Jump to content

Gender inequality in South Korea

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

In South Korea, gender inequality is derived from deeply rooted patriarchal ideologies with specifically defined gender-roles.[1][2][3] While it remains especially prevalent in South Korea's economy and politics, gender inequality has decreased in healthcare and education.[2]

Gender statistics

[edit]

Due to the various methods of calculating and measuring gender inequality, South Korea's gender inequality rankings vary across different reports. While the 2017 UNDP Gender Inequality Index ranks South Korea 10th out of 160 countries, the World Economic Forum ranks South Korea 118th out of 144 countries in its 2017 Global Gender Gap Report.[4][2] In their 2013 study, Branisa et al. explain that indices like the Global Gender Gap Index tend to be "outcome-focused", which means they focus on gender inequalities in agency and in well-being.[5]

Indices like the Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) focus on the origins of gender inequalities, such as laws and norms.[5] South Korea is one of three OECD countries that did not receive a perfect SIGI score.[5] While the SIGI did not give South Korea an overall ranking, the country was reported to have very low levels of discriminatory family code, low levels of restricted civil liberties, and medium levels of restricted resources and assets.[6]

In 2010, 93% of South Koreans surveyed believed women should have equal rights to men, and among them, 71% believe more changes are needed before that goal is achieved.[7]

South Korea's subindices rankings in the 2020 Global Gender Gap Report[2]
Subindex Rank

(out of 144 countries)

Score

(0 = imparity, 1 = parity)

Average score
Economic Participation and Opportunity 127 0.555 0.582
Educational Attainment 101 0.973 0.954
Health and Survival 1 0.980 0.958
Political Empowerment 79 0.179 0.239

The 2017 report notes that all subindices (health and survival, education, economic participation and equality, and political empowerment) show improvement compared to 2006 (the date of the first publication of this yearly report).[2] In comparison to other countries, South Korea scores highest on Health and Survival (84th), then Political Empowerment (90th), then Educational Attainment (105th), and ranks the lowest on Economic Participation and Equality (121st).[2]

South Korea's female to male ratios in the 2020 Global Gender Gap Report[2]
Indicators South Korea's female to male ratio Average female to male ratio
Wage equality for similar work 0.551 0.613
Estimated earned income 0.476 0.499
Legislators, senior officials and managers 0.108 0.356
Enrollment in tertiary education 0.791 0.931
Women in parliament 0.200 0.298
Women in ministerial positions 0.285 0.255
Years with female head of state (last 50) 0.104 0.190

Korea ranks 114th in college enrollment, with 111 percent for men and 85 percent for women. There is a strange conclusion that 111 out of 100 Korean men go to college. Taking a leave of absence without leaving school is also treated as a university education period, because it is common to take a leave of absence during the military period, which increases the education period. Women can take a leave of absence even if they are not in the military, so there is a slight gap from the reality (74% male and 75% female).[citation needed]

History

[edit]
Main article: History of women in Korea

Gender inequality in South Korea is largely rooted in the country's Confucian ideals and has been perpetuated and deepened by historical practices and events, such as military sexual slavery and Park Geun-Hye's scandal.[8][9] However, contemporary South Korea has made great strides in attempting to reduce gender inequality through legislation and policymaking.[10]

Korean comfort women interrogated by sergeants in the U.S. Army in 1944
Korean comfort women interrogated by sergeants in the U.S. Army in 1944

Confucianism

[edit]

Confucianism is a socio-political philosophy and belief system that has had a long-standing influence on South Korean society. Originating in China, Confucianism "largely defined the mainstream discourse on gender ... from the Han dynasty onward" [11] and as a result has greatly impacted gender perceptions in countries that later adopted Confucian teachings, such as Korea, Japan and Vietnam. It was first brought to Korea in the fourth century and Neo-Confucianism was chosen as the national ideology during the Joseon dynasty (1392-1910).[12]

Confucianism is an ideology that emphasises the importance of a social hierarchy in order to create a balanced and harmonious society. This hierarchy is illustrated through the Five Relationships, a key teaching in Confucianism that describes the main basic relationships between people as follows; ruler and ruled, father and son, husband and wife, elder brother and younger brother and friend and friend.[13]

The roles in each relationship were also prescribed individual duties which, for husband and wife, involved the husband acting as the bread-winner for the family while the wife was to stay at home, raise the children and maintain the household. The Three Bonds are an extension of these relationships that later appeared in Confucian literature and emphasise the hierarchical nature of the relationships as follows; the ruler over the ruled, the father over the son and the husband over the wife. This core Confucian principle emphasises a woman's role as subservient to her husband.[14]

Another key teaching in Confucian literature that directly influences the subjugation of women are the Three Obediences and the Four Virtues, guidelines that describe how a woman should behave in society. The Three Obediences require that women "obey the father before the marriage, obey the husband after marriage, and obey the first son after the death of the husband" while The Four Virtues require "(sexual) morality, proper speech, modest manner, and diligent work".[15]

