nc /ⁿtsʰ/ ntl /ⁿtl̥ʰ/ ntr /ᶯʈʰ/ nch /ᶯʈʂʰ/ nq /ⁿtɕʰ/ nk /ᵑkʰ/ nkh /ᶰqʰ/
voiced plain b /b/ d /d/ z /dz/ dl /dl/ dr /ɖ/ zh /ɖʐ/ j // g /ɡ/ gh /ɢ/
prenasal nb /ᵐb/ nd /ⁿd/ nz /ⁿdz/ ndl /ⁿdl/ ndr /ᶯɖ/ nzh /ᶯɖʐ/ nj /ⁿdʑ/ ng /ᵑɡ/ ngh /ᶰɢ/
Fricative /
Lateral
voiceless f /f/ s /s/ hl // sh /ʂ/ hlr /ɭ̊/ x /ɕ/ hx /x/ (h /χ/) h /h/
voiced v /v/ r /z/ l /l/ rh /ʐ/ lr /ɭ/ y /ʑ/ hy /ɣ/
Nasal voiced m /m/ n /n/ nr /ɳ/ ni /n̠ʲ/ ngg /ŋ/
voiceless hm // hn // hni /n̠̥ʲ/ hng /ŋ̊/
Semivowel voiced w /w/

Moreover, Gerner (2022) treats breathiness as a property of the onset, such as [lʱ] in the word lif [lʱi11] 'two', and reports a fricative aspirated lateral [ɬʰ], as in the word [ɬʰi11] 'become'.[7]

Vowels

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Front Central Back
unrounded rounded unrounded rounded
Close i /i/ yu /y/ w /ɯ/ u /u/
Mid e /e/ e /ə/ o /o/
Open a /ɑ/
Diphthong rising ai /ai̯/ eu /œy̯/ ang /ɑɯ̯/ ao /ɑu̯/
falling ie /i̯e/ iw /i̯ɯ/

ia /i̯ɑ/

iu /i̯u/

io /i̯o/

Triphthong iai /i̯ai̯/ iang /i̯ɑɯ̯/ iao /i̯ɑu̯/

Tones

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Tone Symbol Value
1 b ˥˧ 54
2 x ˧˥ 35
3 d ˥ 55
4 l ˩ 11
5 t ˨ 33
6 s ˧˩ 31
7 k ˩ 11
8 f ˧˩ 31

On the basis of the eight tones of A-Hmao, in the eastern region, the fourth, sixth, and eighth tones are broken up partially or entirely into two categories. At most, there can be up to eleven tones. Essentially, nouns and quantifiers are part of the first category, and they are higher in pitch. Other word classes are part of the second category, and they are lower in pitch.

The A-Hmao language displays extensive tone sandhi. Similar to other branches of the West Hmongic languages, the tone sandhi happens on the second syllable when the first syllable of a disyllable word is level tone (first and second tone).[8]

Grammar

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Morphology and vocabulary

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The morphology of the three branches of the Hmong language is basically the same. The following examples are from Central Miao.[9] A-Hmao is similar to Hmong, which is an isolating language in which most morphemes are monosyllables. As a result, verbs are not overtly inflected. Tense, aspect, mood, person, number, gender, and case are indicated lexically.[10]

Single-morpheme word

  1. Monosyllable single-morpheme word. (single-morpheme words are mostly monosyllable in Hmong language)
    Example:
    naxi 'human being'
    xed 'tiger'
    et 'tree'
    wil 'I'
    mongx 'you'
    nenx 'he'
    hsangb 'thousand'
    wangs 'ten thousand'
    bat 'hundred'
    lol 'come'
    mongl go; 'leave'
  2. Multisyllable single-morpheme word. (There is a small number of multisyllable single-morpheme words in the Hmong language. Mostly, they are disyllabic, and there are very few with three or more syllables.)
    1. Alliterative. Example:
      gangt git 'hurry up; quickly'
      qut qat 'itchy'
      hcud hxangd 'nausea'
    2. Vowel rhyme. Example:
      Same tone:
      bal nial 'girl'
      box jox 'run'
      bux lux 'boiling'
      daib ghaib 'star'
      dent ent 'cloud'
      vongs nongs 'dirty'
      Different tones:
      hsab ngas 'clean'
      hsangd dangl 'in case'
      kak liax 'magpie'
    3. Non-alliterative and vowel rhyme. Example:
      ak wol 'crow'
      bil hsaid 'nearly; almost'
      ghob yenl 'chair'
    4. Reiterative syllable. Example:
      gid gid 'slowly'
      seix seix 'together'
      nangl nangl 'still'
      xangd xangd 'occasionally'