The Joseon dynasty saw a particular shift in gender roles as society transitioned from Buddhist to Confucian ideals. This resulted in the systems of marriage and kinship becoming patrilineal rather than matrilineal.[16] As a husband's role was deemed superior to that of the wife, men not only had control over inheritance matters, but "the right to grant a divorce was limited to the state and the husbands themselves".[17] Husbands were able to grant a divorce base on the Seven Sins for women or chilgeojiak (칠거지악); "disobeying one's parents-in-law, failure to produce a male heir, adultery, excessive jealousy towards other women in the household, serious disease, stealing, and talking excessively".[17]

Wartime prostitution

[edit]

During World War II, thousands of young Korean women (Japanese citizens at that time) were recruited, in some cases were sold by own parents, to work as prostitutes or "comfort women" by contracts with Korean brothels to serve for the Japanese Imperial Army.[18][19][20] During the Korean War, the United States enlisted more than one million South Korean women into military prostitution.[21][22] According to the Journal of Korean Studies authors Han and Chu, "military establishments have depended upon and justified the systematic discrimination of women by promoting gendered notions of femininity and masculinity, weakness and strength, conquered and conqueror."[21] Han and Chu call these prostitution as "military sexual slavery" and that it has contributed to the patriarchal ideologies that perpetuate gender inequality in South Korea[21] although the controversial[23][24] Japanese publication Japan Forward, which has been described as having far-right political leanings,[23] argued that comfort women during World War II should not be considered as "sex slaves".[25]

Kim Hak Sun stated an officer harmed and threatened her by saying that she would be killed if she did not obey him. She was then brutally raped. Together with other 4 young Korean women, she had to be a "hygienic tool used by Japanese soldiers to satisfy their sexual desire."[26] In the comfort station, the victims aged between 17 and 22 had to deal with about 7 to 8 Japanese soldiers a day in small rooms that were separated from one another by cloth. Lee Yong-soo was sixteen when she was forced to become a comfort woman.[27] She recalls that on average, she was forced into sexual relations with four to five men a day and did not have any rest even when she was menstruating.[2] She also says that she "suffered electrical torture, was beaten and was cut by a soldier's knife."[28] She learned to submit, not wanting to be shocked or beaten again.[29] Kim Bok-dong at age 14~15 in 1941, and her mother were lied to by Japanese authorities; Kim Bok-dong was told that she was to support the war efforts by working in a military clothing factory and would return in three years. If not, her family would be considered traitors. The Japanese authorities demanded that her mother, who could not read, sign a document. Her mother conceded to the demand, believing that her daughter would work in a factory in Japan.[30] Instead, she was put into militarized sexual slavery in Japanese occupied territories for eight years, including Guangdong, Hong Kong, Singapore, Indonesia, and Malaysia. Kim Bok-dong was raped every day, especially from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. on Sundays. Many Koreans view these as atrocities and raise money for charities including many celebrities [31]

Legislation

[edit]

After the democratization of Korea, the number of feminist movements greatly increased.[32][33] The Korean government began to address gender equality issues in the late 20th century with the following legislative acts:[10]

  • Sexual Equality Employment Act (1987)[32]
  • Act on Equal Employment and Reconciliation of Work and Family (1989)[34]
  • Mother-Child Welfare Act (1991)[35]
  • Punishment of Sexual Violence and Protection of the Victim Act (1993)[35]
  • Women's Development Act (1995)[35]
  • Prevention of Domestic Violence and Protection of the Victim Act (1997)[35]

In 2005, the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family was established and the patrilineal family register (hoju) was abolished.[32][21] While gender equality in policymaking and governance has improved over the last few decades, gender equality in labor markets and the division of labor has remained stagnant.[36][21]

Park Geun-Hye
Park Geun-Hye

Park Geun-hye

[edit]

Although women gained the rights to vote and run for election in 1948, women have historically been underrepresented in South Korean politics.[37][38][39] When Park Geun-hye became South Korea's first female president in 2012, many viewed her election as a victory for gender equality in South Korea.[9][40] Four years later, her scandal and impeachment nullified any progress made by her election and left many convinced that women are not fit to lead their country.[9] Many experts were also skeptical about watching Park Geun-hye as a female politician, saying she used her gender as an opportunity to influence conservative politics, and attempted to involve gender issues into seemingly unrelated political debates.[41]

Professional inequality

[edit]
The Gender wage gap in OECD countries[42]

The professional inequality in South Korea is atypically high among developed countries.[2][4] This type of inequality can be seen in statistics concerning South Korea's wage gap, employment rates, occupational segregation, and parental leave.

Wage gap

[edit]

In their 2001 article about gender differences in earnings among South Korean workers in 1988, Monk-Turner and Turner report that "all else equal, men earn from 33.6 percent to 46.9 percent more than women with comparable skills."[43] In 2017, the OECD placed Korea in the last position of all OECD countries for gender pay gap, a position that has not improved since the OECD first published this ranking in 2000.[44][45] The gender pay gap in Korea is 34.6%, while the OECD average is 13.1%.[46]

The gap has improved by 7% since 2000, though the rate of improvement has been slower than in other OECD countries.[45] The Korean gender pay gap has been called "the worst... among the industrialized countries."[47] Korea also ranked the lowest for the eighth year in a row on the Glass Ceiling Index published by The Economist in 2020.[48] The Glass Ceiling Index was determined by the country's performance on ten indicators such as wage gap, labor force participation, representation in senior jobs, paid maternity leave, etc.[49]

Employment

[edit]

Women tend to occupy low-paying, non-regular jobs and are less likely to be promoted to higher managerial positions in the workplace; however, employment opportunities for women in South Korea have steadily increased in the past few decades.[50] Before the Korean War, the employment rate of women was less than 30%.[51] In their 2018 Economic Survey for Korea, the OECD recorded the female employment rate to be around 56.1%, which is below the average (59.3%) for all OECD countries.[50] The male employment rate is 75.9%, which is slightly higher than the OECD average (74.7%).[50]

In their 2013 paper, Patterson and Walcutt found that gender inequality in the workplace stems from "a lack of legal enforcement, a weak punishment system, a tacit acceptance of the status quo by women, organizational cultural issues stemming from the traditional Korean mind-set that allow gender discrimination and a general lack of knowledge about EO [equal opportunity] regulations by many companies."[52]

In addition to the societal and familial expectations of women to be primary caregivers, the OECD report explains that "women tend to withdraw from the labour force once they have children, in part due to shortages of high quality early childhood education and care institutions."[50][53] During the 1970s and 1980s, women left the workforce at a very "early stage in family formation."[53] Currently, they are leaving the workforce later, usually right before or during their pregnancy.[53] May notes that this trend could be due to women's growing financial independence.[53]

According to the World Economic Forum, South Korea is placed at number 124 out of 149 countries in the world in regards of economic participation and opportunity for women.[54] Women are often faced with questions regarding their marriage status, or whether they are planning to have children when applying for a job, and are even prompted with suggestions that jobs in "male dominated" fields aren't appropriate for them.[54]

Occupational segregation

[edit]

Despite the rising employment rate for women, the labor force in Korea is still highly segregated by gender, marked by full-time employment gender share and industrial differences.[55][56] In 2017, women in Korea made up 39.5% of the full-time employment population, in contrast to the 62.7% gender share in part-time employment.[55] The relatively high part-time employment rate for women can partly be attributed to traditional Confucian ideals of gender roles in Korea, in which women are expected to take on the responsibility of family duties and childcare.[56] Part-time employment allows for reconciliation of professional and family life, especially for women, as explained in a 2002 OECD Employment Outlook analysis.[57]

In addition to differences in full- and part-time employment rates, gender inequality in Korea also manifests itself through industrial segregation.[56] In a 1994 article, Monk-Turner and Turner observed that "farming and production absorbed 66.3 percent of all women workers," and "another 29 percent of all women work as clerical, sales, or service workers."[56] In 2017, according to statistics from the International Labour Organization, agricultural sector employment had shrunk to around 5% for both men and women; 82.1% of women workers were concentrated in the service sector, with 11.5% in manufacturing and 1.4% in construction, in contrast to men with 61.9% in services, 20.8% in manufacturing, and 11.2% in construction.[58]

In two decades, aside from the national trend of sectoral-shift away from agriculture for both men and women, the female working population remains highly clustered in certain industries, while the same pattern does not seem to apply for men. Furthermore, in the 2018 OECD Economic Survey for Korea, it was observed that within the entrepreneurial sphere, "female entrepreneurs are concentrated in basic livelihood sectors, such as health and social welfare, accommodations and restaurants, other personal services and educational services, reflecting in part their more limited access to financing and their educational background."[59]

Parental leave

[edit]

Although South Korea offers 12 weeks for maternity leave and the longest paid paternity leave among all the OECD countries at 51 weeks, taking the leave is highly unpopular and unofficially discouraged within Korean companies, which forces women out of the workplace following the birth of a child.[36][60][47][61] As a result, working parents – especially mothers – receive relatively little support for child rearing.[50] Public funding for parental leaves as well as the development of childcare programs have slowly gained ground in South Korea, where childcare and its economic sector had predominately been private.[62]