Compound word

  1. Coordinating
    1. Noun morpheme compound with noun morpheme. Example:
      hveb hseid 'language'
      haxub khat 'relative'
      nangx bit 'name'
      niangx hniut 'age'
    2. Verb morpheme compound with verb morpheme. Example:
      cub nul 'rebuke'
      tid xongt 'construct'
      khab job 'lesson'
    3. Adjective morpheme compound with adjective morpheme. Example:
      ghongl jangl 'bend'
      khed hxat 'poverty'
  2. Modifying
    1. Noun morpheme modifying noun morpheme. Example:
      det diangx 'candle'
      det diux 'key'
      eb mais 'tears'
      gad wangx 'corn'
    2. Adjective morpheme modifying noun morpheme. Example:
      bad yut 'uncle'
      mais lul 'aunt'
  3. Dominating
    1. Verb morpheme dominating noun morpheme. Example:
      dlangd wangb 'dress up'
      qet ves 'rest'
    2. Adjective morpheme dominating noun morpheme. Example:
      dad hvib 'patience'
      hvent ves 'pleasantly cool'
      mais bil 'proficiency'
      mais ves 'tired'
  4. Affixes
    Mostly are prefixes, and commonly used prefixes are ghab-, diub-, hangd-, gid-, jib-, daib-, bod-, xuk-, and so on. Ghab- is the most commonly used.
    1. Ghab- means human or animal body and part, plant part and things related to plants, natural objects, things related to buildings, utensils and abstract objectives. Example:
      ghab jid 'body'
      ghab naix 'ear'
      ghab ghaib 'root'
      ghab nex 'leaf'
      ghab qangb 'living room'
      ghab sot 'kicken'[spelling?]
      ghab dliux 'soul'
      ghabnangs 'destiny'
    2. Diub- means location. Example:
      diub senx 'provincial capital'
      dioub ghaib on the street
      diub zaid at home
    3. Hangd-/khangd- means aspect and direction. Example:
      hangd nongx hangd nangl aspect of eating and wearing
      hangd nongd 'here'
      hangd momgx 'there'
      hangd deis 'where'
    4. Gid- means aspect and direction. Example:
      gid waix 'above'
      gid dab 'below'
      gid gux 'outside'
      gid niangs 'inside'
    5. Jib- means person. Example:
      jib daib 'child'
      jib hlangb 'grandchild'
      jib bad 'man'
    6. Daib- means person and some kinship terminology. Example:
      daib pik 'girl'
      daib jangs 'man, boy, husband'
      daib nenl 'uncle'
    7. Bod- means round object. Example:
      bod vib 'stone'
      bod ghof jus 'knee'
      bod liul 'fist'
    8. Xuk- means uncertain quantity.
      xuk laix 'a handful of'

Syntax

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As with other Hmongic languages,[11] the basic word order of A-Hmao is SVO.[12] Within the noun phrase, possessors precede possessed nouns, while relative clauses precede the nouns they modify.[13] Noun phrases have the form as (possessive) + (quantifier) + (classifier) + noun + (adjective) + (demonstrative).[14] Question formation in Ahmao does not involve word order change: question words generally remain in situ, rather than appear in sentence-initial position, and pseudo-clefting is also generally used in questions.[15]

Overview

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A-Hmao exhibits the grammatical patterns as in the table below.[13][16]

Grammatical Relations by Element Order in A-Hmao
Relation Type First Element Second Element
Possessive Possessor Noun Possessed Noun
Restrictive adjectival Adjective Noun
Non-restrictive adjectival Noun Adjective
Nominalization Relative clause Noun
Adpositional Preposition Noun phrase

Question formation

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Questions are typically formed with the wh- question word in situ, i.e., it appears where the corresponding noun would in the sentence, rather than appear sentence-initially:[15]

ʦɑ⁵⁵ndɑɯ³³

TsaDaw

ɑ²¹n̥ɑɯ²¹

yesterday

ntʂɿ⁵³

met

qɑ²¹ndy²²

who

ʦɑ⁵⁵ndɑɯ³³ ɑ²¹n̥ɑɯ²¹ ntʂɿ⁵³ qɑ²¹ndy²²

TsaDaw yesterday met who

'Who did TsaDaw meet yesterday?'