Household inequality

[edit]
A Korean family in the 1800s
A Korean family in the 1800s

Confucian family values support traditional sex roles, with men expected to do "male-type" work and women expected to do "women-type" work.[63][64][8][10] Since males are expected to be the major breadwinners in families, there is a strong cultural tendency to define females' roles as that of a wife, mother, and housekeeper.[1][60][36] In 1998, a Korean Women's Development Institute survey found that majority of South Korean women did all of the housework in their homes.[64]

As a consequence of household inequalities, South Korean women are marrying later and having fewer children.[63] A 2007 report by Center for Strategic and International Studies notes these trends are "in many ways the worst of both worlds. Korea now has a lower fertility rate than any developed country and one of the lowest rates of female labor-force participation — 60% for women aged 25 to 54 versus 75% in the USA and 76% in the EU."[63] The percentage of Korean women who say it is "necessary" to have children declined from 90% in 1991 to 58% in 2000.[63]

The fertility rate continued to decline to a record low of 0.78 children per South Korean woman in 2022, down from a rate of 0.81 children per woman in 2021. This is the lowest rate of any country in the OECD, the average fertility rate of which was 1.59 in 2020. That year, South Korea had been the only member to have a rate less than 1—a declining population.[65] In 1970, the average age of first marriage for females was 23; by 2005 it was almost 28.[63] The report shows that traditional Korean family and workplace cultures must change in order to prevent serious economic and societal problems due to extremely low fertility rates.[63]

Special opportunity inequality

[edit]

From the 20th century to the modern era, access to tertiary education for women has risen but remains comparably lower than a number of developed countries, particularly those that have a higher proportion of educated women than men.[66] The prevalence of a male-dominated working force, and the stringent parental supervision of children's education made women who pursued tertiary education to view further education as a tool for training children rather than pursuing a career.[51] Although 74.9% of South Korea women (between the ages of 25 and 34) have completed tertiary education - a percentage that is much higher than the OECD average (50.7%) - the employment rate of women with tertiary education is the lowest in the OECD.[67][68]

Within primary and secondary education, greater female participation in STEM fields is being promoted.[69] Tertiary institutions are being pushed to admit more women.[69]

Gender inequalities in everyday life

[edit]

Expectations of gendered role playing

[edit]

Conventional ideals of femininity are constructed through a gender imbalance between men and women, which exhibits itself in everyday life. One example of this is women being expected to perform aegyo (애교) by friends and colleagues. Aegyo is the performance of child-like actions characterised by facial expressions, gestures, and voice tone in order to appear "cute". While this behaviour can be performed by both men and women, it is generally the women who are asked to do aegyo.[70]

In one particular article it was mentioned that women are often expected to perform aegyo in the workplace to "lighten the mood". It was further noted that females using aegyo at work are perceived as more pleasant.[70] The need for women to appear cute and delicate in order to be regarded as pleasant is an illustration of how gender inequality manifests itself in daily life.

Escape the corset movement

[edit]

These daily inequalities and standards of femininity placed on women in South Korea are being challenged by the "escape the corset" movement. The norm for women is generally to have long hair, wear make-up and dress well, while the expectations for men are less rigid. This ideal is so prevalent in society that some women find it necessary to grow out their hair in order to attend job interviews. The escape the corset movement responds to this by encouraging women to boycott clothing and beauty industries. This has led to the cosmetic surgery sector losing money. To further fight these daily inequalities, a lot of women are also against the idea of marriage as in South Korea they would often be expected to abandon their careers to raise a child.[71]

Inequality in the media

[edit]

The conversation of gender inequality is becoming increasingly prevalent in South Korean media partly due to the double standards male and female celebrities have to face regarding their body image.[72] While some stars have spoken up on the matter, female celebrities tend to face much harsher backlash for doing so than their male counterparts.

Media discourse on gender inequality

[edit]

In the South Korean media, female K-pop artists and actors often face harsh criticism for speaking about gender inequality. For example, Irene of the girl group Red Velvet commented on the book Kim Ji-young, born 1982, a feminist novel talking about the daily gender inequalities experienced by women in South Korea. As a result, she experienced a huge backlash from male fans who expressed their anger and disappointment by burning merchandise. The book had sparked much controversy upon release as the Gangnam Station murder had occurred only a few months earlier. While male idols, such as RM of BTS, also read and commented on the book they did not receive as much backlash as female idols. The book was later turned into a film and this too received much hate from the public.[73]

Gong Hyo-jin, a K-drama actress that appeared in When the Camellia Blooms, is also vocal about gender inequality in Korea. She chooses stronger female characters to play in her dramas and works with female directors who share her views. Her actions are met with backlash such as petitions to forbid her films from being screened. There are several other celebrities that have similar situations such as Bae Suzy, Moon Ga-young and Joy from Red Velvet.[74]

Recently, to fight gender inequality in media representation, more K-dramas have started to include strong female characters such as Strong woman Do Bong Soon or Search: WWW. This is a big change from the typical "candy girl" image that has been seen so many times in K-dramas such as Boys Over Flowers. The "candy girl" trope tells the story of a rich man who falls in love with a poor yet optimistic girl.[75]

Body standards in K-pop

[edit]
Further information: Cosmetic surgery in South Korea and Korean beauty standards

Disparities between male and female gender roles are prevalent in the K-pop industry and have been highlighted following the hallyu wave of the late 2000s. The commodification of idols' bodies and practices surrounding idol-fan culture have allowed for the sexualisation of idols, disproportionately reflecting on women's beauty standards.[76] Female idols' bodies have been subjected to scrutiny and objectification from both fans and professionals within the industry. Female idols are regarded as properties of the national collective while male idols are portrayed as the "hard male musculature [that] symbolises Korean global might".[76] This issue has only worsened with the popularisation of digital media such as YouTube and Twitter and the availability of idol content. With a particular emphasis on female idols, success is increasingly reliant on the public approval of one's appearance.[72]

With 20% of young South Korean women having undergone plastic surgery in 2020,[77] standards projected onto female idols fall into a greater cultural practice of inequality and a historical inequity between gendered roles within society. A further reflection of these standards has been projected by expectations of weight conformity imposed upon female idols and the "50kg rule". Famous female idols such as singer IU and members of girl group f(x) have openly discussed the drastic measures taken to lose weight, an expectation seen as imperative for all female idols to follow. f(x) member Luna claimed that her lowest weight was 40 kg, and that she achieved an 8 kg weight loss in just a week after drinking only three litres of tea a day.[78]

Although extreme diets are considered the norm for all K-pop idols, recent media attention has been drawn to the fixation of female idol weight loss, particularly after a Korean drama star commented that "if a woman weighs over 50kg, she must be nuts". A 2016 national survey revealed that 72% of girls under 18 in South Korea compared to 36% of boys felt that they needed to lose weight.[79] A similar study conducted by Dr Yuli Kim found that 1 in 3 South Korean women are predicted to have an eating disorder.[80] Currently, the phenomenon of sharing extreme diet tips by Pro-ana (Pro-anorexia) groups has been cited as a social problem.[81]

Gender-based violence

[edit]
Further information: Domestic violence in South Korea

Gender-based violence is a result of the manifestation of unequal power relations between women and men.[82] Gender-based crimes rely on inequalities of gender and further force women into a subordinate position.[83] Violence against women is a global problem, and one that continues to pervade South Korean contemporary society. For example, women are statistically more likely to become a victim of intimate partner violence and dating violence in South Korea. In 2019, it was estimated that at least one woman was "killed or nearly killed by her male partner every 1.8 days".[84]