Writing system

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The A-Hmao have no indigenous writing system. In the beginning of the 20th century, missionary Samuel Pollard invented the Pollard script, which was based on the decorative symbols on their clothing. Before the introduction of the Pollard script, the A-Hmao people recorded their history through their ancient songs and weaving the history of their memories on their clothes. Those images formed a history of the A-Hmao.[17]

References

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  1. ^ A-Hmao at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required)
  2. ^ Smalley, William A.; Vang, Chia Koua; Yang, Gnia Yee (1990). Mother of Writing: The Origin and Development of a Hmong Messianic Script. University of Chicago Press.
  3. ^ Duffy, John (2007). Writing from These Roots: Literacy in a Hmong-American Community. University of Hawaii Press.
  4. ^ Mortensen, David. 2005. "A-Hmao Echo Reduplication as Evidence for Abstract Phonological Scales". LSA Annual Meeting
  5. ^ Wang, Fushi 王辅世 (1985). Miáoyǔ jiǎnzhì 苗语简志 [A Brief History of the Miao Language] (in Chinese). Minzu chubanshe.
  6. ^ Wang & Mao (1995), p. 7
  7. ^ Gerner 2022, p. 51.
  8. ^ Liu (1993)
  9. ^ Li (2002), p. 44–50
  10. ^ Strecker, David; Vang, Lopao (1986). White Hmong Grammar.
  11. ^ Li (2002), p. 50
  12. ^ Gerner 2019, p. 101-102.
  13. ^ a b Gerner 2019, p. 102.
  14. ^ Ratliff, Martha (1997). "Hmong–Mien Demonstratives and Pattern Persistence" (PDF). Mon-Khmer Studies. 27: 317–328. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2021-02-27. Retrieved 2021-08-11.
  15. ^ a b Chang 2010, p. 106.
  16. ^ Gerner 2022, p. 65.
  17. ^ Hu, Qirui 胡其瑞. "Xiě zài yīfú shàng de lìshǐ – Dàhuā Miáozú fúshì lǐ de gùshì" 写在衣服上的历史—大花苗族服饰里的故事. Zhongyang yan jiu yuan shuwei diancang ziyuan wang (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 2015-12-08. Retrieved 2015-11-28.

Sources

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  • Chang, Melody Ya-Yin (2010). ""Sluicing" in Hmong (A-Hmao)". In Clemens, L.E.; Liu, C.-M. L. (eds.). Proceedings of the 22nd North American Conference on Chinese Linguistics (NACCL-22) & the 18th International Conference on Chinese Linguistics (IACL-18). Vol 2. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University. pp. 102–116.
  • Gerner, Matthias (2019). Highlights from three Language Families in Southwest China. Duisburg, Germany: Research Foundation Language and Religion.
  • Li, Jinping 李锦平 (2002). Miáozú yǔyán yǔ wénhuà 苗族语言与文化 [Miao Language and Culture]. Guìzhou minzu xueyuan xueshu.
  • Liu, Yuanchao 刘援朝 (1993). "Wēiníng Miáoyǔ gǔ diào zhí gòunǐ" 威宁苗语古调值构拟. Zhōngyāng mínzú xuéyuàn xuébào 中央民族学院学报 (in Chinese). 1993 (3): 85–91. doi:10.15970/j.cnki.1005-8575.1993.03.019.
  • Wang, Fushi 王辅世; Mao, Zongwu 毛宗武 (1995). Miáo-Yáoyǔ gǔyīn gòunǐ 苗瑶语古音构拟 (in Chinese). Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe.

Further reading

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