The Gangnam Station murder occurred in 2016 when a man murdered a woman he had never met before, claiming it was out of a general hatred for women.[85]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ a b Cho, Uhn (2013). Contemporary South Korean Society: A Critical Perspective. Routledge. pp. 18–27. ISBN 9780415691390. OCLC 741542008.
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i World Economic Forum. "The Global Gender Gap Report 2017" (PDF).
  3. ^ Parziale, Amy (2008), "Gender Inequality and Discrimination", Encyclopedia of Business Ethics and Society, SAGE Publications, Inc., pp. 978–981, doi:10.4135/9781412956260.n365, ISBN 9781412916523, retrieved 2018-10-17
  4. ^ a b "Human Development Reports". hdr.undp.org. Retrieved 2018-10-17.
  5. ^ a b c Branisa, Boris; Klasen, Stephan; Ziegler, Maria; Drechsler, Denis; Jütting, Johannes (2013-12-11). "The Institutional Basis of Gender Inequality: The Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI)". Feminist Economics. 20 (2): 29–64. doi:10.1080/13545701.2013.850523. ISSN 1354-5701. S2CID 154769451.
  6. ^ "Korea |". www.genderindex.org. Archived from the original on 2017-06-11. Retrieved 2018-10-17.
  7. ^ "Gender Equality Universally Embraced, But Inequalities Acknowledged | Pew Research Center". Pew Research Center's Global Attitudes Project. 2010-07-01. Retrieved 2018-10-17.
  8. ^ a b Hoffman, Diane M. (1995). "Blurred Genders: The Cultural Construction of Male and Female in South Korea". Korean Studies. 19: 112–138. doi:10.1353/ks.1995.0019. JSTOR 23719143. S2CID 144533224.
  9. ^ a b c Sang-Hun, Choe (21 November 2016). "Gender Colors Outrage Over Scandal Involving South Korea's President". The New York Times. Retrieved 2018-10-18.
  10. ^ a b c Patterson, Louise; Walcutt, Brandon (January 2013). "Korean workplace gender discrimination research analysis: a review of the literature from 1990 to 2010". Asia Pacific Business Review. 19 (1): 85–101. doi:10.1080/13602381.2012.697774. ISSN 1360-2381. S2CID 155036467.
  11. ^ "Women in the Teaching of Chinese Religions". www2.kenyon.edu. Retrieved 2021-02-28.
  12. ^ Levi, Nicolas (2013). "The Impact of Confucianism in South Korea and Japan". Acta Asiatica Varsoviensia. 26: 9.
  13. ^ He, Huaihong (2015). Social ethics in a changing China : moral decay or ethical awakening?. Brookings Institution Press. ISBN 978-0-8157-2573-2. OCLC 884299489.
  14. ^ Shim, Woochan (2009). "Gender Balance With My Confucian Philosophy: My Own Experience of Empowerment". Reflections: Narratives of Professional Helping. 15.
  15. ^ Gao, Xiongya (2003). "Women Existing for Men: Confucianism and Social Injustice against Women in China". Race, Gender & Class. 10 (3): 114–125. ISSN 1082-8354. JSTOR 41675091.
  16. ^ "1.1 Joseon Dynasty and Confucianism - The Gendering of Modernity and Military Authoritarianism". Coursera. Retrieved 2021-02-28.
  17. ^ a b Han, Hee-sook (2004). "Women's Life during the Chosŏn Dynasty" (PDF). International Journal of Korean History. 6.
  18. ^ Ramseyer, J. Mark (2021-03-01). "Contracting for sex in the Pacific War". International Review of Law and Economics. 65: 105971. doi:10.1016/j.irle.2020.105971. ISSN 0144-8188.
  19. ^ Morgan, Jason; University, Reitaku (2023-02-11). "Comfort Women: Professor Mark Ramseyer Speaks Out as Truth Wins". Japan Forward. Retrieved 2023-06-15.
  20. ^ Ramseyer, Mark (January 4, 2022). "Contracting for Sex in the Pacific War: A Response to My Critics". SSRN. SSRN 4000145.
  21. ^ a b c d e Han, Ju Hui Judy; Chun, Jennifer Jihye (2014). "Introduction: Gender and Politics in Contemporary Korea". The Journal of Korean Studies. 19 (2): 245–255. doi:10.1353/jks.2014.0024. JSTOR 43923271. S2CID 143771495.
  22. ^ Lee, Na Young (2007). "The Construction of Military Prostitution in South Korea during the U.S. Military Rule, 1945-1948". Feminist Studies. 33 (3): 453–481. doi:10.2307/20459155. JSTOR 20459155.
  23. ^ a b Curtis, Paula R. (2021-05-30). "Ramseyer and the Right-Wing Ecosystem Suffocating Japan - Tokyo Review". Retrieved 2024-03-05.
  24. ^ Kim, Youmi; Ives, Mike (2021-02-26). "A Harvard Professor Called Wartime Sex Slaves 'Prostitutes.' One Pushed Back. (Published 2021)". The New York Times. Retrieved 2024-03-05.
  25. ^ Nishioka, Tsutomu (2017-11-23). "Why Korean Professor Believes Comfort Women Were Not Sex Slaves". Japan Forward. Retrieved 2023-06-15.
  26. ^ "네이버 뉴스 라이브러리". NAVER Newslibrary. Retrieved 2019-11-27.
  27. ^ Kang, K. Connie (21 July 2007). "Wartime Victim Makes Heartfelt Plea for Redress". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 1 November 2015.
  28. ^ Mikailian, Arin (6 May 2015). "Former Comfort Woman Visits Bronze Memorial". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 1 November 2015.
  29. ^ Constable, Pamela (22 April 2015). "70 Years Later, a Korean 'Comfort Woman' Demands Apology from Japan". The Washington Post. Retrieved 1 November 2015.
  30. ^ Ok, Bogyean (2006). "Humanistic Globalization, Womanhood, and Comfort Women in South Korea". ProQuest Dissertations Publishing. ProQuest 304921424.
  31. ^ "Yoo Jae Suk Makes Annual Donation to Comfort Women Charity". Soompi. 2016-04-14. Retrieved 2024-03-05.
  32. ^ a b c Laura C. Nelson; Cho Haejoang (29 January 2016). "Women, gender and social change". In Michael J Seth (ed.). Routledge Handbook of Modern Korean History. Routledge. p. 335. ISBN 978-1-317-81149-7.
  33. ^ Woojin Chung; Monica Das Gupta (2007). Why is Son Preference Declining in South Korea?. World Bank Publications. pp. 13–. GGKEY:P8TJK7JKF2Z.
  34. ^ "Korea, Republic of - Act on Equal Employment and Support for Work-Family Reconciliation (Act No. 3989)". www.ilo.org. Retrieved 2018-10-17.
  35. ^ a b c d UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. "Concluding comments of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women: Republic of Korea" (PDF).
  36. ^ a b c "Gender Gap Index Rankings 2013 – South Korea – The Asian Philanthropy Advisory Network". 2014-10-09. Archived from the original on October 9, 2014. Retrieved 2016-06-20.
  37. ^ Park, Kyung-Ae (1999). "Political Representation and South Korean Women". The Journal of Asian Studies. 58 (2): 432–448. doi:10.2307/2659403. JSTOR 2659403. S2CID 144370235.
  38. ^ Women's political participation and representation in Asia : obstacles and challenges. Iwanaga, Kazuki., Nordic Institute of Asian Studies. Copenhagen: NIAS Press. 2008. ISBN 9788776940164. OCLC 237052603.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
  39. ^ Oh, Kyung Jin (2016-07-02). "Women's political participation in South Korea and activist organizations". Asian Journal of Women's Studies. 22 (3): 338–345. doi:10.1080/12259276.2016.1205382. ISSN 1225-9276. S2CID 156733351.
  40. ^ Ltd., Kopernio (2017). "President Park Geun-hye of South Korea: A Woman President without Women? | Kopernio". Politics & Gender. 13: 597–617. doi:10.1017/s1743923x17000204. S2CID 148600006.
  41. ^ "박근혜의 실패는 여성 정치의 실패인가". 시사IN (in Korean). 2017-03-21. Retrieved 2021-05-09.
  42. ^ OECD Employment Outlook 2021, OECD, 2021, doi:10.1787/5a700c4b-en, ISBN 9789264708723, S2CID 243542731
  43. ^ Monk-Turner, Elizabeth; Turner, Charlie G. (January 2001). "Sex Differentials in Earnings in the South Korean Labor Market". Feminist Economics. 7 (1): 63–78. doi:10.1080/13545700010028374. ISSN 1354-5701. S2CID 154602089.
  44. ^ OECD (2017-10-04). The Pursuit of Gender Equality. doi:10.1787/9789264281318-en. ISBN 9789264281301.
  45. ^ a b "Since 2000, S. Korea number one in OECD for gender pay inequality". The Hankyoreh. Retrieved 2016-06-17.
  46. ^ "Earnings and wages - Gender wage gap - OECD Data". theOECD. Retrieved 2018-10-04.
  47. ^ a b "S. Korea reflects lag in gender equality: Column". USA TODAY. Retrieved 2016-06-22.
  48. ^ "Iceland leads the way to women's equality in the workplace". The Economist. 2020-03-04. ISSN 0013-0613. Retrieved 2020-06-19.
  49. ^ "The glass-ceiling index". The Economist. 2014-03-07. ISSN 0013-0613. Retrieved 2016-06-17.
  50. ^ a b c d e "OECD Economic Surveys: Korea 2018" (PDF). www.oecd-ilibrary.org. Retrieved 2018-10-18.
  51. ^ a b Seth, Michael J. (ed.). Routledge handbook of modern Korean history. London: Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group. ISBN 9781315816722. OCLC 883647567.
  52. ^ Patterson, Louise; Walcutt, Brandon (2013-07-22). "Explanations for continued gender discrimination in South Korean workplaces". Asia Pacific Business Review. 20 (1): 18–41. doi:10.1080/13602381.2013.818805. ISSN 1360-2381. S2CID 153567251.
  53. ^ a b c d MA, Li (2013). "Employment and Motherhood Entry in South Korea, 1978-2006". Population (English Edition, 2002-). 68 (3): 419–446. JSTOR 42778444.
  54. ^ a b Stangarone, Troy. "Gender Inequality Makes South Korea Poorer". thediplomat.com. Retrieved 2020-09-02.
  55. ^ a b "Incidence of FTPT employment - common definition". stats.oecd.org. Retrieved 2018-12-12.
  56. ^ a b c d Monk-Turner, Elizabeth; Turner, Charlie G. (Oct 1994). "South Korean Labor Market Discrimination Against Women: Estimating Its Cost". American Journal of Economics and Sociology. 53 (4): 433–442. doi:10.1111/j.1536-7150.1994.tb02615.x. ISSN 0002-9246.
  57. ^ Staff, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (July 2002). OECD Employment Outlook, June 2002. Washington: Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development. ISBN 9789264197787. OCLC 552011070.
  58. ^ "Summary Report". www.ilo.org. Retrieved 2018-12-14.
  59. ^ OECD (2018-06-20). "Enhancing dynamism in SMEs and entrepreneurship". OECD Economic Surveys: Korea 2018. doi:10.1787/eco_surveys-kor-2018-8-en. ISBN 9789264300811. S2CID 242102806.
  60. ^ a b "A Long Way To Go For Gender Equality In South Korea". The Huffington Post. 2015-11-20. Retrieved 2016-06-22.
  61. ^ "Data - OECD". www.oecd.org. Retrieved 2018-11-03.
  62. ^ Lee, Joohee (2017). Women, work and care in the Asia-Pacific. New York: Routledge. p. 214. ISBN 9781315652467.
  63. ^ a b c d e f Neil Howe, Richard Jackson, Keisuke Nakashima, Hyejin Kwon and Jeehoon Park. THE AGING OF KOREA. Demographics and Retirement Policyin the Land of the Morning Calm Archived 2018-11-04 at the Wayback Machine. Center for Strategic and International Studies. March 2007. Pages 37–38
  64. ^ a b Kim, Hee-Kang (2009). "Analyzing the Gender Division of Labor: The Cases of the United States and South Korea". Asian Perspective. 33 (2): 181–229. doi:10.1353/apr.2009.0022. JSTOR 42704677. S2CID 155401981.
  65. ^ "South Korea's world lowest fertility rate drops again". Reuters. Seoul, South Korea. 2023-02-21. Retrieved 2023-03-27.
  66. ^ Connelly, Rachel; Kongar, Ebru (2017-07-10). Gender and time use in a global context : the economics of employment and unpaid labor. Connelly, Rachel, Kongar, Mesude Ebru. New York, NY, U.S.A. ISBN 9781137568373. OCLC 993581679.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  67. ^ OECD (2017). Education at a Glance, Statistics /Education at a Glance /2017:OECD Indicators. doi:10.1787/eag-2017-en. ISBN 9789264279766.
  68. ^ "Education attainment - Population with tertiary education - OECD Data". theOECD. Retrieved 2018-10-18.
  69. ^ a b "OECD Reviews of Tertiary Education, Books /OECD Reviews of Tertiary Education /OECD Reviews of Tertiary Education: Korea 2009". www.oecd-ilibrary.org. Retrieved 2017-12-09.
  70. ^ a b Puzar, Aljosa; Hong, Yewon (2018-06-06). "Korean Cuties: Understanding Performed Winsomeness (Aegyo) in South Korea". The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology. 19 (4): 333–349. doi:10.1080/14442213.2018.1477826. ISSN 1444-2213. S2CID 149853883.
  71. ^ Edraki, Farz (2019). "Escape the Corset". ABC News. Retrieved 28 February 2021.
  72. ^ a b Lie, John (2019-12-31). K-Pop. Berkeley: University of California Press. doi:10.1525/9780520958944. ISBN 978-0-520-95894-4. S2CID 242756304.
  73. ^ "Kim Ji-young, Born 1982: Feminist film reignites tensions in South Korea". BBC News. 2019-10-23. Retrieved 2021-02-28.
  74. ^ "The Korean celebrities making a stand against misogynists". South China Morning Post. 2020-09-28. Retrieved 2021-02-28.
  75. ^ "'Candy girl' no more – has K-drama finally embraced feminism?". South China Morning Post. 2020-03-30. Retrieved 2021-02-28.
  76. ^ a b "Multiple Exposures: Korean Bodies and the Transnational Imagination". The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus. Retrieved 2021-02-28.
  77. ^ Holliday, Ruth; Elfving-Hwang, Joanna (June 2012). "Gender, Globalization and Aesthetic Surgery in South Korea". Body & Society. 18 (2): 58–81. doi:10.1177/1357034X12440828. ISSN 1357-034X. S2CID 146609517.
  78. ^ Eky. "Lose Weight: Diet Tips from f(x) Members | Channel-K". Archived from the original on 2021-04-29. Retrieved 2021-02-28.
  79. ^ "KOSIS". kosis.kr. Retrieved 2021-02-28.
  80. ^ "한국 10~20대 여성 4명 중 1명이 위험하다! 이유는? ChosunPub(조선펍) > 이슈&". pub.chosun.com (in Korean). Archived from the original on 2021-04-29. Retrieved 2021-02-28.
  81. ^ "[구스뉴스+] '갓생' 살기 위해 마르고 싶다는 프로아나…우리 사회가 바꿔야 할 것들". JTBC (in Korean). 2021-04-15. Retrieved 2021-05-09.
  82. ^ "Violence and gender equality". IPPF. 2012-09-28. Retrieved 2021-02-28.
  83. ^ Assembly., United Nations. General (1997). Declaration on the elimination of violence against women. United Nations Dept. of Public Information. OCLC 37435361.
  84. ^ "Most victims of dating violence in Korea are women: police". The Korea Herald. 2020-06-29. Retrieved 2021-02-28.
  85. ^ "Pink elephant's 'Zootopia' protest aggravates Gangnam murder controversy". The Korea Herald. 2016-05-23. Retrieved 2021-02-28.
[edit]
Retrieved from "https://wiki.riteme.site/w/index.php?title=Gender_inequality_in_South_Korea&oldid=1256956486"